1/11/26: Did Trump’s Venezuela Attack BLOW UP The Horseshoe?

27:35This would probably be the most rational thing for them to do is least likely. Yeah. It's to basically like, you know, you know, for Trump to pretend that he's like seizing the oil. But, you know, why are you know, why is Chevron the only firm there? It's because of U.S. imposed sanctions, EU imposed sanctions and UK imposed sanctions. In 2005, when I was there, you still had Halliburton and Slumberg. You know, all these oil oil servicing companies were down there. These companies are not there because they don't want to get in trouble with the U.S. the Venezuelan government would be totally open to having investment.

28:14The reason that ConocoPhillips and ExxonMobil had their concessions taken back, i.e. nationalized, first of all, you know. That was 2005, wasn't it? That was 2007. 2007. And the Venezuelan oil industry was nationalized in 1976, you know, when Hugo Chavez was, whatever, a teenager, early 20s or something. He didn't do it, right? He inherited a nationalized oil industry. But people will talk about, oh, the nationalization of 2007. These were two American firms that had stopped producing and were funding the opposition. And the Venezuelan government was like, hey, the deal was you guys develop these resources and you pay us a cut so that we can run this like social welfare system here.

28:58And if you're just going to sit on it, then we're taking it back from you. Right. And that was all bound up with the early onset of these sanctions. Correct me if I'm wrong, but under the arrangement, they would have been allowed to keep their investment, but they just couldn't have a controlling share anymore so that the Venezuelan government could start production. So, like, okay, we're calling the shots. You guys can still do the work, still get paid, still keep your ownership. My understanding was, like, if you go back to the original deal, like, we want you here producing oil. But if you're going to, like, play games, like, you don't actually own this.

29:32You know, you have a contract to exploit it. Your contract is not to fund the opposition to get us out, to get yourself a better contract. And not to hold these resources off the market. You're not here to mess with us. So you could imagine how the sanctions are removed and Trump is like, we're exploiting the oil. We're going in there and taking it. Whereas the Venezuelans are like, we're renegotiating a relationship with the United States. We're getting the sanctions removed. Because the sanctions are crushing. So I don't know. Or there could be, you know, Rodriguez could be going in that direction.

30:07There could be other elements in the military, in the Chavista government that are like, this woman's a sellout. We got to, like, you know, put an end to this and have a coup d 'etat. Who knows? Rodriguez herself, I'm curious what you think about her and her family. You know, her dad was this, you know, socialist leader who was killed with CIA involvement. um you know well you know very well regarded revolutionary so she comes from this she and her brother come from this like family um how well regarded is she like that doesn't always mean that you're going to be a revolutionary well i you know i don't know i haven't been to venice well for a long time so i don't know but i mean i think that the government still has a lot of support there have been big protests in you know um caracas and other cities demanding the return of Maduro.

30:58So, I mean, there's been conflict. I think, you know, probably on the streets, people regard the government well, but that within the, you know, at the higher levels, there's factions and I don't, I cannot speak with any authority on that level of machinations, but yeah, it's awful. And then threatening, you know, the president of Colombia and talking about taking Greenland. I mean, this is all, it's all insane. Now, of course, in the background is China, you know, and I mean, there's a way in which there seems to be a struggle over, you know, what model of development will be going forward. And, you know, the Belt and Road Initiative, this is China's response to basically the overproduction of capital, the overaccumulation of capital.

31:45I mean, China is running into the problem that Marx and Engels laid out in the manifesto when they were kids in 1848 that like part of the problem with capitalism is that it's really really good at producing wealth and then you have too much money too much wealth and not enough demand and you get this crash he's like and i'm a crashes it's booms and it's like so china has all this excess capital and they're deploying it through the belt and road of just like building infrastructure and thereby also trying to like build markets and connect the world and the u.s clearly seems to be about trying to block that i mean there's a way in which the ukraine war is like you know centerpiece of belt and road initiative is that eurasian landmass and so the u.s through its proxy and in ukrainian government is like well we're going to light a fire at this end of it we're not going to let you like integrate with europe uh geographically no we're going to like block you and there's an element of that here too which is like you know oh you're like making huge investments all over latin america you're buying more and more soybeans more and more oil.

