Trump's midterm promise backfires as GOP voters revolt

27 Sep 2026 · 43 min · 16 chapters

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In short

Trump’s $5,000 midterm promise is portrayed as an illegal, transparent vote-buying scheme that backfires with polling showing voters view it as electioneering and many are turned off; the episode then pivots to an interview about Jonathan Swan’s book Regime Change, arguing Trump expands presidential power, embraces autocrat comparisons, and focuses on legacy/vanity projects over domestic cost-of-living issues.

Guests

Jonathan Swan, journalist and author (with Maggie Haberman) of Regime Change; previously an Axios reporter and long-time national security reporter for The New York Times.

Key claims

62% say the $5,000 promise is mainly to win votes; 71% find it inappropriate to tie government payments to party election wins; only ~4% of adults say it makes them more likely to vote Republican. Swan argues Congress has become a “subsidiary” of the executive and courts are stacked with Trump appointees.

Notable examples

prior “dividends” (DOGE, tariff dividend, middle-class tax cut) never materialized; Trump comparing himself to Mao/Stalin/Hitler/Attila/Genghis Khan; discussion of renaming/renovating the White House ballroom and other monument projects; internal memos about seriously contemplating suspending habeas corpus.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Analysis of Trump's $5,000 Promise

0:45 to 3:26

A deep dive into the implications and reactions to Trump's financial promise to voters.

“Moreover, 71 % of adults say it is inappropriate for a president to promise government payments that depend on his party winning an election, including 53 % of Republicans.”

Transition to Interview

3:26 to 3:37

Transitioning from discussion about Trump to the upcoming interview with Jonathan Swan.

“November will prove that there is just a limit to how much Americans are willing to be lied to.”

Transition to Interview

3:40 to 4:46

Transitioning from discussion about Trump to the upcoming interview with Jonathan Swan.

“start getting together and a box of cookies is just a few taps away on the phone.”

Interview with Jonathan Swan

5:02 to 14:01

In-depth conversation with Jonathan Swan about his book and Trump's presidency.

“I'm joined now by the author of the new book regime change Jonathan Swan.”

Trump's Meeting Style and Priorities

14:01 to 16:40

Explore how Trump's leisurely approach in meetings contrasts with his focus on vanity projects rather than pressing issues.

“You could spend an hour talking about the ballroom and the Corinthian columns and the type of marble that he's putting in the bathroom.”

Trump's Legacy and Name Recognition

16:41 to 21:30

Discuss the significance of Trump's name on structures and his motivations behind these projects.

“It becomes the Barack Hussein Obama presidential ballroom.”

Domestic Issues Ignored by Trump

21:31 to 23:21

Analyze Trump's disconnection from domestic policy and the perception of his focus on personal legacy.

“And after he won that, it was all about a legacy in his mind, which is imprinting himself all over the world, doing quote unquote big things, which is overwhelmingly in the field of foreign affairs.”

Domestic Issues Ignored by Trump

23:24 to 24:58

Analyze Trump's disconnection from domestic policy and the perception of his focus on personal legacy.

“The sweater that goes with everything, the perfect pair of pants, or the tea that we somehow always reach for first.”

Trump's Political Aspirations and Public Perception

24:59 to 28:00

Evaluate Trump's potential for a third term and his current political maneuvering amidst public discontent.

“I mean, obviously it's amplified, you know, orders of magnitude higher, but that he's acting like a lame duck, which I guess raises the question, what do you think he will do as it relates to a third term?”

Trump's Interview Reflections

28:00 to 28:35

Discussing the impact of Trump's interview and his initial reactions.

Show all 16 chapters

Access and Reporting Challenges

28:36 to 31:08

Exploring the challenges of reporting on Trump without direct access.

“Because obviously, like any human being with some modicum of self-awareness, which, you know, waning though it may be, he has, can recognize that that did not go well for him.”

The Media Ecosystem under Trump

31:09 to 35:00

Analyzing the shifting dynamics within the media landscape and its implications.

“Like at least the folks at the top of the media are not liberal.”

Loyalty and Dissent in the Administration

35:01 to 37:52

Examining the loyalty of Trump's administration and the absence of dissent.

“It's just a matter of like Like being righteous and having, you know, to create that business is really hard.”

J.D. Vance's Position on the Iran War

37:53 to 40:32

Delving into J.D. Vance's role and perspective on the Iran War discussions.

“What do you think would be a red line for any of these people?”

