Sanctuary Challenges & Little League Visas Denied

29 Jul 2025 · 37 min · 16 chapters

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In short

The episode covers U.S. immigration enforcement conflicts with “sanctuary” jurisdictions, plus related visa and higher-education policy stories. Immigration attorney Leon Fresco explains sanctuary cities’ two common features: limiting information sharing with ICE about arrestees, and refusing to comply with ICE administrative detainer requests unless there’s a federal judicial warrant. Key claim: this makes deportation harder because ICE must locate people again after release; he notes some arrestees are acquitted, so “criminal” is not always accurate. Notable example: New York City’s lawsuit after a shooting of an off-duty CBP officer; the administration alleges an ignored ICE detainer allowed a suspect to be released and later commit the crime. Fresco also discusses denaturalization: DOJ prioritizing it, requiring material misrepresentation in green card/citizenship applications, and its resource-intensive nature. Next, he discusses Venezuela’s Little League team denied visas for the Senior Baseball World Series, arguing exceptions exist and fears reduce attendance.

Guests

Leon Fresco (immigration attorney, Holland & Knight; former head of Office of Civil Immigration Litigation). Also referenced: Bloomberg Education reporter Liam Knox (interviewing Christopher Ruffo) and Bloomberg Education’s coverage of Christopher Ruffo (conservative activist).

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Sanctuary Cities Overview

1:07 to 2:04

Discussion on the definition and implications of sanctuary cities.

“This is Bloomberg Law with June Grosso from Bloomberg Radio.”

Sanctuary Policies Explained

2:04 to 4:18

Explaining the components and impact of sanctuary city policies.

“Well, there's two components of what people talk about when they mention sanctuary cities.”

Impact on Deportation Efforts

4:18 to 6:01

How sanctuary city laws complicate ICE's deportation efforts.

“I mean, having a sanctuary city, does that really hold up their immigration efforts?”

Case Study: NYPD and CBP Officer Shooting

6:01 to 7:58

Analyzing the implications of sanctuary policies in a specific shooting case.

“I can't say criminals because some of these folks who get arrested are going to be acquitted.”

Legal Arguments Against Sanctuary Cities

7:58 to 12:32

Exploration of legal arguments made by the Trump administration against sanctuary cities.

“Both were here illegally and both were arrested and released in New York.”

Recent Court Ruling

12:32 to 14:00

Details on a judge dismissing the Trump administration's lawsuit against Illinois.

“Coming up next on the Bloomberg Law Show, I'll continue this conversation with Leon Fresco, why Venezuela's Little League team was denied visas to take part in the league's Senior Baseball World Series in South Carolina.”

Legal Standing in Sanctuary Cases

14:00 to 18:01

Explore the legal arguments surrounding standing in sanctuary city lawsuits.

“as the ones we were just talking about in New York.”

Denaturalization of Citizens

18:02 to 21:00

Understand the complexities and challenges in the denaturalization process.

“I want to turn to denaturalization, which has been in the news a bit lately.”

Potential Citizenship Stripping Cases

21:01 to 23:26

Discuss the implications of denaturalization in high-profile cases.

“So Trump has raised the prospect of stripping citizenship from Elon Musk and New York City Democratic mayoral candidate Zoran Mondami.”

Venezuelan Little League Visa Denials

23:26 to 27:39

Examine the impact of visa refusals on a Venezuelan Little League team.

“Let's transition yet again because there are so many immigration topics in the news.”
Show all 16 chapters

Columbia University and Trump Administration Deal

28:23 to 29:15

Discussion on Columbia University’s settlement with the Trump administration regarding federal funding and educational reforms.

“Columbia University reached a landmark deal with the Trump administration to restore federal funding for research.”

Christopher Rufo's Influence on Education Policy

29:15 to 31:16

Exploration of Christopher Rufo's role in shaping education policy and the anti-DEI movement.

“He's been influential, in fact, in the conservative movement's intensified focus on education and higher education in particular for the past few years.”