32:47I mean, the Chinese get like between eight and 13 % of their oil from Venezuela. Not a lot, but not insignificant. It's like 80 % of what Venezuela sells typically goes to China. But, you know, there's that which is like, okay, you know, we're going to sabotage your investment plan. You're going to try and incorporate everybody, you know, and we're going to like smash up your investment patterns. But there's another aspect of it, which is that, you know, the U.S. just doesn't have the ability, short of atomic war, to fight a conventional war against China in the Western Pacific. You know, the level of investment would have to be so much higher in terms of the Navy.

33:37I mean, we don't have enough ships to move the fuel for the planes out there. And so there's a realization like, OK, we are rolling back. We are stepping back from the Western Pacific. And that is a Chinese sphere of influence. And so there's an element of this which is like Trump with a squid spraying ink. You know, it's like creating this drama of like, oh, my God, this horrendous imperialist bully. And it's like that's all true. But it's also like a horrendous imperialist bully operating at a much smaller scale than it used to be able to. You know, that global hegemony, that's over. But that's – see, that's very interesting because I was going to ask you about how the Cold War dynamic between the Soviet Union and the United States is in some ways – we're seeing the rhymes of that in what you just laid out with Belt and Road and the United States and China and the United States.

34:28And part of the reason I think the right misunderstands this, part of the reason that you were still dealing with pink tides in Latin America is because there's a lot of anti-American sentiment throughout South and Central America that still exists. I mean, there are a lot of people who like America, have favorable views towards America, but there's also a lot of fuel for some of these leftist politicians and movements that comes from doing things like regime change in Venezuela. There's a Sandinista in charge of Nicaragua right now. And it's not guaranteed that because you took control of Panama and felt like it was stable for 20 years that you now have hemispheric dominion.

35:08These things don't necessarily go together. Yeah. And there's also a lot of poverty and a lot of inequality. Right. You know, you go like places like in Rio or Sao Paulo. It's like people living in shacks with dirt floors, seeing in the sky above them, private helicopters going to elite penthouses. And it's like, you know, you live under those conditions. You're like, really? There's really not enough money to get proper plumbing in this neighborhood? I don't believe it, you know. And so that never goes away. I mean, you can decapitate and crush and discredit. But then it's like, you know, another 10 years, another generation of people being like, why do we have oil?

35:45We sell enormous amounts of soybeans. Why don't we have plumbing here? Why don't we have jobs, you know? And China can exploit that. Yeah. So what does the U.S. get out of blocking China? Like, I hate to put things in, you know, black and white and good and bad. But like one empire is like building stuff and the other empire is destroying stuff and trying to block the other one from building stuff. It's like, what am I like? What are why? Like, what are we doing? I mean, I think that there is a fear in the policy elite of loss of control that it's, you know, you know, if China gets more and more control, who knows what kind of rules could be imposed on the U.S.

36:33And so there's – I mean there's – at the bottom of this – and this is something that a certain kind of conservative, like the people at American Affairs have been pretty good on. I mean at the bottom of this is a realization that was like, wow, what we on the left would call like the neoliberal turn. This was a disaster. This was insane to export our industrial base abroad, which usually means eventually to China, Mexico, Honduras first, but then to China. was in retrospect totally nuts. You know, and be like, oh, we've got all this money. And the economics profession, I mean, I'm in an economics department, professor of economics, even though my degree is sociology and geography.