Promoting 'Regime Change'

40:33 to 42:01

Highlighting the new book 'Regime Change' and its significance.

“that like, oh, in the 2028 election, in the general election, people are like, oh, well, there were those reports that private, you know, like this is not something he's like going to be able to campaign on, okay?”

Closing Remarks and Thanks

42:01 to 42:15

Brian wraps up the episode and thanks his guest Jonathan Swan.

“Now, if you want to read more, I'm going to put the link to Regime Change right here on the screen and also in the post description.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:01Brian Tyler Cohen:Trump's$5 ,000 promise to his voters backfires, and I interview Jonathan Swan about his new book, Regime Change. I'm Brian Tyler Cohen, and you're listening to No Lie. Just days ago, Trump decided to come out and promise$5 ,000 to every American, but only if the Republicans won the midterms. It was a lie as transparent as it was desperate, not to mention illegal, but still, Trump told it because, as I always say, he thinks his audience is stupid and never wastes an opportunity to show it. Well, we now have some data backing up that point, and it's not great for Trump. According to Elliott Morris, voters aren't confused about the motive either.

0:38Brian Tyler Cohen:62 % said Trump made the promise mainly to win votes in November, and only 13 % think he genuinely intends to send the money. Moreover, 71 % of adults say it is inappropriate for a president to promise government payments that depend on his party winning an election, including 53 % of Republicans. Only about a quarter think the checks would actually go out even if Republicans win. We also asked voters whether Trump's promise makes them more or less likely to vote for Republican candidates in Congress. 28 % said less likely, 13 % said more likely, and 53 % said it makes no difference. But many voters in that 13 % already told us they were voting Republican in November.

1:16Brian Tyler Cohen:Fewer than 4 % of adults say the checks make them more likely to vote Republican and aren't already there. This offsets with large losses among independents who said by an 11-point margin Trump's scheme turned them off. So not only did voters not believe Trump's$5 ,000 promise, but the people who did believe it were already voting for Trump, and more people were actually turned off by it than it pulled in. Think about that. A net loss of voters after Trump tried to buy people off. And I'd imagine that part of the reason that voters don't believe him is that he's done this before, constantly. He promised a doge dividend that never materialized, a tariff dividend that never materialized.

1:53Brian Tyler Cohen:Back in his first term, it was a middle class tax cut that never materialized. This guy has bait and switched his own voters more times than Lucy's pulled the football away from Charlie Brown. So no, they're not buying it. Another pretty funny byproduct of this is that it's undermined the Republicans' ability to frame the Democrats as these spooky socialists who are trying to give everything away. Like, for example. But the problem is this. Democrats, by a pretty wide margin, seem to like socialism. Well, they were never taught of the horrors of socialism and the greatness of capitalism. The radical socialist platform that seems to be taking over the Democratic Party.

2:30Socialism doesn't fly.

2:32Brian Tyler Cohen:And just days ago, the Senate Republicans' official Twitter account wrote, Democrats, socialists love to promise free stuff, but they never mention who pays for it. My dudes, your leader is out here promising money like Oprah. Oprah. Only difference being that Oprah actually does what she says. So I'm heartened to see people waking up to the lies from this president and his party. For years, they have been treating their audiences and their voters with utter contempt, assuming that they will fall for whatever they say no matter how many times they refuse to deliver. But this government has finally put an end to all of that.

3:03Brian Tyler Cohen:This is a Republican party that swore prices would go down, they've gone up, they swore no new wars, we're in one, they swore the Epstein files would be released, they're suppressing 3 million documents. They swore cheaper gas and lower inflation. Instead, they're rising or at record highs. It's bad enough to fail to deliver. It's something entirely worse to fail to deliver and yet still pretend like you are. And the blue wave that we're going to see in November will prove that there is just a limit to how much Americans are willing to be lied to. Next up is my interview with Jonathan Swan. No Lie is brought to you by Factor.

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4:45Brian Tyler Cohen:So let's eat real. Head to factormeals.com slash BTC50 off and use code BTC50 off to get 50 % off and one free breakfast item per box for one year while supplies last until 10 31 26. That's code BTC 50 off at factormeals.com. BTC 50 off at factormeals.com. I'm joined now by the author of the new book regime change Jonathan Swan. Jonathan thanks for joining me. Great to be here. Thanks. So I argue and have argued that Donald Trump is an autocrat. This is somebody who is seeking to use the military as his own personal police force who's undermined the constitution who doesn't accept election results where he loses.