Federal Funding Levers in Higher Education

31:16 to 33:10

Analysis of how federal funding is being used as leverage against universities and the potential expansion of this strategy.

“So it's a wide-ranging campaign that the administration is waging in the higher ed sphere.”

Accreditation and Broader Implications

33:10 to 35:35

Discussion about the role of accreditors in federal funding strategies and their impact on universities.

“Just today, they launched another into Duke University.”

Ruffo's Educational Journey and Perspective

35:35 to 36:55

Insight into Christopher Rufo's educational background and his ideological influences.

“There's a lot of talk about what – that's another lever, another arrow in the quiver of the administration in their bigger campaign here.”

Future of Education Policy under Trump

36:55 to 38:10

Speculation on the longevity of Trump administration's education policies and their potential changes.

“It's not just Chris Ruffo who attended elite institutions.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00The thing about AI for business, it may not automatically fit the way your business works. At IBM, we've seen this firsthand, but by embedding AI across HR, IT, and procurement processes, we've reduced costs by millions, slash repetitive tasks, and freed thousands of hours for strategic work. Now we're helping companies get smarter by putting AI where it actually pays off, deep in the work that moves the business. Let's create smarter business, IBM. Early morning on a Manhattan sidewalk, a shooting caught on surveillance video. It was an assassination-style killing, and everybody saw it. Now, as Luigi Mangione prepares to stand trial for the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, which he denies, a new podcast series from ABC Audio and 2020 goes inside this captivating case.

0:54I'm ABC News legal analyst Brian Buckmeyer. Listen to Burden of Proof, Luigi Mangione, wherever you get your podcasts.

1:07This is Bloomberg Law with June Grosso from Bloomberg Radio. The Trump administration has taken aggressive action against sanctuary cities and states, filing lawsuits against Colorado and Denver, Illinois and Chicago, Los Angeles, Rochester, New York, four New Jersey cities, and just last week, New York City. The basic contention of the lawsuits is that sanctuary cities and states interfere with federal immigration enforcement. But on Friday, a federal judge dismissed the administration's lawsuit against Illinois and Chicago. Joining me is immigration attorney Leon Fresco, a partnered Holland and Knight.

1:51He was the head of the Office of Civil Immigration Litigation during the Obama administration. Leon, there's no official definition for sanctuary cities, but can you describe what they are? Well, there's two components of what people talk about when they mention sanctuary cities. So one is the issue of information sharing with the federal government. So that is, if a specific city or locality or county or state has information about someone that's been arrested, the question is, should they share that information with immigration so that immigration knows that there's now someone who's undocumented that's been arrested that they should try to pick up as part of an initiative to pick up people with criminal violations.

2:44That's one. And then the second is cooperation with administrative warrants or what are called detainer requests, which is on the other end, when ICE actually knows that somebody is in custody in a city or county jail or a state facility, if there's an ordinance that says, well, if ICE issues an administrative warrant, which is a warrant that can be issued just by an ICE agent, it doesn't have to go to a court, does that compel in any way the city, the county, or the state to actually comply with that warrant? And so what the sanctuary provisions say is, no, you're not compelled to do anything with that.

3:26If there's a federal judicial warrant, fine, then turn the person over to the ICE agent who's showing that federal criminal judicial warrant. But otherwise, just release them and don't do anything just because ICE is commandeering you to perform work on its behalf. And so those are the two things that are commonly meant by sanctuary cities. It's not really that the city itself is in any way sort of creating an amnesty that legalizes undocumented people or anything like that within its borders. But what it's essentially saying is it's not going to do anything affirmatively to help the federal government in its mission of trying to deport people who are deportable from the United States.

4:17So the Trump administration has been targeting sanctuary cities, which are generally democratic cities. I mean, having a sanctuary city, does that really hold up their immigration efforts? So we're not talking legally. We're just talking about as a factual matter. Absolutely. I would prefer one million times out of a million to be given a list every day from states and cities and counties across the country. Here is a list of people that we've arrested today. go look at all of these people in these lists and try to figure out if any of them are undocumented. And there are many cities in America, some in Florida, some in Texas that do this.