37:14But I teach political economy. But, I mean, mainstream economics has a lot to answer for this because they have been saying... They were like, this is a great idea. Yeah, all that matters are prices. All that matters is money and prices. And as long as you have a lot of money, then you can just buy what you need. And it's like, yeah, but what if you have an adversary who has a different philosophy and doesn't care about prices and says, well, you know what? We're going to not sell you rare earths regardless of the price because of geostrategic concerns about our sovereignty and our sense of our society as being ancient and venerable and having been pushed around.

37:49And we're in this long-term project of rebuilding our power. And so, yeah, yeah, you're right. We could make more money selling you rare earth elements. But instead, we're going to embargo them and bring you to your heel, bring you to the table. Tomahawk missiles. Yeah. So there's a realization like, oh, actually, it's not just prices that matter. Places, things, skills, all this like process knowledge. You can't turn it out like, oh, you can't actually send manufacturing 6 ,000 miles away and have the designers and engineers in California, you know, be as good. We don't even quite know why, but it's like the people who make the stuff and the people who design stuff have to be in contact.

38:31They have to see it. It's like we don't even quite know why, but innovation breaks down with this kind of globalization of supply chains. There's a lot of ways in which the financialization— In other words, the executives like here in the U.S. have no idea how the product is made, and so therefore can't come up with ideas to make it better. Yeah. The people that would have those ideas are the ones that are making it. Yeah. And or it might come from the engineers, but the engineers have to like be around the people who are making it and then have to have conversations with them. People make it have to be like, yeah, well, if you did this a little different, it's like, oh, OK.

39:03And it can't all be done through documents and Zoom calls and this kind of stuff. Right. And then finance. So it's like deindustrialization, financialization, realizing, oh, that is a path towards sacrificing national sovereignty. Right. And so there is left, right and center concerns about sovereignty. And I think people are waking up and there's this reactionary, I think, horrible element in the Trump administration, which is responding in terms of your question of why why fear China to something very real, which is like, wow, like, what did we just do? That was that was totally insane. And it's like a reindustrialization.

39:39You know, that's never really been done. That would take a long time. I mean, there are very, very serious problems that the United States faces, sort of regardless of your politics, regardless of your image of what you want the distribution of wealth and rights and prosperity to be in a country. It's sort of like, oh, we have sabotaged our own development model here. This is actually another interesting dynamic in the Trump administration because I love your writing on surveillance state and your work on FBI, CIA. the Trump administration, and you've written about this, Trump world more broadly, people like Roger Stone have recently been really critical and skeptical of the FBI and CIA, which sort of engendered this deep skepticism of the, quote, deep state, the surveillance state and the intelligence community in Trump world.

40:30They come in now and CIA is operating in Venezuela on the ground. Trump authorizes that. They're now using the FBI to infiltrate Antifa groups, which is exactly what people were arguing against in principle, not even just in action, but in principle, that it was dangerous. I mean, the right sounded like the left when it was talking about feds and the Proud Boys and all of that. And now they're repeating exactly what they were taking issue with, like the Whitmer kidnapping plot. So I guess that's also something from the Cold War. That's also something that came from the paranoia of the Cold War in a lot of different respects.

41:02And I wonder what it's what you're making of this weird moment where you have a Trump administration doing a Venezuela regime change, but not installing Maria Karina Machado. And then you have them, you know, saying we're we're done with the deep state, but then also infiltrating Antifa. It's just very weird. It is weird. And I'm not I don't fully understand it, but there's definitely not a confrontation with the deep state. It seems like there is. I mean, there's a confrontation with the elements of the deep state, like Comey, who went after Trump. I have no proof for this, but it almost seems like some sort of deal has been cut implicitly or explicitly.

41:36It was like you can get rich with your crypto schemes, basically pay to play right out in the open. You've got this cryptocurrency. People want to cut deals with your government or with your private businesses. They buy your crypto. There's nothing illegal about that. And then never have a conversation of quid pro quo. But it's like, oh, hey, Saudis or whoever bought a billion dollars worth of crypto, let's sell them. F-35s or whatever. I mean, so it's like the Trump family can do that, and they're going to go after the people who went after them. But there's clearly not going to be any new church committee here.