5:25Brian Tyler Cohen:At the same time, in your book, you and Maggie describe a document where Donald Trump compares himself to Mao, to Stalin, to Hitler, Attila the Hun, Genghis Khan. So where is the disconnect here? Because the right will lose their minds if you make any reference to Donald Trump acting as a dictator or an autocrat. But at the same time, he seems to relish that comparison. You know, I suppose the word has connotations that people don't want to, you know, deal with. But as you said, Trump himself embraces it. You know, he posted on Truth Social the other day, a picture of his face looking at the globe and it says his hemisphere.

6:10I mean, he's embracing the idea that he's at a minimum, a regional hegemon. um he doesn't view countries in this hemisphere as independent sovereign countries he views venezuela as an american colony essentially and marco rubio is the viceroy of venezuela so one of marco rubio's many jobs right so you know i don't get too hung up on you know the terminology we try to describe in the book what he's doing and it's indisputable that he has expanded presidential power and use presidential power in ways that a the framers did not intend and b in ways that no president in our lifetime in some respects no president ever has done before

7:00Brian Tyler Cohen:do you think that there is a full acceptance by the republican party that this is not a political movement that's interested in democracy like do you think that what we're seeing right now is is just the Republican Party relinquishing their participation in a democracy. I think what we're seeing that is more notable is a whole branch of government decide to remove themselves from the field. And this is the legislative branch. Yeah. Last year, we make the argument in the book, and I think it's indisputable, that in 2025, Donald Trump wielded more absolute control and dominance over his own party in Congress than any president that we've ever seen.

7:45And Congress ceased to operate as a check against the executive branch. It ceased to operate as an independent branch of government. It became a subsidiary of the administration. And you saw senators who we know from our reporting felt that people like Pete Hegseth were grossly unfit to be in the jobs that they were put in grossly and yet under fear and pressure they voted for him so when you have a whole branch of uh of government decide to essentially seed the field that's how you get this dynamic the only way people talk about well how do you restore some semblance of the system that we have american style democracy well you can't have the system when one branch ceases to function and pieces out.

8:34And then the other branch, the judiciary, is stacked with Trump appointees all the way up.

8:39Brian Tyler Cohen:Do you think that these Republicans are realizing that contracting all of their autonomy over to the executive branch was a mistake? As we see brand new polling, for example, showing that Democrats are now favored in the House and the Senate. Fox News just released a poll a few days ago showing that they're shifting 15 races in favor of Democrats. There were no races that were shifted in favor of Republicans. Trump himself is now saddled with, according to the American Research Group, polling a 29 percent approval rating. That's the first time in either of his terms that he's had an approval rating in the 20s.

9:13Brian Tyler Cohen:As we know, midterm elections are a referendum on the president and the party in power. But the party in power, as you've said, has contracted all of their power over to the executive branch. Do you think that there is some recognition from these other Republicans that they've made a mistake by making their entire identity just Donald Trump, who now himself has become so toxic. Yeah. I mean, you're seeing the evidence of that, right? You're starting to see Republicans distance themselves from Trump. I'm not saying it's happening en masse, because a lot of these Republicans still have the calculation that, well, we need the base to show up in the election.

9:52And yes, his approval rating has fallen precipitously among independents. And enthusiasm is way down, but he's still generally popular among Republicans. So they have this balancing act. He's toxic among the general electorate, still pretty popular among Republicans. And they have to figure out, what do I do? So, you know, you see Salazar in Florida come out with an ad where she's to the camera criticizing the president on immigration. You start to see some candidates scrubbing his name from their websites. so you are seeing that you don't have to dig inside their minds you just look at the behavior but it's too late it's too late it's not believable for voters that these people five minutes before an election it's ridiculous someone who's been in absolute lockstep until the eve of the election it's okay, fine

10:53Brian Tyler Cohen:throughout this whole process since the book was released, there have been these constant attacks by Trump himself where he's gone after you guys. He goes after Maggie more acutely, but, you know, it's not... I wouldn't put it past Trump to attack the woman in a male-female duo to go after the woman more frequently, but did he think that when you guys were interviewing him that you were going to write a puff piece on him? Or is this like kayfabe? Is this him just pretending to be angry, but at the same time, he kind of relishes the attention that he's given by virtue of being in this book, even if he's presented as the heel?