5:01They provide ICE every day with a list of people that have been arrested. And then ICE goes and says, well, out of these 100 people on this list, we care about these 14. Detain them. Tell us when you're going to release them, call us and we'll come pick them up. And because that doesn't happen, then those, let's say, 14 people out of that list from 100, ICE has to go find them. So it would be much easier for ICE if they could just literally be handed that human being and put them in an ICE detention vehicle and put them in an ICE facility. But when you have a law that does not permit that, then those people get released and ICE has to catch them again, just like if they had never had any information about them in the first place.

5:50And so as a practical matter, I don't think anybody would dispute that it practically makes the job of deportation of people with criminal interactions. I can't say criminals because some of these folks who get arrested are going to be acquitted. So that's one of the other problems is if you say you're deporting a criminal non-citizen, The issue is, well, are they actually criminals in the sense that they actually did something that they got convicted for, or are they just wrongfully arrested of something? And then, you know, there's the other argument that people make about, well, yeah, but they're here illegally.

6:25So in and of itself, you can call that person a criminal. But putting that argument to the side, which is a semantic argument that people debate in the political realm, the point being that that group, whether you care about whether they were convicted or whether you just care that they were arrested and people shouldn't be getting arrested anyway, whatever you think about that group, it is immensely harder to remove anyone in that group in any of the iterations if the cities don't give that information and share it affirmatively with us. The administration sued New York City Mayor Eric Adams and other officials after the shooting of an off-duty Customs and Border Protection officer in a Manhattan park a little over a week ago.

7:13They blamed New York's sanctuary city policies for the shooting. Here's Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem two days after the shooting. Make no mistake, this officer is in the hospital today fighting for his life because of the policies of the mayor of the city. and the city council and the people that were in charge of keeping the public safe. Would the suspects have been in ICE custody if New York wasn't a sanctuary city? So according to the lawsuit, one of the two people that had been arrested absolutely did interact with ICE in the sense that ICE placed an immigration detainer on one of the two people, both who committed the crime of the attack on the CBP officer in Fort Washington Park.

7:59Both were here illegally and both were arrested and released in New York. But ICE had actually placed what was called an immigration detainer on one of the two individuals, meaning they told a New York City jail, please hold this person so we can go pick them up and tell us when you're going to release them. And that went unanswered. It was like, you know, If you send a fax to Mars, nobody is there in Mars answering that fax. It's the same concept here. So that detainer is ignored, and then this individual who gets arrested then walks out, and they commit this crime against the CBP officer in Fort Washington.

8:44The argument being, if this had been a locality like some of the ones in Florida or in Texas, for sure that ICE detainer would have been honored, meaning at least one of the two individuals for sure would have been arrested and detained and would never have been able to commit this crime. But even the second one who didn't have an ICE detainer, had New York had an especially cooperative relationship with ICE, then it would have even given the second person, the moment they were arrested, affirmatively the information to ICE and said, hey, please do us a favor and pick up this person because we're really trying to enforce the immigration law.

9:25And so depending on the scenario, either one or both would have been apprehended and would not have been free to commit that crime. Are all the administration's lawsuits against sanctuary cities and states basically making the same arguments based on the supremacy clause? They argue basically three different arguments. They say, number one, that there is preemption, that the federal immigration law actually requires, in a sense, information sharing between the federal government and the state government in the sense that part of the immigration code says that states, cities, and counties cannot pass any laws that prohibit the sharing of information, and here's the key, it says regarding an individual's citizenship and immigration status.

10:23And so the point is, what does that mean? Does that mean only that issue, meaning just number one, are you a citizen? Are you here legally? Or does it mean a bigger basket of information? Are you detained? What time are you going to be released? Where are you detained? What crime did you commit, et cetera? And so that's a debate. Now, to be fair to the states and the cities and the counties, this debate has been had in the first Trump administration and now in the second one. And so far, the Supreme Court hasn't weighed in, but every other court that has weighed in has said that information is just a very narrow, is the person here legally or not?

