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Odd Lots Podcast Notes
Episode Title
Henry Wang on China's Role in the New Emerging World Order
Podcast Description Bloomberg's Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Alloway explore various topics in finance, markets, and economics.
Episode Overview In this episode, the discussion centers around China's role in the emerging global order, particularly in the context of its interactions with the US, the BRICS nations, and other global dynamics. Henry Wang, the founder and president of the Center for China and Globalization (CCG), provides insights into China's perspective on international relations, trade, and its possible future role in global governance.
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Key Topics Discussed
- China as a Superpower
- The perception of China as a rising superpower and its significance in the new global order.
- The role of the BRICS organization in showcasing this shift.
- US-China Relations
- Current state of relations amidst trade barriers and geopolitical tensions.
- Perspectives on stability versus rivalry in US-China relations since the Trump administration.
- Center for China and Globalization (CCG)
- Established in 2008, the CCG serves as an independent think tank aimed at fostering dialogue and research on US-China relations and global governance.
- Wang describes CCG as a bridge for communication among government, business, and academia.
- China's Economic Globalization
- Wang explains that China's view of globalization is primarily economic and has lifted 800 million people out of poverty.
- China's globalization efforts focus on trade and economic ties rather than ideological alignment.
- China's Role in Global Conflicts
- Discussion on whether China can play an active role in global conflicts, particularly in mediating situations such as the Russia-Ukraine war and the Israel-Gaza conflict.
- Wang suggests that China could leverage relationships with BRICS nations to help establish peace.
- Multilateral Organizations and Global Governance
- The importance of revitalizing existing organizations like the UN as well as the establishment of new frameworks that reflect the current multipolar world.
- Wang argues that China supports the existing international system but advocates for reforms to improve its efficacy.
- China's Security Philosophy
- China's historical and cultural context influences its non-aggressive foreign policy.
- Emphasis on competition in economic and cultural arenas rather than military confrontation.
- Misunderstandings about China
- Wang addresses common misconceptions in the West regarding China's motives and actions, particularly around Taiwan and military presence.
- Future of US-China Economic Relations
- Discussion on the potential for further economic integration and China's readiness to open its economy more.
- The necessity for both nations to collaborate rather than compete destructively.
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Key Takeaways
- Economic Focus: China’s primary interest in globalization has been economic, resulting in substantial poverty alleviation.
- Strategic Stability: There is a growing need from both the US and China to pursue stability in their relationship rather than rivalry.
- China's Global Role: China is positioning itself as a mediator in international conflicts and seeks to enhance its influence through economic initiatives and partnerships.
- Revitalizing Institutions: Wang believes that existing international institutions need reform to better serve the current global landscape.
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Conclusion This episode offers a comprehensive overview of China's perspective on its role in a changing global order, emphasizing economic interdependence, the potential for conflict resolution, and the importance of reforming international institutions. Henry Wang’s insights provide valuable context for understanding the complexities of US-China relations and China's evolving position on the world stage.
For further insights, listen to the complete episode [here](https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2025-09-18/china-s-defense-minister-warns-on-taiwan-condemns-bullying?utm_medium=referral&utm_source=podcast&utm_campaign=odd_lots&utm_content=article).
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Transcript
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1:55Hello and welcome to another episode of the Odd Lots Podcast. I'm Joe Weisenthal. And I'm Tracy Allaway. Tracy, you know, we talk all the time about U.S.-China relations multiple times a month, it seems, for obvious reasons. We usually get it from something resembling a U.S. perspective. Not always, but I think it's a bit skewed. Yeah, there is a geographic bias at play, for sure. And a linguistic one. Yes, but you're right. There is always a lot going on with U.S.-China relations, and especially recently, right? So we're recording this on September 16th and we have Chinese and American officials gathering in, I think it's Madrid, to talk trade, try to hammer out some sort of deal on the tariffs.