11:32So there's no kayfabe. You know, my colleagues at The New York Times reported two months ago about serious security concerns with Air Force One. 48 hours after the story, FBI agents showed up at their front doors, serving them subpoenas. He's suing The New York Times. this is all very draining on resources um he's investigating a number of our stories particularly with regard to the munitions crisis um trying to find our sources that stuff is just it's deadly serious there's no kayfabe involved um as for trump talking to reporters we tried to get an interview with him for a couple months through the front through the press office and the thing and they didn't everyone thought it was we learned subsequently was trying to block us getting the interview they thought it was a bad idea right no one was saying oh president you should really sit down you know do this interview so we went directly to president trump and and the fact is every reporter in washington has his phone number and he will pick up the phone and talk so we went directly to him and that's how we ended up getting the interview trump will talk to anyone.

12:43He just will. And he will take anyone's call. He will believe that he's his own best spokesman. And generally speaking, he'll think that it's worth his while to put his message out there and see how it goes. I don't think he had any illusions that this would be a puff book or a flattering book or what have you. But I also think he has known Maggie in particular for a very long time and, you know, felt it was worth his while to sit down with us.

13:15Brian Tyler Cohen:Isn't he busy? Like the notion that somebody would take anybody's call and talk to anybody. I mean, I know what I do as a YouTuber on a daily basis. Like, I don't have that much time if somebody like the amount of calls that I have to screen because I just don't have enough hours in the day and I'm not, you know, leading the U.S. military. um what percentage of his presidency does it come across seems like him marketing his own presidency versus the actual governing aspect of things well you know it's interesting i i think there's a split your look particularly last year we were watching what looked like this frenzy of action which it was you know particularly the first three executive orders oh yeah it was absolutely and it was very well they'd planned it all out and what have you but when you talk to people who go in and meet with trump they say it's like he has all the time in the world yeah you know george w bush barack obama they used to have their schedule down to like 10 minute increments you know this a meeting with trump meanders can meander for two three hours with people wandering in and out, way off the agenda.

14:29You could spend an hour talking about the ballroom and the Corinthian columns and the type of marble that he's putting in the bathroom.

14:37Brian Tyler Cohen:I think somebody asked him how his meeting with President Xi went, and the first thing he said was that we spoke about granite. Right. Two global superpowers. I completely believe that. That's not the part I doubt. But when we went in and saw the president for this book, when we interviewed him, he seemed completely unhurried. It was the 17th day of the war with Iran, and the war seemed to be the furthest thing from his mind. He had printouts of photographs of maple trees on the Resolute desk because he said he was buying maple trees for the White House. And then he had different angles, images of the ballroom.

15:20And that was what he wanted us to see first. That was the first probably 15 minutes of the interview. And you talk to anyone who spends time with him, he spends an inordinate amount of time essentially on interior decoration and trying to figure out how to put his name on more physical monuments and other aspects of Washington, D.C.

15:44Brian Tyler Cohen:The way that I think about this, and this is coming from somebody who is, you know, both a cynic and contemptuous of him, which is that, like, you move to honor yourself by, you know, etching your name into all these structures now because in the future you don't have that much faith that somebody's going to do it for you. And so you have to honor yourself now before he leaves office, because really what what history is going to show is that he was the first autocratic president of this country, that that he left office kind of ushering in the Second Gilded Age where folks are more desolate, hungrier, sicker, poorer than they were before.

16:25Brian Tyler Cohen:and so you know like if if he doesn't do it who's who's gonna do it i don't know if you have the same read on things or if it's just some degree of malignant narcissism what do you make of the fact that he that his sole focus here seems to be shoving his face and and name onto as many structures as possible i hope i'm not misremembering this but i don't think i am um ben terrace from new york magazine wrote a piece recently um about trump's interior you know renovations and projects of in dc and i think trump himself admitted out loud that if he doesn't do it no one else will yeah okay so and so i i actually think he said that um he remember what one of his great um sources of rage when he left the first time was his name being taken off buildings um was you know pga event being taken away from his golf course yeah and so i think a big part of his determination when he came back to office was i'm going to put my name in a way on so many things that it will be permanent you know it was a big deal for him that the palm beach airport became the donald j trump airport um the library which no one talks about it's not actually a library that he's being built it's it's a tower it's a giant tower it looks like um the freedom tower um in miami on gifted land um and we report in the book that they're soliciting money from the saudis to build it you know this is the story of the administration but he is trying to make sure that he is unerasable um because i think he realizes because he's gone through that experience that he will be that there will be efforts to uh take his name off what do you what do you think the reaction will be if you have a Democratic president and the ballroom gets renamed because Democrats have full control of government, like in that hypothetical situation where you have a Democratic president, House, Senate, you have the, you know, what I'm sure will be the Donald J.

