In short
This episode covers two legal/political stories. First, it explains “debanking” after Trump pardons: even when President Trump pardons people, banks’ anti-money-laundering and “know your customer” risk checks can still deny credit or close accounts. Guests discuss examples including Elliot Broidy (convicted for violating the Foreign Agents Registration Act) and Mahmoud Reza-Banki (convicted for false statements tied to Iranian sanctions), both pardoned at the end of Trump’s first term, yet later denied credit by American Express/J.P. Morgan and other institutions. Key claim: pardons may remove the legal stain, but financial institutions may still treat criminal history as ongoing risk. Second, it analyzes lawsuits over Trump federalizing California National Guard troops in Los Angeles, focusing on Posse Comitatus Act limits and judicial review.
Guest backgrounds
Tom Schoenberg is a Bloomberg senior reporter; Joshua Kastenberg is a University of New Mexico law professor and former U.S. Air Force judge.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOTrump's Pardoning Spree
1:50 to 3:50
Discussion of President Trump's pardons and their implications.
“On the first day of his second term, President Donald Trump granted full pardons or commutations to the more than 1 ,500 people convicted or charged in the January 6th riots at the U.S.”
The Issue of Being Debanked
3:50 to 6:46
Exploration of how pardoned individuals face banking access issues.
“With Bankhead also meant he had applied for a credit card with Bank of America and a 529 account that involved Fidelity and the same situation.”
Legal Representation and Political Beliefs
6:46 to 13:43
Insight into the legal landscape for those facing debanking due to political beliefs.
“Yeah, so they're represented by a firm called Share Jaffe.”
Legal Representation and Political Beliefs
14:43 to 14:55
Insight into the legal landscape for those facing debanking due to political beliefs.
“Brokered services by Open to the Public Investing, Inc., member FINRA and SIPC.”
Legal Challenges of Trump's National Guard Deployment
16:34 to 28:01
Explore the legal complexities surrounding the deployment of National Guard troops during civil unrest.
“San Francisco federal judge Charles Breyer had ruled in September that Trump's deployment violated the Posse Comitatus Act, a 19th century law that bars using the military for civilian law enforcement.”
National Emergency and Military Intervention
28:01 to 29:30
Discussion on the legal frameworks surrounding presidential military authority during national emergencies.
“There's a fundamental difference between that, what the president does with the military versus calling up.”
National Emergency and Military Intervention
29:31 to 30:32
Discussion on the legal frameworks surrounding presidential military authority during national emergencies.
“one allowing Trump to send troops into Portland, Oregon, the other barring Trump from sending troops to Chicago, Illinois?”
National Emergency and Military Intervention
30:42 to 32:15
Discussion on the legal frameworks surrounding presidential military authority during national emergencies.
“Brokered services by Open to the Public Investing, Inc., member FINRA and SIPC.”
National Emergency and Military Intervention
32:20 to 32:30
Discussion on the legal frameworks surrounding presidential military authority during national emergencies.
“Cards are issued by JPMorgan Chase Bank N.A., member FDIC.”
Legal Implications of Military Deployments
32:31 to 37:46
Exploration of the legal disputes arising from President Trump's military deployment decisions in urban areas.
“despite fierce opposition from state and local leaders, has unleashed a whirlwind of lawsuits and overlapping court rulings.”
Show all 11 chapters
Historical Context of Military Authority
37:47 to 39:26
Discussion on the historical legal precedents regarding presidential military authority and their implications today.
“So there's been a lot of discussion about this decision from the Supreme Court called Martin v.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Healthcare doesn't always work great. If you've ever waited on a refill or couldn't schedule an appointment, you get it. That's the kind of stuff Optum is changing. They're using data and technology to integrate patient care, pharmacy, and everything else. So healthcare is connected, not complicated. What's that look like? Cheaper prescriptions that are easier to get and care that looks at the whole person, how you need it. Optum is helping make healthcare work as one for everyone. Learn more at business.optum.com. The thing about AI for business, it may not automatically fit the way your business works.