11:06And is the person a citizen or not? But has nothing to do with this broader basket of information that the federal government seeks. But nevertheless, that's one argument, number one, that what the cities and the states and the counties are doing is preempted because they have to provide this information. And then number two, that it's preempted by the Supremacy Clause because these laws discriminate against the federal government. They give worse treatment to the federal government than they do against others that might ask for this information. They're specifically targeted toward not sharing information with the federal government.

11:40And finally, they actually implicitly regulate the federal government. That's the final argument that was made in these lawsuits, because if you're telling the federal government, here's how you have to operate in a particular location, you have to do this, this, and this in order to get someone from county detention. You have to get a federal warrant. You can't get a civil warrant, et cetera. You can't ask for information. You have to stand outside the jail and try to catch people or stand outside the courts and try to catch people, then you're regulating the federal government in a way that's impermissible.

12:17So those are the arguments that the federal government has made in these cases. But again, to be fair to the states and the localities, they have not been successful at any level, district or appellate court so far, in winning any of these cases so far. Coming up next on the Bloomberg Law Show, I'll continue this conversation with Leon Fresco, why Venezuela's Little League team was denied visas to take part in the league's Senior Baseball World Series in South Carolina. You're listening to Bloomberg. Early morning on a Manhattan sidewalk, a shooting caught on surveillance video. It was an assassination-style killing, and everybody saw it.

13:00Now, as Luigi Mangione prepares to stand trial for the murder of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson, which he denies, a new podcast series from ABC Audio and 2020 goes inside this captivating case. I'm ABC News legal analyst Brian Buckmeyer. Listen to Burden of Proof, Luigi Mangione, wherever you get your podcasts.

13:26The Trump administration has filed a series of lawsuits targeting state and city policies seen as interfering with immigration enforcement. But last Friday, a judge in Illinois dismissed the administration's lawsuit against Chicago and Illinois. I've been talking to immigration attorney Leon Fresco, a partner at Holland and Knight. Leon, the judge dismissed the lawsuit saying the Trump administration didn't have standing to bring the suit. Tell us about her ruling. Very similar laws in Cook County and Chicago and Illinois as the ones we were just talking about in New York. And so the defendants, Chicago, Illinois, Cook County, file a motion to dismiss, and they say, at the end of the day, you can't sue us because you don't have standing because you're not affected by anything we're doing.

14:18If you feel that you are affected by something we're doing, it's because you're forcing us to do things. And, you know, you can enforce all the immigration law you want in Chicago federal government. That's what the city and the county and the state were saying. They're saying you can enforce all the immigration law you want. We don't have officers shooting at you while you're trying to enforce immigration law, or we don't have officers putting up barricades or hiding people or anything else. The problem in these cases is you're trying to make us do things that we don't want to do, and so you don't have standing to make us do things that we don't want to do because the Supreme Court has already held in the famous Prince case, and that was a case where when the Brady Law was passed that developed the National Background Check System, until that system was developed, they said for the states and the localities, they had to do the background checks.

15:14And then the locality sued and said, you can't force us to do background checks. We don't want to do that. You know, there were some localities that didn't believe that constitutionally you could have background checks on guns. And so the Supreme Court agreed. They said the federal government cannot force states and localities, it's called anti-commandeering, into implementing federal regulatory programs. And so that same theory that existed in the Prince case is being applied in these sanctuary city cases, but again in the Chicago case, to say if you actually are saying you have standing because you're being hurt, you're only being hurt because the cities aren't enforcing the law in the way you want them to, and you can't do that.

16:02You can't make a city or a county affirmatively do anything. They can do what they want as long as they're not interfering. And because there was no finding of interference, then the idea was there's no standing because you can't force them to cooperate. You can only force them to not interfere. So can we conclude that the lawsuits against other sanctuary cities and states will likely go a similar way? Yeah, I mean, unless the Supreme Court wants to announce a new doctrine, and there is a final sort of straw that the government is grasping at, which is to say, in the end, we want to distinguish Prince from the sanctuary city cases to the extent that what we're seeking is only information, as opposed to the states or the cities doing anything.