42:14They're not dumping documents. I mean, you know, MKUltra files, there are still redacted MKUltra files. I was just visiting a friend of mine who's a scholar down at the University of Virginia. And like we know there were one hundred and thirty one hundred and forty nine projects in which the CIA and academics usually in universities, hospitals, jails, experimented with psychedelics, particularly LSD. But, you know, we don't know the people who were involved. If if we had the name of all the scholars who collaborated with the CIA and that then there'd be a whole other type of historiography that could happen.

42:52You know, I mean, there's no even discussion about releasing that, but that stuff should happen. Even though there's theories that that's what happened in the Charlie Kirk case and potentially in the Butler case. Like there are people on the right who believe there's MKU. That's where they're going. Right. But to Christian's point, like where is the momentum to actually do something about that structurally? There isn't any. There isn't. So that's all, you know, I suppose not surprising. But yeah, there isn't momentum. And there also isn't there isn't much demand for it, you know, you know, like, I mean, you know, Matt Taibbi was when Trump first came in, was saying, like, there has to be massive disclosure.

43:31And then he dropped that. And there's no one there's no one really on the right who's calling for this. I mean, there was a moment where people say, oh, and now give us, you know what you have to trust the public and you have to just disclose the stuff. And it's like that hasn't happened. And there's also there's no movement. And people say, hey, where are the documents? There's the Epstein thing, right? But that's only one of the dark spots in the history of the American intelligence agencies, which have not only been abusing people in the third world, they have been mucking around in the U.S.

44:04And this is the thing, like, you know, a lot of good lefties don't like to say that because you don't want to suggest that elites consider their interests and coordinate. That would be conspiracy. Other people in other classes do that all the time. But like elites just, you know, they don't do that. And that's about respectability. You know, the professional class lives in fear of losing their jobs. I get it, you know. But that's what it's about. And people, a lot of people know better. But it's like, if you say that, you sound a little weird. And it's like, I'm sorry. It's the facts that are insane, you know.

44:38And if you're really, really, really concerned about not sounding at all weird and untoward, then you can't talk about certain subjects because they are so weird and untoward. Welcome to the A-Building. I'm Hans Charles. I'm Menelik Lumumba. It's 1969. Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. have both been assassinated, and Black America is at a breaking point. Rioting and protests broke out on an unprecedented scale. In Atlanta, Georgia, at Martin's alma mater, Morehouse College, the students had their own protest. It featured two prominent figures in Black history. Martin Luther King Sr., and a young student, Samuel L.

45:18Jackson. To be in what we really thought was a revolution. I mean, people were dying. 1968, the murder of Dr. King, which traumatized everyone. The FBI had a role in the murder of a Black Panther leader in Chicago. This story is about protest. It echoes in today's world far more than it should. And it will blow your mind. Listen to The A Building on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. What if mind control is real? If you could control the behavior of anybody around you, what kind of life would you have? Can you hypnotically persuade someone to buy a car? When you look at your car, you're going to become overwhelmed with such good feelings.

46:03Can you hypnotize someone into sleeping with you? I gave her some suggestions to be sexually aroused. Can you get someone to join your cult? NLP was used on me to access my subconscious. NLP, aka Neuro Linguistic Programming, is a blend of hypnosis, linguistics, and psychology. Fans say it's like finally getting a user manual for your brain. It's about engineering consciousness. Mind Games is the story of NLP. It's crazy cast of disciples and the fake doctor who invented it at a New Age commune and sold it to guys in suits. He stood trial for murder and got acquitted. The biggest mind game of all?