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1:15Sapphire Reserve for Business offers 8x points on all purchases through Chase Travel, 3x points on social media and search engine advertising, airport lounge access, and more. Chase Sapphire Reserve for Business. It's the card that gives back all you put in. Learn more at chase.com forward slash reserve business. Chase for business. Make more of what's yours. Accounts subject to credit approval. Restrictions and limitations apply. Cards are issued by JPMorgan Chase Bank N.A., member FDIC. This is Bloomberg Law with June Grosso from Bloomberg Radio. On the first day of his second term, President Donald Trump granted full pardons or commutations to the more than 1 ,500 people convicted or charged in the January 6th riots at the U.S.
2:05Capitol four years ago. So this is January 6th. These are the hostages. Approximately 1 ,500 for a pardon. Yes. Full pardon. That was just the beginning of what has been something of a pardoning spree for Trump. Today, it was the convicted founder of the crypto exchange, Binance, Xiaoping Zhao. Last week, it was convicted former Republican congressman George Santos. But it's one thing to be cleared by the president. It's another to be cleared by the banks. And some of the people pardoned during Trump's first term found that out when they were debanked. Joining me is Bloomberg senior reporter Tom Schoenberg.
2:50Tom, Republican fundraiser Elliot Broidy, who was convicted for violating a lobbying law, and former CFO of social media company X, Mahmoud Reza-Banki, who was convicted of making false statements, were both pardoned at the end of Trump's first term. But explain how those White House reprieves only go so far. So both Mr. Broidy and Mr. Bankey kind of recently within the last year or so sought banking services. Both had applied for credit, Broidy from American Express, Bankey from J.P. Morgan, and were denied. And as they pushed for explanation as to why, in both instances, were told that it was due to a criminal record that they had had, you know, that was tied to the pardon that they received from President Trump in his first term.
3:50With Bankhead also meant he had applied for a credit card with Bank of America and a 529 account that involved Fidelity and the same situation. He was denied accounts or denied access to credit. Is there really a term debanked? There is now. Tell us what that means.
4:38to wipe the slate clean. Really, in terms of how it's been interpreted, it really is this erases that legal stain of the conviction, right? And I think in terms of financial services, what these cases are sort of raising to an extent is, does that necessarily override these risk assessments of private lender that are required under law to prevent against money laundering and to know their customer, which usually is a look back on their history, both financial but also criminal history. When you get a pardon, is your criminal record expunged or is there sort of a big red stamp on it, you know, pardon?
5:13So if you go to the criminal dockets, you would see their note that the case was dismissed, or you would see that pardon in there in some fashion. So for Mr. Broidy, he had pleaded guilty to account of conspiring to violate the Foreign Agents Registration Act in October 2020, but he would yet to be sentenced when President Trump pardoned him. So what you see in his record is you see that his attorneys moved to dismiss the case because of that, which then happened. So it's logged there. In terms of Mr. Bankey, he was convicted way back in 2010 of multiple crimes tied to Iranian sanctions. And on appeal, two of those counts were thrown out.
6:01So he had one sort of remaining conviction when he was pardoned for false statements to investigators. So in terms of When you pull up sort of say the press release from the Manhattan U.S. Attorney's Office, at the top, you will see an update on there in red. So the press release stays laying out, you know, extensively what he was convicted of by a jury. But at the top in red, it says, you know, update and it notes both the appellate and then it says, you know, he received a presidential pardon for the fourth conviction. So the record remains. And you can also pull up those cases and you can look at transcripts and see, you know, in the case of Mr.
6:42Broidy, what he said to the judge at the time when he was pleading guilty. Who is representing Broidy and Banky? Yeah, so they're represented by a firm called Share Jaffe. It's a boutique firm here in Washington, D.C. They've really done a lot of work on sort of political conservative causes. They brought cases on behalf of America First Legal, which is an advocacy group that was co-founded by current White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller. They've also did a lot on behalf of Elon Musk some years ago when he said he would have legal representation for people that may have been penalized for what they've said on his social media network, Twitter and then X.
7:26And so they famously kind of represented a Disney actress who had lost her job because some postings online. Those are just a flavor of some of the cases that they've brought. Some MAGA people think that conservatives are being debanked for their political beliefs. And you write that it's become an obsession with some, including President Trump. Yes. I mean, President Trump and the Trump Organization has sued Capital One Financial Corps in making accusations that they had improperly kind of closed hundreds of accounts that the Trump Organization had. And Capital One denied any sort of wrongdoing here.