16:54So, for instance, I don't think the federal government will ever be successful in getting the Supreme Court to say that a city or a county or a state has to affirmatively detain somebody because that's an affirmative action that's similar to Prince. But the question is on information sharing, is that going to be something that is covered by print, or will they be able to achieve an information sharing exception, which allows the federal government to force states and cities to share information that they have with regard to foreign nationals, i.e., where are they, where are they detained, when are they going to be released?

17:36And so that is, I think, the final threshold question. And I would say, given that the Supreme Court has been pretty deferential recently toward Trump's efforts to deport people and to enforce the immigration laws, I would say that that one is not so crazy to think that the immigration court might set out an exception for information sharing. We'll have to wait and see. I want to turn to denaturalization, which has been in the news a bit lately. Denaturalizing citizens used to be reserved for extreme cases like war criminals or national security threats. But last month, the Department of Justice made it one of five enforcement priorities for the agency's civil division.

18:26First of all, who are we talking about? We're talking about people who entered the United States, did everything the right way, got green cards, lawful permanent residence, waited the statutory period, passed the English and civic test, and are now U.S. citizens. So they can vote, they can serve on juries, they can apply for security clearances, the whole thing. Yes, these are U.S. citizens, just like someone who was born here. And how difficult is it for the government to denaturalize a citizen? In federal court, when you do a denaturalization, and this is where you can issue all the press releases you want, but in reality, when you do a denaturalization, it is a very resource-intensive action.

19:08You actually have to get the Department of Justice and ICE to work together on filing an actual federal lawsuit against the person, and there actually has to be the equivalent of a trial, and you have to go in and say that a material misrepresentation was made. in either the citizenship application or the green card application, such that had that material misrepresentation been known at the time, there's no way the person would have been approved in their application. And so that's the standard, and it's a very high threshold. It can't be something like, oh, you didn't tell us you were in the Elf Club, and it turns out you were in the Elf Club, or you didn't tell us you were in the, you know, Phi Sigma fraternity, And had we known that, we wouldn't have approved you.

19:54No, no, no. It has to be something serious, like cases where people either didn't disclose criminal convictions or people didn't disclose certain terrorist or national security issues. then theoretically there is some argument. Now, the question is, is this going to be expanded out to slightly more frivolous groups of people? We're going to have to wait and see. But I don't think at least in the short term that's going to happen because the Department of Justice at the moment is in a very big crunch in terms of they've lost a lot of lawyers from the department. These cases are very, very resource intensive.

20:39And so to devote lawyers to these cases when the facts are not so compelling is not going to be a productive use of their resources. But again, in scenarios where a criminal conviction was not reported or with fake identities, that kind of thing might actually be something where you'd want to do this kind of denaturalization action. So Trump has raised the prospect of stripping citizenship from Elon Musk and New York City Democratic mayoral candidate Zoran Mondami. Could he do that? So you have to go again to the theories of these cases, which is that material misrepresentations were made on either the green card or the citizenship cases.

21:23So on the green card and citizenship cases, the ones that have been made, I have no opinion, nor am I making any allegations against anyone. I won't hold it against you. But allegations that have been made are that Elon Musk reportedly engaged in unauthorized work while he was on a student visa in the United States, which if he did would have been a violation of his student visa, which if he did when he was asked the question on his green card and his citizenship application, have you ever violated the term of any visa you've held? If he answered no, that would have been a dishonest answer. And then thus you can denaturalize it.

22:00That would be his. The Mamdani one would be even more complicated because his would be based off of memberships in certain organizations that they would claim, hey, this guy was cohorting with terrorist-type people, and he didn't disclose this in his application. And so it's similar to the Mahmoud Khalil type of situation. and even though Mahmoud Khalil is easier because he's just a green card holder, but it's the same concept at the end of the day, which is did you fail to disclose the kinds of affiliations that you had with entities that had you disclosed them, we would never have approved your green card.