2:37By the time this episode comes out, maybe U.S.-China relations will have changed completely, but somehow I doubt it. There's going to be some new era of peace. Everything is going to be solved. There's going to be no more anxiety about trade. a TikTok deal will have been made with the perfect algorithm that satisfies everyone, everything. No, probably unlikely. Probably we're going to be talking about some version of this for a long time. I don't want to say, you know, it's not like our perspectives are just strictly U.S. You know, we talked to Cameron Johnson, who works in China regularly. So it's not none, but we obviously have to change the mix up.
3:12I admire your efforts at being unpartisan. Well, cross-border, you know, we have to still do it via Zoom, obviously, but isn't this a long historic trend? You try to, like, build dialogue between multiple sides and get multiple perspectives in the hopes of achieving something bigger down the road. All I'm going to say is we need to go to Beijing. Mostly for the food, but also for inter-U.S.-China dialogue. The dream is that in 2026, we host a live audience in Beijing. We're putting it out into the world right now in the hope that we can manifest it into existence. Yes. All right. Well, I am really excited to say that in these efforts, we really do have a perfect guest.
3:53We are going to be speaking with Henry Wong. He is the founder and president for the Center for China and Globalization. It's the largest independent think tank in China. Someone perfectly placed to talk about all of these topics from a Chinese perspective that we don't usually get. So, Henry, thank you so much for coming on the podcast. Thank you. Yeah, my pleasure. What is the Center for China and Globalization? Why did you found it? What is its goal? And what is this independent think tank that exists? Yes, we actually found it since 2008, actually, right after the Beijing Olympic. You know, at that time, when we watched the Beijing Olympics, the slogan for the Olympics then was One Word, One Dream.
4:35So we thought that actually it's a globalization. And China actually embarked on a globalization era because I think Beijing Olympics in 2008 was something that China started to really look globally. And so that's where we started to find this think tank. First, I have to take out a lot of savings. You know, I was doing a lot of business before, but we really want to start this. But I really have found this think tank that can combine my experience in the government, business and academic. And also, you know, since then, it's 17, 18 years now, and we become one of the top 100 think tanks in the world.
5:14Actually, ranked four times in the top 100 by the University of Pennsylvania think tank and the civil society program. So CCG, you know, in abbreviation for Center for China and Global Education, is a bridge. It's a communication platform, dialogue platform, and also it's a research platform for big issues, policy issues regarding U.S. and China, global governance, global economy, and, of course, global migration. So just to name a few. But since then, we've been doing okay. We had about over 60, 70 people, and we've been based in Beijing and Hangzhou and Guangzhou, a few places in China. And we've been very active.
5:57We're doing 100 events a year. We publish a dozen books and multiple reports. So thank you for asking that. So you describe the center as something of a bridge. And I was reading an Economist article from a couple years ago where you yourself are described as something of a go-between for technocratic government ministries, Chinese entrepreneurs, and foreign embassies in Beijing. So my question is, how busy have you been lately? We are pretty busy. I'll just give you a few examples. For example, last week I was in Xiamen attending September 8th, the 25th Annual China Investment and Business Forum and Expo there.
6:41And the Vice Premier, He Li Fong, who is now in Madrid talking with Scott Benson, was there opening up that forum. And so I was speaking at a keynote speaker at one of the BRICS Summit conference there. But also, just Friday, South of China Global Housing held another conference at China International Service Expo held in Beijing, where there's another hundred-some countries come as well. And yesterday, we had our 17th monthly VIP luncheon, and we have 10 ambassadors from European, from Japan, from Turkey, from many other countries, quite a number from European countries, And just yesterday, with 50 people, also IMF representative in China, we have a lot of multinational global media.
7:32And also, of course, last night I attended a relevant reception. The U.S. Embassy held a reception welcoming the new deputy head of the mission, Mr. Greg. And he actually made an excellent speech there. He said China and U.S. relation now, rather than in the past, I mean, I know that in the past we had a lot of strategic rivalry. But a new deputy head of the U.S. mission here in China said, now we should put strategic stability. He's not talking about strategic rivalry, so strategic stability. You maintain a U.S.-China relation. And Secretary Rubio also said that in July. So it's very encouraging to see a thing going on.