46:43NLP might actually work. This is wild. Listen to Mind Games on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Seems like just yesterday that the Two Guys Five Rings podcast was in Paris for the Olympics. And now we're heading to Milan for the 2026 Milan-Cortina Olympic Winter Games. I'm Bowen Yang. And I'm Matt Rogers. and will join athletes from 93 countries as Two Guys Five Rings hits the Italian Alps for the 2026 Milan Cortina Olympic Winter Games. Open your free iHeartRadio app. Did we mention it's free? Search Two Guys Five Rings and listen now. It almost feels like by design, some of the stuff they do gets so crazy that you sound crazy just talking about.

47:30Yeah, absolutely. Or even knowing about it. Oh, yeah. Marks you as, hmm, that's kind of a weirdo over there. You kind of know, you know a lot about this subject. That's weird. Ryan, you know a lot about Jeffrey Epstein. You know a lot about Jeffrey Epstein. You know a lot about Wuhan. Yeah. Yeah. Right. Yeah. No, it's ridiculous.

47:51So, find your work at Compact. Where else? I have a piece of it. American Affairs, kind of academic, gets into questions of deindustrialization, reindustrialization. It's about, it's a review essay. It's about the role of government in the, you know, in the moments of robust development within American capitalism. But I didn't mean to cut you off. If you've got anything else. Well, no, I was just going to ask a quick question about the media. Like as a journalist who's chronicled a lot of this stuff, new media is this is a weird, almost revolutionary time. Like we're here talking on this set and no corporate backing, nothing like that.

48:28Is that changing populism? Is that changing? and are there any ways you're optimistic about that? I mean, we were talking about, you know, like zines earlier. There's something happening. Yeah, I think that all this new media stuff, this podcast, this, you know, kind of stuff you guys are doing here, I think it's very good. It does make me optimistic. And, you know, the legacy media, I'm not glad to see it decline, but, you know, it's full of flaws and outrageous distortions. You know, one, for example, I was just reading The New York Times the other day and it's like they described Aaron Seary, who is, you know, I am a covid skeptic and I, you know, I was not in favor of the lockdowns.

49:12I was not in favor of forcing this vaccine on people. And so that constitutes sort of like a break with the majority of the left for me and them. You know, there's an article about Aaron Seary, who's an attorney who's worked with RFK. Jr. He sued on behalf of a family that had a child that they thought was injured by one of seven varieties of polio vaccine. And this polio vaccine had not gone through the proper safety trials that the other six had. And what they wanted was for this vaccine to be subject to those safety trials. And the way the New York Times put it was like, he's opposed to the polio vaccine.

49:51And it's like, first of all, there's no such thing as the polio vaccine. There's like two sort of basic categories and then like, you know, six or seven other varieties. And it was the one most recent, most experimental that they were saying, don't take it off the market. They're just saying like, make it past the safety tests that the other polio vaccines have passed or take it off the market. You know, it's just like the New York Times just lying like that. So yeah. But it's one of those things that you sound crazy for talking about. Yeah. Yeah. Which is why I was why I brought it up because I wanted to normalize it for people because I also don't really care if people think I sound crazy.

50:27It's on you. And before we let you go, as a New Yorker, did you want to get your take on Mamdani for a little bit? Yeah. Because he's in the arc of kind of Bernie Sanders, AOC, Mamdani, like literally kind of emerges out of their movement. Yeah. But also seems to have reinvented it a little bit to move, to focus on New York. I think Andrew Epstein is, one of his aides, called the campaign a love letter to New York. And you can tell, he really loves New York. But leading with the material concerns of New Yorkers. Yeah. Making the city the place that it should be. Yeah. Great again. And while he got attacked for all of his identity concerns, and he would speak in every language he could think of to try to reach voters where they were, he did not lead with the kind of language that became popular in the early 2020s among the left.

51:31So what do you think are his, like, what do you make of him so far? What's he got going for and what does he need to look out for? Well, I'm very hopeful. I think he's good. I voted for him. I hope that he can get stuff done. I mean, it's a huge job. There's limits to what the mayor can do. I worry about some of his early steps. Like there's actually a bike lane. In my neighborhood, in Greenpoint, there is, you know, there were these Uber-funded, there's a group called Transportation Alternatives. And these other kind of, you know, and the Transportation Alternatives got Uber funding to basically, you know, make war on cars, which is fine.