22:42And so I think that one will be much more challenging because I don't know if there are any such organizations. I'm not aware of any, but who knows? And then the final case that's been brought up is Rosie O'Donnell. She was born in the United States, so for her, they would actually have to find that she committed one of the expropriating acts, which there's only a few of them, which is that you either go to a U.S. embassy and say, hey, I don't want to be a citizen anymore. That's the main one. or you take up arms against the U.S. in a war. But she hasn't done any of that. So there is no provision in the law I'm aware of where Rosie O'Donnell's citizenship could be taken away.

23:23From that perspective, I think she's safe. Let's transition yet again because there are so many immigration topics in the news. Venezuela's Little League team made it to the Senior Baseball World Series, which is being held in South Carolina, as it always is. but they can't make the competition because the U.S. refused to give them visas. Every year there's a thing called the Little League World Series, and they put it on TV. And each year there's more and more coverage. There used to be only coverage. When I was a young kid, there was just coverage of maybe like the final game or two. Now they show the whole tournament, two, three, four weeks.

24:01I bet there's even gambling on it now. Who knows? There's gambling on everything, so probably. Yes, correct. And so the point is that Venezuela qualified, one of the Little League teams from Venezuela qualified to be in the Little League World Series. They were the winner of their tournament. And because of the travel ban that was implemented several weeks ago that said that Venezuelans who were trying to come on non-immigrant visas, meaning visas that were not visas for immigrating into the United States, like tourist visas, which would be the visas these kids would come in under, can't come into the United States.

24:36They're banned. Now, that tribal ban did have an exception. A, literally had one for like the World Cup itself, because I think they understand that, for instance, I think Iran is qualified for the World Cup. And so that one would be very tough if you don't let them in for the World Cup. But secondly, you know, for other things that are in the national interest. So the Venezuelan kids applied for visa and they were denied. And that was just it. They were not given a chance to get one of these waivers. And so from my perspective, I don't know if this perspective is shared by others in the United States, but even when we had the height of the Cold War with Russia, a nuclear power who was intent on killing us and wiping us off the face of the mat, we still let the Bolshoi Ballet perform in New York.

25:25And we didn't ban them from the United States. And so somehow we made it through the Cold War. I think we'd be able to make it through whatever this period is by letting some little kids play baseball. But call me crazy. So there are these exceptions. But do you think that fewer people will come to the United States to attend the events because of fears of the travel ban or other restrictions? Absolutely. I mean, we already saw that with the Club World Cup, where we had a number of stadiums that were quite empty in cases where you would normally have expected the stadiums to have many more people because people would have been having summer travel to come visit their teams from all over the world.

26:08And there was concern that I heard both specifically from actual human beings, but also that were reported by news outlets. But, you know, I just corroborated with my individual clients who said, we're not going to come in because we're afraid that something will happen to us if we try to enter the United States. I mean, it is a fear that is not justified, just to be clear, if one looks at this from a statistical level and says, what is the actual chance of something bad happening to me if I come to visit some of these events? but nevertheless, because of various media coverage and other things that's happening, and I think the administration needs to be doing more to assuage these concerns, but because that's not happening, then you have these situations where people aren't coming to attend these events, and I don't know what effect it's going to have on the World Cup next year.

27:01We're going to have to wait and see, but it would be a shame if any of those stadiums were empty because I think the president himself wants to see a great World Cup. He's very interested in the event you know he attends and holds the trophy and everything and so from that perspective i would hope that the administration would do what it can to facilitate sports in the united states and so i'm i'm hopeful that they will see the error here and let the venezuelan kids come in because again i just don't see the security concern here of letting those kids come in and play baseball for two weeks. Thanks so much, Leon.