8:06They moved to have the case dismissed. That's in front of a judge right now. And the argument on their end is that they had the right to cancel accounts based on sort of the contracts that they had for those accounts. It's been a personal issue for the president. Additionally, in August, he issued an executive order directly at this issue called Guaranteeing Fair Banking for All Americans, in which he calls out the quote-unquote debanking of specifically conservatives and others for whether political or religious reasons, and orders financial regulators to remove some of the standards they had in reviewing accounts at institutions, as well as kind of looking back and see whether any people's accounts had been closed due to whether political, religious reasons, or some other sort of unfair determination.
9:04So that's ongoing right now. I mean, is there any evidence that banks are targeting, specifically targeting conservatives because of their political views? After January 6th, there were a lot of sort of stories coming out. You know, there was a lot of concern that people were losing their accounts in some way. I mean, banks have a lot of leeway in terms of deciding whether to close an account. They kind of use this term reputational risk. That's kind of a catch-all when sort of making those determinations. And that also includes sort of looking at, you know, news media accounts involving people.
9:47That's one thing they look at. And so I've seen it on sort of both ends. I mean, I think on the Democratic side, Elizabeth Warren and others have also been very vocal about claiming that certain Americans were losing their banking, specifically Muslim Americans, you know, so it has been on both sides of the political aisle. Since the executive order, have banks been making changes?
10:37One of the things that happened after he brought his case over not receiving credit from J.P. Morgan is it happened that he had two accounts at another institution called First Republic Bank, which in 2023 had collapsed and was taken over by J.P. Morgan. and that included two of his accounts. So initially, they had moved to close those two accounts with one of their anti-money laundering executives selling the court due to his earlier conviction. Once this lawsuit was sort of underway and he moved for a temporary restraining order to stop them from closing those accounts, J.P. Morgan kind of reversed itself and they made the decision.
11:21They told us that they looked at, you know, that appeal that he was successful on with some of the criminal accounts. They also looked at it had been 15 years to them that this time had gone by without any other sort of criminal allegation against him. And so they're going to keep those accounts open. So you're also seeing it here at this level in the litigation. Did Broidy ever get an American Express card? Unclear at the moment, but in terms of his matter, his company, Brody Capital, it's an investment firm. And the company had an American Express card. It was under his operations manager's name.
11:59He wanted one for himself. And that's what sort of sparked all this when they denied him. And at the moment, this is still in litigation. In fact, there's a hearing this week in the matter. and on American Express's end, they are telling the judge that they need to dismiss this case because these card member agreements, account agreements, usually require that disputes be handled in arbitration. And from the bank's point of view, explain why they might not want to extend credit to someone who was convicted of a crime, especially financial crimes. Right. Well, it's really a liability issue for the banks that they're making these assessments.
12:36they have to comply under the law that the people who they're giving access to the U.S. financial system to are not going to be using it for illicit purposes. So you have a twofold. One, if someone's a fraudster, the bank itself could later be sued by victims claiming that they didn't do enough. They can also be penalized by the government for not abiding by all the rules and regulations to ensure that we have a safe banking system. So if somebody has some type of financial crime on the record, that's going to be looked at very closely by the bank. You know, in terms of how aggressive they are in this space, talking to a number of defense lawyers, a lot of times people lose their banking even at the first sign of an investigation, let alone a conviction.
13:23So, you know, it's quite common for a bank to receive a subpoena even for records of somebody, you know, related to a case and immediately cut off an account. So someone might learn they're under investigation just by losing access to their banking. It's kind of a large wave in terms of, you know, investigation and losing banking. It's really been a fascinating conversation. Thanks so much, Tom. That's Tom Schoenberg, Bloomberg senior reporter. Support for the show comes from Public.com. If you're actively involved in your portfolio, you probably catch yourself repeating the same actions. Buying the dip, manually sweeping idle cash, putting on a hedge.