18:28Brian Tyler Cohen:Trump presidential ballroom. Strike that name. It becomes the Barack Hussein Obama presidential ballroom. What happens in the aftermath of that moment as far as Trump is concerned based on your interactions with him. I think the way he sees the ballroom is regardless of what name, I mean, obviously I'm sure he would want it to be the Donald Trump, whatever, but he built it and everyone will know that. And that was, you know, he's changed the White House in that way. And it's not really conceivable to me that it would be bulldozed, you know? Right, I agree with that. Well, let's expand the scope of this question.

19:07Brian Tyler Cohen:All of the things he's trying to etch his name into, you've got, you know. He'd be enraged. I mean, look at the Kennedy Center. They took his name off the Kennedy Center, and he's talking about bulldozing the Kennedy Center. Okay, so, you know, that's the reaction. I mean, you drive down near the White House, Washington, D.C., you see the Donald J. Trump Institute of Peace. By the way, an institute that they tried to shut down during Doge, and then he stuck his name on it. I mean, I don't think it takes a genius to realize that if a Democrat comes into the White House, that's just going to not be called the Donald J.

19:38Trump Institute of Peace. So, you know, he'll be he'll be watching all of that very closely.

19:41Brian Tyler Cohen:OK, so the fact that we're talking about this and the fact that he's doing all of this obviously underscores the extent to which his focus is on these vanity projects and not regular people. Is there any recognition on his on his behalf where where, you know, his focus is on, you know, kind of this this like let them eat cake type deal where he is just focused on building himself a ballroom and a triumphal arch and encrusting the Oval Office in gold and redoing the reflecting pool at the same time that his election was predicated on this idea that people felt forgotten in this country and they couldn't afford gross.

20:21Brian Tyler Cohen:I mean, he talked about like this, this elusive old fashioned word groceries. Like that was the focus of his campaign. He had a he had a quote, a clip that I that I often throw to in my videos where he says the reason he won the election was, yes, immigration, but also the cost of groceries. And now all of those costs that that left people feeling so destitute have been exacerbated. And yet all the while his focus is just on these interior design projects. One thing we found when we were reporting the book, just again and again and again, when we were talking to people who were either working for him in the government or people who would come in and visit him, is his mind was not on domestic policy or cost of living issues or any of the things that you were talking about.

21:07In fact, he wasn't even particularly worried about domestic politics. His staff were desperate for him to care more about the midterm elections, to be more invested in the results of the midterm elections. But if you look at it from Trump's perspective, his existential victory, his great victory was 2024, where he saw the stakes as I may end up in prison or I may end up back in the White House. And after he won that, it was all about a legacy in his mind, which is imprinting himself all over the world, doing quote unquote big things, which is overwhelmingly in the field of foreign affairs. He thought he could be the first president 47 years to get rid of this Iranian regime.

21:53He obviously did regime change in Venezuela. You get the idea there. the cost of living issues are very low down yeah on the hierarchy and what's really interesting brian is we're seeing for the first time say what you want about trump but historically he's been pretty good at getting on the right side of populist issues right he's now on the wrong side of some of the biggest populist issues in the country ai right right one of the most the clearest cut polling you will see we talk to republican strategists talk to democratic strategies data centers people are overwhelmingly opposed to them fearful of this technology and trump sounds if you if you transcribed one of his comments about ai it might as well be jensen huang might as well be sam walman he isn't even he's an evangelist about this technology completely on the other side of this populist issue the iran war um uh you know go down the list the public does not find it endearing that he is building this ballroom and gilding everything and that his family is making orders of magnitude more money than they've ever made.

23:05It's coming through in focus groups. It's coming through in polling. His team knows that. I mean, we got private focus groups in polling for the book. And this was like early this year. It was horrific. It was alarm bells just ringing out. He just doesn't care that much.

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24:39Brian Tyler Cohen:out.