52:11I mean, I'm in favor of bike lanes. I mean, I voted for Mike Bloomberg when he was a Republican because the Democrat was saying, I'm going to close bike lanes. And I was like, my life depends on these bike lanes. I'm not, you know. So I'm for bike lanes. But they have really kind of gone overboard to the point where, like, you know, on this main thoroughfare, McGinnis, like an ambulance can't get around stuck traffic. And so, you know, he immediately went there and wants to revive this. And it's like some of that stuff, just because it's coded green, it needs a critical second look. I'm worried about the idea of the Department of Public Safety because it's not at all clear cut that like this is a mental health crisis and this is a criminal justice situation, you know.

52:54And there's a long history of the what criminologists call net widening and mesh thinning. I mean, this is presented as an alternative to the police, could very easily become an additional form of police power that doesn't even incorporate some of the crucial protections like your Fourth Amendment rights. I mean, social workers show up and they're like, we're here to help you. Tell us what's going on. And you say, I just assaulted somebody. If it was the cops, they'd be like, hey, you're acting crazy and we're taking you and you have the right to make silence. You know, I mean, that's pretty important, you know.

53:32And once you come to your senses, maybe you'll be glad that you didn't like emote. Like, I just attacked these people randomly. It's like, get some meds. I mean, and it's also like the, I mean, the problems are so deep. I'm not sure how this, like, changing the thin end of the wedge can do that much. But I'm not saying I'm totally against it. But I would like to just introduce a note of skepticism because I feel that on the left, it's just, it's assumed the cops are a problem. This is a solution. The fact of the matter is the NYPD has become much less violent than it used to be in the 90s. And interestingly, you know, I mean, I think it has a lot to do with the diversification, the diversity of the force.

54:14And, you know, I've written critically about, you know, woke politics and the obsession with that. But I just think the reality, I'm always for actual diversity. But the reality is that the force is less male and white than it used to be. When I was in my 20s in New York City, it was like all these Irish and Italian kids. It's a bunch of guys named Ryan Grimm. Yeah. Ryan O 'Leary. And they were afraid of the people and they looked down on them with contempt. There's tons of women. And in New York, the diversity, the growing diversity of the force has coincided with a declining use of force. Now, there's been an uptick over the last year.

54:51The NYPD needs to get much better about transparency. But the idea that this is an out-of-control police force, I mean, it's not the same force it was in the 90s. And so there's problems with that. And then it's like, I mean, if you have this Department of Community Safety, I mean, do we also have the funding for it? I mean, there needs to be like massive back-of-the-house funding for the mentally ill and drug-addicted people who are unhoused in New York. So, you know, I worry that this could be a billion dollar job jobs program for, you know, DSA type social workers. And that in the end, people are like, you know what?

55:31This is a racket. This is a rip off. What is this? You know, so you got the social workers to take them in. And then the same thing happens as with the cops. They're back out in a week. Like, what's going on here? So I don't have a solution. But my cousin. But I think he's like deep cleaning the subway. Yeah. You know, he's got energy. He's he's smart. the idea of building, the idea of, you know, trimming the regulations. I mean, there are some pretty excessive regulations around building and housing codes in New York City. I mean, it could stand. Now, of course, like. That are often carve outs for corporations.

56:08Yep. Yep. That's true. And speaking of things that the left doesn't want to touch, my cousin in New York has worked in and works in the mental health departments of hospitals and currently at Harlem Hospital. and she worked at Rikers for a while. And the point that she's made is that she's like, there's a population of deeply and chronically mentally ill people in New York City that when, whatever they call it, the institutions, the asylums. Deinstitutionalization. The institutionalization were shut down because of abuses within them. They no longer had a place to go. And what they'll do now is they'll be like, well, sometimes you have access to an apartment or like a room, but they don't want to really stay in that room.