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15:24deep in the work that moves the business. Let's create smarter business. IBM. When you own your own business, you own every decision. Now own the card that rewards you for it. The Chase Sapphire Reserve for Business card brings the best Sapphire Reserve benefits to business owners who expect hardworking rewards. Designed to meet the needs of business owners at scale, this pay-in-full card elevates your travel experience and offers premium benefits and value toward business services that will take your business to the next level. Fuel your business and maximize rewards with 8x points on all purchases through Chase Travel, 3x points on social media and search engine advertising, annual partnership credits, and more.
16:04Make every journey more rewarding with a$300 annual travel credit and access to a network of airport lounges, whether you're looking for pre-flight productivity or time to rest and recharge. Chase Sapphire Reserve for Business. It's the card that gives back all you put in. Learn more at Chase.com forward slash Reserve Business. Chase for business. Make more of what's yours. Accounts subject to credit approval. Restrictions and limitations apply. Cards are issued by JPMorgan Chase Bank N.A., member FDIC. The Trump administration got some serious pushback from a panel of Ninth Circuit appellate judges during oral arguments over the administration's deployment of thousands of California National Guard troops to Los Angeles in June.
16:50San Francisco federal judge Charles Breyer had ruled in September that Trump's deployment violated the Posse Comitatus Act, a 19th century law that bars using the military for civilian law enforcement. The Trump administration appealed, and Judge Eric Miller was one of the appellate judges who sounded skeptical that the protests were violent riots that created an exception to Posse Comitatus. He questioned the Justice Department's attorney, Eric MacArthur, about the extent of the protests. Why is a couple of hundred people engaging in disorderly conduct and throwing things at a building over the course of two days of comparable severity to an invasion or a rebellion?
17:44Well, because violence is being used to thwart enforcement of federal law. But violence is used to thwart enforcement of federal law all the time. I mean, like the FBI goes to arrest somebody and he shoots at them or tries to run away. And that happens every day. Right. On the same day the oral arguments took place, Wednesday, the full Ninth Circuit declined to re-year on bank, meaning the full court, another decision allowing Trump's federalization of the California National Guard. If it sounds confusing, that's because it is. And here to help us sort it out is Joshua Kastenberg, a professor at the University of New Mexico Law School and a former judge in the U.S.
18:31Air Force. Josh, let's start with the oral arguments over the Posse Comitatus Act. One of the things the Trump administration argued was that the president has unreviewable power when it comes to deploying the National Guard. One of the things that the administration is arguing is that if you go back to the beginning of the country and you look at this case called Martin v. Mott, which the Supreme Court ruled on in 1827, coming out of the War of 1812, it just took a while for that issue to percolate up to the court, that the president's authority to declare something an emergency is non-reviewable by the courts.
19:18That's what the administration's position is. California's position, New York's position, Illinois position is that's not true, that the president is commander in chief and the commander in chief's orders to his or her troops may be non-reviewable by the courts. but the actual declaration of an emergency or the use of those troops is clearly reviewable by the courts. So those are two different things. And that's central to what the Ninth Circuit is trying to rule on right now. And so did it seem like the judges were skeptical about the government's argument that they couldn't review it? Well, I believe they are.
20:03I mean, when you say government, there are several governments fighting each other in the court. True, true. Let's say the Trump administration. Yeah, I think the judges are skeptical about that. To me, it goes back to the Youngstown Sheet and Tube versus Sawyer decision in the last days of the Harry Truman administration, when Truman tried to make a similar argument. And the thing is, you know, I go back to one of the things that William O. Douglas mentioned in his concurrence in that plurality, which is, if a president is free to declare anything as an emergency, so to abridge the basic rights of the people, then all we'll have in the future is government by emergency.
20:46That it'll just be the idea of a president, the laws in the way, the peacetime laws are in the way. So to avoid dealing with the courts, I'm just going to declare things are an emergency. And I think the Ninth Circuit is skeptical of that argument, as they should be, because, you know, the courts and the country as a whole have already been warned that that argument is a nonstarter when it comes to domestic issues. issues. Another issue was whether Trump had violated the Posse Comitatus Act. So the White House had framed the protests as violent riots. But Judge Eric Miller, a Trump appointee, asked why a few hundred people engaging in disorderly conduct over two days was comparable to an invasion or a rebellion.