24:48Brian Tyler Cohen:365 day returns now available in Canada and the UK, too. That's Q. U. I. N. C. Dot com slash BTC. That suggests that, you know, he is acting. I mean, obviously it's amplified, you know, orders of magnitude higher, but that he's acting like a lame duck, which I guess raises the question, what do you think he will do as it relates to a third term? He's not exactly acting like somebody who is going to run for a third term. But at the same time, this kind of thing has been floated. And, you know, he obviously refuses to rule out the prospect. But just curious, you know. So I make a practice of never like glibly dismissing any, like after January 6th, I don't sort of say, oh, no, you know, whatever.

25:35I don't sort of preemptively rule out anything. But I'm not seeing any signs in our reporting for the book, for the newspaper that Donald Trump is preparing for a third term or that he even wants to. um think from his perspective or at this point that he could i mean like his approval ratings so you know he and i don't i don't even legally i mean like like approval rating wise yeah but but but you know for example we have scenes in the book where he's rupert murdoch's over for dinner and he's asking murdoch to assess who he likes better jd vance or marco rubio he's constantly asking people what do you think of jd thinking about the prime you know it's more of a sport for him it's almost like he's a color commentator talking about this stuff but um so i don't see any indications privately publicly that he is contemplating that and you know from his perspective his family make two billion dollars or more probably way more than we know way more than we know um he uh you know he is remaking washington in his image um he is um uh doing whatever he wants in the role he's going to he said we report in the book that he's going to pardon anyone who came within 250 feet of the oval office he has sweeping immunity from the supreme court he has nothing to fear legally right so you know i think he will the probably the thing he will miss most is the attention.

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27:06Brian Tyler Cohen:The book obviously made a ton of news as it relates to the first question I asked, which was about the different dictators and autocrats throughout history. Natalie Harp was a big story as well. Was there any anecdote or aspect of the book that you thought would make more news and maybe because of some other news cycle that overshadowed it didn't? The fact that they were seriously contemplating suspending habeas rights, which we, I mean, we got private memos that the white house staff secretary wrote which you know very dry legal language but very clearly sounding the alarm bell that this idea that stephen miller was pushing that the president was contemplating one of the most fundamental they're basically this this is these are rights that predate the constitution go back to the macna carta you know the right to if you are if the government detains you they lock you up the right to challenge your detention doesn't get much more fundamental than that and the fact that they were people we knew that they i mean they talked to steve miller talked about it but the fact that it was taken seriously enough internally that a hardcore loyalist will shaft is the staff secretary now the white house council the fact that he felt compelled to put this down on paper and we reported this in the book and disclosed this in the book it got attention we reported it in the new york times but I mean it's a pretty big deal yeah and and I feel like with all the things that are going it just sort of was just one of the things that you know kind of glossed over a little bit yeah when you were with Axios during Trump's first term obviously that was I know we were speaking with with my team you know right right here in this room just before this interview started that was the I think the best interview that any of us have have seen with anybody who's who'd sat down with Donald Trump, what was his demeanor like off camera in the lead up to and the aftermath of that interview?

29:07Brian Tyler Cohen:Because obviously, like any human being with some modicum of self-awareness, which, you know, waning though it may be, he has, can recognize that that did not go well for him. So I'm just curious, the lead up to and aftermath of that interview, what that was like. So the immediate aftermath, he thought, seemed to think it was a good interview. Immediately after. Yeah. And then, so I had a little exchange afterwards and it seemed like he thought it was a good interview. and obviously contentious, but sometimes Trump can sort of enjoy the conflict, right? But afterwards, when the coverage started coming in and when he started to see just the overwhelming amount of the clips going around and everyone replaying moments from the interview, it was relayed to me that uh uh the president was not happy um and some strong language was used um and certainly his staff didn't think it was a home run afterwards um so you know i think his view changed when he consumed the coverage of the interview more than the interview itself yeah i mean i haven't had an interview with him since on camera uh the first time i'd done a sit down with him was six years later yeah basically six years later for the book did he mention anything no yeah um and you know we don't rely on authorized access for maggie and i it makes no difference to us whether we're allowed in the white house again or not you know he's banning organizations and letting back in makes absolutely no difference to us because everything in this book just about every sensitive scene situation room oval office whatever it's not like we're walking in the front door of the white house and you walk up to the press secretary officer hey tell us what happened in the situation i mean do people think that's how it works it's not how it works of course you're cultivating sources who are not authorized to speak about things that are happening and it makes absolutely no difference to us whether we have direct access to him or authorized access, you know, from the press side.