27:40That's Leon Fresco of Holland and Knight. Coming up next, the conservative activist who wants to widen Trump's crusade against colleges. You're listening to Bloomberg. A new chapter in global growth is being written, and much of it is happening in Africa. Africans need to invest. There are deals to be done and business to be won. I'm Jennifer Zabasaja. Every week on the Next Africa podcast, we track capital flows and political shifts shaping the continent's future. The digitalization of Africa is going to power its growth. Riding the world of something like HIV is possible. Population growth is so enormous in Africa.

28:16Listen to Next Africa on Apple, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts. Columbia University reached a landmark deal with the Trump administration to restore federal funding for research. The Ivy League school will pay a$200 million penalty over three years and made other commitments intended to increase transparency and compliance with federal civil rights laws. Christopher Ruffo is a conservative activist who's been influential in the White House's efforts to reshape higher education, and he now wants to expand that campaign. Joining me is Bloomberg Education reporter Liam Knox, who's written about Ruffo.

Read the full transcript

28:58So Liam, start by telling us a little about Christopher Ruffo. Christopher Ruffo is a fairly influential conservative activist, policy designer. He's been very influential in the Trump administration's education agenda. He's been influential, in fact, in the conservative movement's intensified focus on education and higher education in particular for the past few years. He kind of rose to prominence in Florida a couple of years ago. He helped design Governor Ron DeSantis' Don't Say Gay campaign, if you remember that. He was a core architect of the anti-DEI movement years ago, his position at various conservative think tanks, including the Manhattan Institute, where he still works.

29:44And Ron DeSantis actually appointed him to the board of the new college, which was a Florida institution where it was basically the proving ground in Florida for a lot of what has now become the Trump administration's nationwide campaign to reshape higher education and reform higher education along their own lines. So will you explain, is the effort to reform higher education, is it mainly an effort against DEI or an effort against so-called wokeness in higher education? Or is it about combating anti-Semitism on campuses? The answer is it's all of the above, and the focus has shifted as the news cycles have shifted.

30:27Back in February and March, when the negotiations, the terms of negotiation were being set with some of these universities, primarily, first and foremost, Columbia University, the focus really was campus anti-Semitism claims that these universities had fostered or enabled kind of anti-Semitic harassment on campus during the encampment protest movement. But it's grown significantly since then, and you see that actually even in terms of the Columbia settlement that came out last week. They included anti-DEI measures, a commitment not to discriminate based on race or sex in various programs, commitment to be transparent in releasing data around race and merit in admissions.

31:07It included a lot of stipulations around international student enrollment, which the Trump administration's agenda has sort of encompassed as well in higher ed with their campaigns to revoke student visas and curtail international enrollment at American universities. So it's a wide-ranging campaign that the administration is waging in the higher ed sphere. And, you know, that has kind of always been true. But in terms of where they're headed next, I think it's just one of the things that are reporting on this story with Rufo and folks in the education department whose ear he has show that it's only set to expand even wider.

31:51And expand even wider, meaning expand the number of schools that they're going to target with the loss of federal funding or expand what they're asking from the schools? I think the number of schools. The main finding here is that, yes, the administration, the White House, the Education Department, a number of other agencies, health and human services, agencies that control federal funding for research, federal financial aid funding, things like that. That is the main lever kind of of power that they've been using against specific institutions that they're investigating or that they are bringing to the negotiating table around federal funding freezes like Columbia, like Harvard.

32:32But those are just a handful of institutions which serve a very comparatively small number of students across the country. What Ruffo told us basically was that he'd had at least some level of interest from the Education Department and from the White House in a broader plan to not necessarily threaten every school with the loss of federal funding, but to attach terms similar to those we saw Columbia accept last week into basically bake them into federal contracts in research grants, in kind of Title VI compliance. That's basically civil rights law, anti-discrimination law. That's another big lever that they've been using in a slew of Department of Justice investigations around that lately.

33:16Just today, they launched another into Duke University. But basically, right now, they've been doing this piecemeal, targeting a few elite institutions here and there, targeting a few dozen in some of these big batches of civil rights investigations. investigations. The most wide-ranging effects have been felt in the elimination or the freezing of research funds because those aren't always targeted at specific universities. There's also been just kind of a lot of spending cuts in that area. Rufo's plan would basically be a blanket policy for federal funding for all universities. And there's really very few universities that don't take federal funding in some form or another.