56:55Or they sleep in that room, but then they're basically unhoused during the day around the city and self-medicating with whatever they're on. Her argument is like this is a finite number of people, but they are 90 % of these calls that the police are getting. they need a place to go. And it has to be serious, it has to be well funded. It has to be, you know, it's not locked in. Treatment. And she's like, it should be like in upstate New York or somewhere. The whole, the history of deinstitutionalization is beginning to get a second look. I mean, that coincides of course with the beginning of austerity.

57:39The budget crises and, you know, it starts before Reagan comes in, but it's part of that whole, like, you know, gutting the social welfare system. And the left was correctly pointing out, like, these places are horrible. Though sometimes even that was a little nuts. I rewatched Titty Cut Follies, this famous documentary about Bridgewater State Mental Hospital in Massachusetts. And I remember, you know, you're supposed to be like, this place is horrible. And I watched it and I was like, I don't know, it doesn't actually seem that bad. Probably easy to make them look bad. Yeah, I mean, but just sort of like, you know.

58:11So there's, I mean, it's not those places were without problems. They have problems. But there was a way in which the critique of the left was harnessed by the tax cutting austerity. Right. It was like, yeah, that's great. You're right. They're horrible. We're going to close them and give that money to rich people. It's tax break. You know. Yeah. Yeah. You know, speaking of austerity, I mean, one thing I would be like to throw into the mix here for the left to think about is, you know, we oppose austerity because it's usually aimed at workers and vulnerable people. But I think there could be a place for left austerity.

58:44Speaking as a university professor, the number of administrators in American universities has gone from an average of one administrator per three faculty in 1980 to one to one. And in many universities, they are now more than 50 percent of the employees of universities are administrators, and many of them are paid a lot of money. their job speaking from the front lines of the you know uh email receiving teaching profession it's like their job seems to be to harass people and and it's very clear like I remember the great scholar Fran Fox Piven said this to me she is uh retired now but she was at the graduate center she said yes like you know I've I'm there on 34th street 35th street I've been to the fifth floor and it's true, Christian, they have nothing to do.

59:35They literally don't. So, you know, no one ever talks about that. It's like, no, they don't. I think we could do some, like, very, very deep cuts to the administration of what is a great university system, the CUNY, City University of New York, where I work. I mean, so the administrators won't like that, but you know what? I don't like all the pointless emails. You try to unsubscribe and it doesn't work. Actually, it does. Block stender. a lot of it you can just sort of ignore filter straight into the spam amazing well they'll enjoy this interview yes everyone will well thanks for coming by here thank you very much appreciate it for inviting me it was worth it for that picture alone that was great stuff guys seems like just yesterday that the two guys five rings podcast was in Paris for the Olympics and now we're heading to Milan for the 2026 Milan Cortina Olympic Winter Games.

1:00:32I'm Bowen Yang. And I'm Matt Rogers. And we'll join athletes from 93 countries as Two Guys Five Rings hits the Italian Alps for the 2026 Milan Cortina Olympic Winter Games. Open your free iHeartRadio app. Did we mention it's free? Search Two Guys Five Rings and listen now. 1969, Malcolm and Martin are gone. America is in crisis. And at Morehouse College, the students make their move. These students, including a young Samuel L. Jackson, locked up the members of the Board of Trustees, including Martin Luther King Sr. It's the true story of protest and rebellion in Black American history that you'll never forget.

1:01:13I'm Hans Charles. I'm Menelik Lumumba. Listen to The A-Building on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. Hey, I'm Jay Shetty, host of the On Purpose podcast. On a recent episode, I sat down with Nick Jonas, singer, songwriter, actor, and global superstar. I went blank. I hit a bad note, then I couldn't recover. And I built up this idea that music and being a musician was my whole identity. I had to sort of relearn who I was if you took this thing away. Who am I? Listen to On Purpose with Jay Shetty on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts.

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