31:32Brian Tyler Cohen:On this point of Donald Trump banning various press outlets, you know, this is happening at the same time that we're seeing, obviously, this consolidation between CBS and CNN as this Paramount-Warner Brothers merger seems to be going through. How are you thinking about the broader media ecosystem and our ability to come back from a place where it just feels like, because it's true, a lot of right wing figures are consolidating control of all of this between, you know, Zuckerberg, who's been very cozy with Trump and Republican administrations, Jeff Bezos, obviously David Ellison and and Barry Weiss.

32:10Brian Tyler Cohen:And I mean, Elon Musk owning Twitter. You know, the media is not liberal. Like at least the folks at the top of the media are not liberal. And we've already seen that kind of play itself out with CBS's coverage. And who knows what CNN will look like moving forward. But just, you know, how are you thinking about this broader ecosystem moving forward? To me, and I'm not sure this sounds self-serving, but it's just what I think. The New York Times is sort of a unicorn in this environment. because to do the type of reporting that Maggie and I do, particularly the national security reporting, we need an infrastructure around us.

32:56We couldn't do this type of reporting as independent journalists on Substack. I love independent journalism. I support it. I pay for all kinds of Substacks. I think there are great journalists who do it. But the type of reporting that we do needs an infrastructure around it because when you have the president of the United States suing you, when you have them coming after sources, you need not just great lawyers, you need great digital security. We have extremely sophisticated digital security at the New York Times. And you also need something else that's really important, which is independence.

33:35You need an owner, and this is what we have at the New York Times, who does not rely on the government for anything. Yeah. ag salzberger doesn't need anything from the government yeah he doesn't need licenses he has no business before the government he's not in any other industries this is everything to the family okay the new york times is everything and so you don't see ag salzberger sucking up to trump you don't see him making donations to trump you don't see him on the dais at the inauguration he does none of that um but he's also not someone who is pushing anything ideologically on the journalists um i have never been pushed in an ideological direction at the new york times i've always been encouraged to follow my interests have an open mind you know dig in so that that's why i work at the new york times and i'm not naive enough to think that those conditions are easy to create or they apply across the industry because the fact of the matter is journalism is really expensive, the type of journalism we do.

34:43Commentary is much cheaper, but when you're doing investigative journalism, it costs so much money. There's travel involved. There's digging. There's so much time. It's expensive. You're never going to make, it's never going to be a profit center. It's always subsidized by something else. And it's really hard to build those businesses. So I'm not naive enough to say, well, it's just so easy. It's just a matter of like Like being righteous and having, you know, to create that business is really hard. And there was no guarantee the New York Times was going to survive. You know, 15, 16 years ago, the New York Times was in a very precarious place economically.

35:15And they managed to build a digital subscription model and it's worked and they had the brand and everything else. Not so easy. And so, you know, often you do have businesses where media is just part of it and they have other things that require government approval or whatever else. And it creates problems.

35:37Brian Tyler Cohen:Totally. I speak about this very often with Mark Elias, who I do a show with. And, you know, we've both recognized how you have these major media conglomerates that seem so big and powerful expressly because of their size and how many other entities they own. But that's also their Achilles heel. That is their fatal flaw because they can be leveraged by the government. They always need something. They need approval for a merger or an acquisition or something that will eventually go before the federal government. And they've all felt, you know, felt that pressure at the hands of this administration, which is why we see so much capitulation at the hands of all of these outlets that otherwise feel, you know, too big to fail.

36:20Brian Tyler Cohen:When in fact, that's the very thing that kind of becomes their downfall in the end. And the thing that distinguishes Donald Trump is he has shown more aggressively than any president in recent memory that he's willing to use the levers of government explicitly. He wants them to know that, that he will use the levers of government to try to force changes in these organizations. Now, it's not the first time a president has done that. LBJ was famous for doing that. He did it a lot more privately behind the scenes. But in the modern era, the recent era, we haven't seen anything like this. In terms of leaks within this administration, and I know that that's been a pretty prominent theme.

36:59Brian Tyler Cohen:Are there people that you know of, obviously, without, you know, I presume, feel free to name names, but I presume that that that isn't going to be on the table. But are there folks within this administration who may seem outwardly like loyalists who are who recognize the danger posed by Trump and some of the folks who are actually lifers? In terms of the public faces of the administration, these are people who they may disagree with Trump on certain decisions, for sure. But none of them think he's a danger. Like in the first term, you would have private conversations and it seeped into a lot of the reporting with senior officials in the Trump White House and administration who thought he was a danger and who saw their own job as protecting the country and the world from Donald Trump.