33:56And so it would have a near universal impact on higher education. He's pushing this idea. Has the administration in any sense been receptive to this? It's my understanding that they have. I mean, it's actually public that at least the secretary of education, Linda McMahon, is supportive of it in spirit. She tweeted or posted on X her support for Rufo's plan, calling it a compelling roadmap, basically, to bringing this campaign wider to other campuses across the country. And Rufo himself told us that he had circulated the plan among political appointees and senior officials in the White House at the Education Department, that some of them had even helped him draft parts of the plan, the strategy.

34:37And so it's certainly not out of the question to see this becoming policy soon. When I spoke to the Education Department about it, they basically said that there was no implementation in the works, but did not deny that it is a possibility in the future. The one other piece that is not in the formal plan that Rufo spoke with us about is kind of bringing the accreditors into the mix here. That's a strategy using college accreditation, which are basically very influential, but largely, at least until recently, flying under the radar organizations that approve universities to receive federal financial aid, uphold standards of educational quality, make sure that they're financially sound, these institutions, make sure they're not breaking federal civil rights law.

35:25These are organizations that just recently the Trump administration is kind of bringing into its larger campaign against higher ed. They used it against Colombia. There's a lot of talk about what – that's another lever, another arrow in the quiver of the administration in their bigger campaign here. And that would be extremely universal. And that's something that the education department has – that folks in the education department have discussed and explored before. So, you know, I don't think it's out of the realm of possibility, and it would be enormously impactful. Rufo went to Georgetown and Harvard.

36:02Why did he develop this antipathy, especially, I guess, to Harvard? Yeah, I mean, it's interesting. He didn't actually go to Harvard University. He went to the Harvard Extension School, which is not really a part of the university. They offer university degrees, but they don't really reject anyone. Basically, you pay for a program. A lot of adults take this just because they're interested in auditing classes at Harvard. So he doesn't actually have any really direct ties to the university, but he does talk about his experience as kind of being like a come-to-light moment where he became disillusioned with the way that faculty at elite universities teach, with the focus, he believes, on overly liberal political influence.

36:48So I think that's all part of his ideological journey. He didn't speak that much about it in his interview with Bloomberg. But you raise a good point. It's not just Chris Ruffo who attended elite institutions. It's most of the members of the Trump administration who are making this policy. Do they acknowledge that if the next president comes in and it's a Democratic president who is so-called woke and is in favor of DEI, that these policies could all be changed, right? They certainly could be. That's not really part of the discussion. I mean, I think we're really still in the honeymoon phase here.

37:23It's only been about six months or so of the Trump administration. There's a lot more runway. The folks at the Education Department, at the White House, who are responsible for education policy, have been very aggressive in pursuing it thus far. I think they see quite a lot more room to do that and aren't really thinking about an endpoint here. You know, I think that one of the things Rufo discussed was that he feels that the Trump administration's agenda on higher ed has a popular mandate, an electoral mandate, that DEI is unpopular, that other things that universities' culture there are unpopular, and that reshaping it is something that has popular support.

38:00You know, I guess we'll see if that continues to be true. You know, but that's – I think that's the perspective from which these policymakers are approaching the issue. Talks are underway with Cornell, Northwestern, and Brown to reinstate previously frozen funds. So we'll see what happens there. Thanks so much, Liam. That's Bloomberg education reporter Liam Knox. And that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. Remember, you can always get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at www.bloomberg.com slash podcast slash law.

38:39And remember to tune into the Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight at 10 p.m. Wall Street time. I'm June Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg.

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From the publisher

Immigration law expert Leon Fresco, a partner at Holland & Knight, discusses the Trump administration suing sanctuary cities and denying visas to the Venezuelan Little League team. Liam Knox, Bloomberg education reporter, discusses conservative Christopher Rufo and his quest to change higher education. June Grasso hosts.

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