21:37And he pushed the Trump administration lawyer on that. Yeah, you know, as he should be skeptical. I mean, a riot, an insurrection, a rebellion, none of them have, you know, really true tight legal definitions. I look at a rebellion and I look at South Carolina militia firing on Fort Sumter in 1861. That's clear that that's a rebellion. politicians have called things rebellions before that are far short of a rebellion or an insurrection and world war one there was a group of farmers in oklahoma who thought they could march on washington dc to prevent the draft from occurring they called it the green corn rebellion it's really just about a thousand farmers it wasn't a rebellion at all and most of them didn't make it out of state so a rebellion or an insurrection is something that either threatens to topple the government or completely prevents the government from fulfilling its functions, whether that's a federal or a state government.
22:40And that's not at play here. You do have people breaking the law. You also have the majority of people simply exercising their constitutional rights of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. And if a president can call that a rebellion, an insurrection, or an uncontrollable riot, we'll never hear the end of that. That will be used to crush dissent. So I think where the Trump appointee, the judge, is coming down on, and it's something I think we should all take to heart, is this is not a case about whether or not the president can use law enforcement. This is a case about whether the president can use the military as law enforcement.
23:21And that's what the posse comitatus law was drafted to prevent. In 1877, the Posse Comitatus Act comes into being partly as Southern demands to end reconstruction, Southern demands to prohibit the use of the army to enforce civil rights, kind of as a sordid beginning. But also it was a reflection on what the framers of the Constitution feared, which was a standing army being used to police the people, to coerce how they vote, and who would remain in office and who remains in power and the like. Until Donald Trump, the only president that acted in a manner that I would say was heavy-handed was Grover Cleveland.
24:11And Grover Cleveland, though, at least he had a U.S. district court injunction on his side during the Pullman strikes. You know, in the Midwest in 1895, there was a wide-scale labor strike. There were anarchists who were a part of that strike, although most of them were simply following Eugene Debs, who later ran for president. But the strikers were preventing the mail from going on trains. And so that's what Grover Cleveland and his Attorney General Richard Olney latched onto and using the army to suppress the strike. But again, they had gone to the courts first and gotten permission. Here you have the president acting as though the courts don't matter, as though the courts are not a co-equal branch of government, and he can use the military for anything he wants, and it's non-reviewable.
25:04And I think that's where the skepticism comes in from the Trump appointee. But there's one other thing I'd point out. No one is opposing the president enlarging the FBI. No one's opposing the president enlarging ICE or any other federal police force. But the fundamental difference between the FBI or ICE or any other federal police force on the one side and the military on the other is that the president of the United States is not the commander in chief of the FBI. He's still the chief executive. And the FBI is much more free to question a president's orders and to say, the heck with this, and walk off their job, than the military.
25:46And when a soldier, sailor, airman, or Marine gets an order from the president, that soldier, sailor, airman, and Marine operates under a separate legal system, the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and it is the only legal system in the United States which places a burden of proof on the defendant to prove that a presidential order is unlawful, rather than the government having to prove that the order is lawful. So the presumption of everyone in uniform is, the president orders me to do this, I have no choice but to do it. If I don't, I may end up with a dishonorable discharge and a long sentence in a military prison.
26:28And I think that smart judges understand that distinction. And that's why the Posse Comitatus Act is so important, as well as the framers of the Constitution and their division of power, you know, in checks and balances and the fear of standing armies. I mean, there are so many seemingly conflicting opinions out there on Trump sending troops in. So on Wednesday, the full Ninth Circuit declined to hear Newsom versus Trump on bank, meaning by a full court bench. And so that basically upholds the ruling that permits Trump to maintain federal authority over California National Guard troops that were deployed in Los Angeles during the protests.
27:16At the same time, you had these oral arguments also at the Ninth Circuit over whether Trump's deployment of the troops to L.A. violated the Posse Comitatus Act, though that seems to be on its face a conflict. Explain why it isn't. That's a great question. So this is what's going on. No member of the bench, on the one hand, wants to prevent the president from having the authority to federalize the Guard. There would be no desire, for example, if China were to invade an ally or Russia were to invade an ally, that the court should be called to intervene on a presidential call-up. No one wants to spend time in the courts if there's a real, no kidding, real national emergency where the president would have to call up the guard, say a massive earthquake or typhoon disrupts and disables the Eastern Seaboard or California.