37:48That is not the case in this administration at all. Just not. of anyone of any significance and stature.

37:56Brian Tyler Cohen:What do you think would be a red line for any of these people? Or would there be no red line for these people? No, I mean, there have been, in some cases, strong policy disagreements. The most obvious that I think about, because I just thought it was so striking and surprising to me anyway, and I think to Maggie as well, was in the lead up to the iran war jd vance in those meetings was really the only one in in the group meetings with the president who was arguing against this operation what was interesting about that is jd vance really has one job ahead of 2028 politically which is to get donald trump's approval and blessing and if he gets that he's almost impossible to beat him for the republican nomination.

38:48What he did in the lead up to the war really irritated Trump. It did not endear him to Trump. Trump was complaining about it to others privately. He was irritated by it. He didn't like to hear it. The interesting thing about that was Vance was not alone in thinking this war was a bad idea. Many others on that senior staff were at a minimum skeptical, but in those meetings, they did not raise their objections in an aggressive way or an assertive way with the president and that's the difference between term one and term two if you had the team in term one you would have had the chairman of the joint chiefs mark milley saying so this is a terrible idea you know very forceful arguments you would have economic arguments you have all kinds of arguments and it's just such a different team around him um now that um it is not it you don't get that kind of pushback it's very this episode was interesting because it was so striking and unusual and and in almost every other aspect of policy vance is completely in lockstep and of course in the iran war he's been out there defending it publicly and what have you so um that stood out to me as just a rare example of a senior official um coming out do you think he

40:03Brian Tyler Cohen:gets to have his cake and eat it too where he gets to both claim that he was the lone skeptic in the room while at the same time publicly coming out and defending the exact war that he's trying to claim credit for opposing well he's not so it's just a fact he opposed it yeah in those rooms like those meetings happened you know we've talked to people who don't like vans does that matter once you've already kind of squandered your credibility by going out and also selling the very thing that you want credit for opposing i i don't give him i don't think it matt like i don't think he's going to get political credit for opposing it i don't think this is something that like, oh, in the 2028 election, in the general election, people are like, oh, well, there were those reports that private, you know, like this is not something he's like going to be able to campaign on, okay?

40:44The vice president of an administration. If Vance is the nominee, he's not going to be campaigning against Trump, okay? He's not going to be out there. It's not possible. There's no distance allowed. It's just a plain fact.

40:56Brian Tyler Cohen:Which is ironic because one of the biggest albatrosses around Kamala Harris's neck was her inability and or unwillingness to distance herself adequately from Joe Biden. Obviously, there was that question on The View that plagued her. And Republicans benefited from exactly that. And that's the same trap that they're going to fall into with the J.D. Fan situation, but that they're falling into right now. Do you think Donald Trump is going to be tolerant of the nominee, of his vice president being out there, even if he wanted to? Of course he's not. And it's not going to happen. So the credit thing is kind of irrelevant because I don't think he's going to get any political credit for this.

41:36It's just a thing that happened. It's like a fact that happened. And I thought it was interesting because it's one of the only examples I can think of where it was a big decision and there was like really forceful opposition from a senior inner circle person.

41:53Brian Tyler Cohen:So the book, again, is Regime Change, obviously a behemoth of a book. Congratulations on the monster run that you and Maggie have had. And for folks who are watching right now, Now, if you want to read more, I'm going to put the link to Regime Change right here on the screen and also in the post description. If you're listening on the podcast, I'm going to throw it in the show notes. Jonathan, thanks so much for taking the time today. Thanks for having me, Brian. Appreciate it. Thanks again to Jonathan Swan. That's it for this episode. Talk to you on Wednesday. You've been listening to No Lie with Brian Tyler Cohen, produced by Sam Graber, music by Wellesley, and interviews edited for YouTube by Nicholas Nicotera.

42:26Brian Tyler Cohen:If you want to support the show, please subscribe on your preferred podcast app and leave a five-star rating and a review. And as always, you can find me at Brian Tyler Cohen on all of my other channels, or you can go to Brian Tyler Cohen dot com to learn more.

From the publisher

Trump’s $5000 promise to his voters backfires. Brian interviews Jonathan Swan about his new book Regime Change.


Order Regime Change: https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Regime-Change/Maggie-Haberman/9781668067246


Written by Brian Tyler Cohen

Produced by Sam Graber

Recorded in Los Angeles, CA

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