8:16But that also shows how busy we are meeting all the people and talking to all the parties and business, too. I get that various people might describe an ambition for stability. It does not typically feel like it when I read the headlines, that this is a stable relationship for various reasons, particularly the headlines that come out of the Trump administration, which strike me as volatile. Setting aside what you hear from officials, whether at the embassy or the State Department, does it feel like that is the trajectory? Because it certainly feels, especially over the last 10 years, that when I was younger, the relationship felt something more like stability.
8:56And that these days, it's much more about rivalry and anxiety about potential conflict. That's right. I agree with you. I think that basically because of this deterioration since the first Trump administration in 2017, and now eight years later, the duration does really go down quite a lot already. And because in 2017, the National Security Committee of the U.S. has put out a strategic report and calling China a strategic rivalry, number one, before Russia, actually. So we see that since then we had a trade war and a tariff war. But this second term, somehow I felt, well, in China, it's a bit more getting used to this kind of a tariff trade war.
9:47And China is also better prepared than the other countries because we already experienced in the first Trump administration. So now I think also China's economy is second only to the U.S. The two countries have too much independence among each other. And so, you know, because geopolitically we are really looking very bad. And then I think the consensus on both governments is that we need to look for some stability because we can't change each other. We cannot, you know, delete each other. We have to coexist peacefully. And that's probably the conclusion that we're getting there. And so we have to seek a common ground and coexist.
10:26system, even we are having a lot of different views and ideas. So you mentioned just then the idea of the world's two biggest economies being more dependent on each other, perhaps less so nowadays. But over, I guess, the decades of the early 2000s, certainly they grew more dependent on each other because of globalization. And this is something that I wanted to ask you, which is what exactly is China's definition or understanding of globalization. And I ask this because I think in the West, it's sort of generally thought of as this process of more countries trading with each other and again, becoming more economically dependent on each other.
11:08But there's also this sort of social element that's also in there, because I think the assumption was always that as countries trade more with each other, they're going to start sharing, you know, values, whether those are political or social. And I'm curious if globalization is thought of the same way in China. Well, I think that in China, because it was a late comer, you know, for example, you see the globalization in the 19th century, which is, you know, Britain invented steam power. That led the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century. In the 20th century, Americans invented internet computers and digital, and the U.S.
11:54is led in the 20th century. I think in the 21st century, China is also coming up now. For example, on green power, China is leading on EVs, on solar panels, and also wind power and all this. But in the globalization concept, in the Chinese mind, it's really more referred to the economic globalization. because that's the benefit they're getting substantially. For example, 800 million people has been lifted out of poverty since China embraced opening up, basically embraced the globalization. And then you can see China now is the largest trading nation or major trading nation with 157 countries around the world.
12:35And also, furthermore, China has since opening up in the last 47 years, China has about almost 10 million students study the board. I mean, almost half of that in the United States. So that means globalization. I think there's a flow of people, flow of talent, flow of goods, you know, interconnected connectivities, fast, you know, stock market exchange listed with each other. And also business doing, you know, there are 70 ,000 U.S. companies operating in China on generating 700 billion revenues here in China. And also, you know, Apple make 90 % of its iPhone in China and Tesla make 50 % of its EV cars in China and Walmart precious about 60 % of its supplies from China.
13:27So I think that's probably the globalization in China felt the substantial benefit probably for both Chinese and also American consumers. They are less ideological, but they're more probably on the economic sense that globalization has really bring them a lot of good and benefit. For example, since China joined the WTO in 2011, China's GDP has gone up 13, 14 times. So that really, I think, in the minds of Chinese, when they talk about globalization, they're really talking about joining the economic globalization. Rather than the global securization, they don't want to see the AUKUS, They don't want to see the Quad.
14:07They don't want to see Camp Davia of Korea, Japan, and all those security or NATO moving to Asia, that kind of a militarized globalization. They want to see more economic globalization.