28:17So there's a reluctance to intervene in the president calling up the guard, but it's what the president does when the guard is called into federal service or using active duty forces, particularly the Army, which that's what the Posse Comitatus Act covers. This doesn't cover the Marine Corps. There's a fundamental difference between that, what the president does with the military versus calling up. And I think that's what part of the confusion is with these myriad of cases. The other has to do with whether or not a temporary restraining order should stay in effect or not. And just keep in mind that a president or any party may lose on a temporary restraining order, but then win later on on the substantive issue or vice versa.
29:06And so you get all these sort of convoluted decisions. What is the standard? What is the question being raised under the standard? And to the general public who isn't trained in the law, it looks like the court is seesawing between various things and making no sense. But that's really not what's going on. It's that there are these nuanced questions. Coming up next. But what about the conflicting opinions from the Ninth and Seventh Circuits, one allowing Trump to send troops into Portland, Oregon, the other barring Trump from sending troops to Chicago, Illinois? You're listening to Bloomberg. Support for the show comes from public.com.
29:47If you're actively involved in your portfolio, you probably catch yourself repeating the same actions. Buying the dip, manually sweeping idle cash, putting on a hedge. On public, you can now create AI agents that handle all these tasks on your behalf. Just describe what you want to do in plain English. Like, if the VIX hits 25, buy a put option on the S &P 500. Or, if my cash balance goes above$20 ,000, move the excess into my direct index. You approve of the workflow and your agent handles the rest. Monitoring the market, watching for your conditions, and executing your strategies exactly as defined.
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30:23An investing platform driven by your intent, not just your clicks. You can also get full read and write access to your account via the public API. Go to public.com slash market and fund your account in five minutes or less. That's public.com slash market. Paid for by public investing. Brokered services by Open to the Public Investing, Inc., member FINRA and SIPC. Advisory services by Public Advisors, LLC, SEC Registered Advisor. Complete disclosures available at public.com slash disclosures. So there's a lot of noise about AI, but time's too tight for more promises. So let's talk about results.
31:00At IBM, we work with our employees to integrate technology right into the systems they need. Now, a global workforce of 300 ,000 can use AI to fill their HR questions, resolving 94 % of common questions. Not noise. Proof of how we can help companies get smarter by putting AI where it actually pays off, deep in the work that moves the business. Let's create smarter business. IBM. When you own your own business, you own every decision. Now own the card that rewards you for it. The Chase Sapphire Reserve for Business card brings the best Sapphire Reserve benefits to business owners who expect hardworking rewards.
31:37Designed to meet the needs of business owners at scale, this pay-in-full card elevates your travel experience and offers premium benefits and value toward business services that will take your business to the next level. Fuel your business and maximize rewards with 8x points on all purchases through Chase Travel. 3x points on social media and search engine advertising, annual partnership credits, and more. Make every journey more rewarding with a$300 annual travel credit and access to a network of airport lounges, whether you're looking for pre-flight productivity or time to rest and recharge.
32:11Chase Sapphire Reserve for Business. It's the card that gives back all you put in. Learn more at chase.com forward slash reserve business. Chase for Business. Make more of what's yours. Accounts subject to credit approval. Restrictions and limitations apply. Cards are issued by JPMorgan Chase Bank N.A., member FDIC. President Trump's push to send the military into Democratic-run cities, despite fierce opposition from state and local leaders, has unleashed a whirlwind of lawsuits and overlapping court rulings. Some just seem to be contradictory. Others are contradictory. I've been talking to Professor Joshua Kastenberg of the University of New Mexico Law School.
32:56Even for those of us who know, does it seem like courts are coming down with different decisions? Because you had the Seventh Circuit saying that, no, you can't send troops into Chicago, Illinois. And then you had the Ninth Circuit panel with two Trump appointees saying you can send them into Portland. You know, the facts were slightly different, but not that different. You know, it's actually what you say is a great point. Two different federal circuits ruling differently on similar issues is not unheard of. And generally, that's what gets a case into the Supreme Court circuit splits. I'm not a big fan on, you know, this is an Obama judge, this is a Trump judge versus a Biden or a Bush judge, although I will say there's a couple of judges that Donald Trump appointed that to me are clearly partisan towards him, but those judges are not in the Seventh or Ninth Circuit that I'm thinking about, so they're not really playing a role in this at all.
33:58What strikes me is the question of how much deference should a president have on military affairs is key to this. There has been, in my opinion, an unfortunate doctrine called the military deference doctrine. You don't find it stated clearly by the Supreme Court anywhere, but it exists. That goes back to the turn of the last century, at least to the Spanish American War, if not World War I, where the courts give the president greater deference in military matters than they do on anything else. And there are judges who don't like the deference doctrine. And there are judges who seem to just acquiesce to the deference doctrine.
34:45And I think that's where some of this difference is. The Illinois case is before the Supreme Court. Yeah. And does it seem likely on a temporary basis that they'll allow Trump to send troops in? I can't predict what the court will do. I could only tell you what I would hope the court would do, but I can't predict what the court will do. They couldn't guess everything President Trump will do, that they can't guess that. But they sure as heck could have seen this coming when they issue Trump versus United States, because now you have a president who can test the boundaries in a way that no other president did in peacetime before him and thinking, what's the worst that can happen.
35:30It's an official presidential act. I think most of us are still questioning that case and how it came out that way and the chief justice's opinion. Yeah, well, as a legal historian, you know, and there can be differences of opinion, what I would say about this, just like Fitzgerald versus Nixon in 1980, and just like, you know, Deshaney versus, you know, which is the judicial immunity case, none of that is required by the Constitution. What they basically did was shield the judicial branch and the executive branch from having to deal with the normal day-to-day operations of the law that you and I and everyone else have to deal with.
36:13And I go back to Byron White's dissent on the Fitzgerald case. To me, Nixon versus Fitzgerald and Trump versus United United States, the majority showed a disregard and a distrust of the very rule of law that in their speeches every day they encourage us to embrace. I try to be soft-tongued and objective when we talk about these things. It's very difficult to be because if there's one thing that the far right and the far left and everybody in between should agree on and embrace in the law, It's that John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, all these so-called bright men who created the Constitution, and those we don't know of who voted to ratify it, did so with the understanding that military authority would only exist on the borders of this country, that it would never be used in the manner that it's being used now, and that we would never have another Oliver Cromwell come onto our shores.
37:20and we would stop it before it began. Josh, I understand that one of the law review articles you've written was quoted from extensively by the dissenting judge in the Ninth Circuit's opinion turning down an en banc review of the decision allowing President Trump's federalization of the California National Guard. So tell us a little about it. So there's been a lot of discussion about this decision from the Supreme Court called Martin v. Mott. And it's from 1827. And what the government has increasingly used it to argue from is this idea that the president's decisions on national security are immune from judicial review.
38:09And the problem with Martin v. Mott is that its legal history doesn't say that at all. It just focused on what the relationship is between a National Guardsman, but in those days they called it a militia troop, and the president. It has nothing to do with presidential authority at all over the people of this country or over the laws. And I point that out that when Martin v. Mott was decided, the judicial oversight of the military was quite robust. I mean, it went through the New York state court system. You can't challenge military orders in state courts anymore. That ended after the Civil War.
38:51And so Martin v. Mott does not carry with it any of the strength that the Trump administration believes that it does. And my article was published in the Louisiana State University Law Review back in 2021. I wasn't thinking of this issue at all when I published it. I was thinking of something else when I published the legal history article on it. But I'm happy that it's seeing some use now. Well, congratulations on getting cited in a Ninth Circuit decision. And thanks for the discussion today. That's Professor Joshua Kastenberg of the University of New Mexico Law School. And that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show.
39:33Remember, you can always get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at www.bloomberg.com slash podcast slash law. And remember to tune into the Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight at 10 p.m. Wall Street time. I'm June Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg.
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From the publisher
Tom Schoenberg, Bloomberg senior reporter, discusses why it’s one thing to be pardoned by the president, it’s another thing to be cleared by the bank. Then Joshua Kastenberg, a professor at the University of New Mexico Law School and a former judge in the US Air Force, discusses the various legal opinions on President Trump sending troops into Democratic-run cities. June Grasso hosts.
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