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16:49But when it comes to something, you know, when it comes to the Russia-Ukraine war that tends to be focused on the Europeans, the role that U.S. will play, is there going to be a point in the near future or is there something we're missing where China sees this conflict that is far from its direct borders and wants to play a more activist role in bringing peace? Or is this something that is only associated with the sort of American style, Western-led style of globalization? Well, I think that's probably now the world is, I mean, I was at Munich Security Conference kickoff meeting in Berlin earlier this year with the chairman of the Munich Security Conference.
17:32They issued a report, I was discussing on that report, they called multipolarity. So we are getting into a multipolar war now. I mean, China suddenly become one polar of this multipolar war. And then you can see what happened in the Russian-Ukraine war there. It's getting nowhere. We had the Alaska Summit. That's why I published an op-ed at the Foreign Policy two days before the Alaska Summit. Basically, I suggest that if you as the Defense Secretary, I heard him saying at the Munich Security Conference that they want peacemaking troops coming from European countries and non-European countries.
18:08So what would be non-European countries? So I think that countries could be those break countries from China, India, Brazil, you know, South Africa or Turkey, whatever, BRICS countries. But basically, again, you see that when Trump actually, after the Alaska, talking to G7 at the White House, Putin actually talked to President Xi before he's in Alaska and talked to Lula, talked to Moody, and talked to the president of South Africa after the Alaska. So I think that I recently see Macron proposing that let's have 26 European countries troops placed into Ukraine. But that got a very strong reaction from Russia, that Putin said, OK, if that is the case, then we regard it as a NATO violation or something.
18:54So we see that the excuse for Putin to start a war is because NATO troops are approaching the Russian border. I mean, after three and a half years' fight, you have NATO European troops there again. I mean, he will not probably end that war easily. So I think a more extra guarantee for this peacemaking, in addition to NATO, EU, and also U.S., let's get China, India, Brazil, those largest buyers of Russian energy products and what else, is really extra safekeeping for the border. And then by having Chinese peacekeeping force there, it will really make Russia difficult to violate that peace border.
19:35Because China has a lot of influence on Russia. Same for India, same for Brazil. So I think that we're stuck in this, you know, Trump says he's starting to sanction again. You're not going anywhere. But I think by adding the China breaks element, we probably see a more secure peace that's going to happen. Hmm. What does China actually think its role in the world should be? And we talked about its role economically in the idea of globalization, but setting aside economies when it comes to geopolitical security, what exactly does China want to be? Yes. Well, thank you. I think basically China is a large country, of course, but it's basically agricultural culture.
20:25You know, it's basically, you have 5 ,000 years history. I interrupt the civilization. It's based on agricultural economy. The farmers cultivate along the Yangtze River and the Yalu River. And Confucius said, if your parent alive, don't travel far away. And then you can only cultivate the land for seasons that they can grow enough vegetables and wheat and grain to feed yourself. So it's really that kind of a culture cultivated the culture of China. And they are not really a nation on horses or like Mongolians. They're going to have expeditions or going to have colonized any places. In the Ming Dallas, there was a marshal called Zheng He, had a big expedition trips beyond almost to Africa.
21:10Also, you know, ASEAN countries, Southeast Asia. They never stayed anywhere. They never occupied any places. They all returned seven times. It was even earlier than Colombia. So you see, that is really the culture China has. Until now, for the last 40 years, China hasn't started any wars, sent any soldiers anywhere, or colonized any place, or invaded any other country. So I think geopolitically, we had this big parade on September 3rd to commemorate the Second World War, but I think China has produced enough deterrence so that, you know, probably if they are in any hot conflict, they have enough defenses to deter that.
21:48So if we cannot have a nuclear or hot war to mutually assure destruction, then the only thing that remains is peaceful competition on the economy, on the soft power, on the culture, on the people-to-people exchanges. So I think China wants to really see, let's have a level playing field and let's really compete on the economic. China now is having 70 % of global speed railway, 60 ,000 5G networks of the world. Out of the 10 largest container ports, several of them in China. China also has 13 million college graduates every year. And, you know, they have a lot of things that they're doing on their own.
22:32And also on energy installation, now their electricity consumption is 2.5 times of U.S., three times of Europe now. And in terms of green power, China has produced 15, 16 million EV cars. Total number would be 30 million. And they have 16 million charge stations in China everywhere. You know, very convenient to charge your EV car now. So I think, you know, they want to probably compete in those areas rather than geopolitically. So I think maybe if China can maintain some peacekeeping, it would be great because China is the largest peacekeeping budget contributor to the UN. China is the largest peacekeeping sending force among the P5 member countries.
23:14So China can do more peacekeeping and also economically, you know, China launched the many initiatives, Belt and Road Initiative. China just did an SO summit in Tianjin, where they started with an SO bank. They have a BRICS bank, a new development bank. So they're doing all this kind of economic stuff. I think that's how they view the world. Should be intertwined more economically, business-wise, rather than we are really divided according to the ideological, divided according to democracy versus autocracy, and divided by, you know, this East or West. So there's many things I think China is thinking a little differently.
23:52You mentioned the United Nations, and there's sort of this question about the relevance or the vitality of a lot of these Western developed multilateral organizations, WTO being among them, but UN specifically, in your vision, maybe it's China's vision, or maybe there's distinct, is it important to breathe new life into these organizations? Or is there a new set of organizations, including some of the ones that China has set up itself, whether it's the BRI, whether we're talking about the BRICS, whether we're talking about some of these others? Is the future more, okay, if we're going to have this sort of new style of globalization, We actually genuinely need new organizations rather than the husks of the organizations that were sort of built out of the Western liberal order.
24:41Absolutely. I think that's quite true. I have recently wrote a book about my dialogue with Graham Allison, the founding dean of Harvard Kennedy School, which has become a very good sell in China now, also English-wise. Basically, we find that in our dialogue, we talk about U.S.-China relations as conjunct twins. You know, we cannot separate each other. You know, if we want to separate each other, we end up damaging ourselves. So that's the given. So we should avoid this Hujidis trap that Grand Madison famously defined. But also, on the other hand, we should also avoid the Kinderberger trap, which means that But when a new rising power is starting to catch up to an existing number one power, there's a vacuum in the public goods.
25:28Like when the U.S. was taking place in the U.K., there's a lot of missing linking points. We got a big recession in the 1930s and things like that. So China actually is, the U.S. has now put a bit back on its policy. Now it's become a mega. You know, make me first, make me great again. And rather than there's no country really is looking at the global public goods. So that's what China is now. China has not backed on climate change agreement. China strongly support that. And China has developed a very climate friendly environment now. And we reach carbon neutral and carbon peak ahead of time. But just to be clear, these legacy organizations specifically like the UN, does China feel like these are their bets?
26:16that China intends to make, that these are going to be important institutions, or are they fading like many legacy institutions and that the sort of new, more stable order that you may envision, does it have to be with a fresh set of multilateral international organizations? No, I think China is a strong support of existing U.S. system. And as President Xi just recently proposed the Global Governance Institute, I mean, on five point, two or three point, he was emphasizing the UN, principle of UN, charter of UN, and also we can help to enhance, improve, and make it better, but we should not restart.
26:55But on the other hand, we see UN also getting quite marginalized and there's a big awakening. And for example, China become the second largest donor to the UN budget now, close to US, almost no difference now. And also when US pulling out of WHO, China committed the 500 million U.S. dollars to WHO. And when, you know, WTO is marginalized, China is working with Europeans to do that. But furthermore, I think China is still the only public big country, one of the largest countries, still proposing economic cooperation, like a Belt and Road Initiative. For the last 12, 13 years, China invested over$1 trillion U.S.
27:34dollars for 3 ,000 projects. And also furthermore, China has started the China-Africa Economic Summit, China on Latin American Economic Summit, China, ASEAN Economic Summit, and China, Central Asia and China Arab Economic Summit. So it's all economically related. And furthermore, while President Trump is raising 100-some country tariff, China announced they're going to reduce the tariff of 53 least-developing countries, tariff zero for coming to China. So you can see the contrast there. So I think China is really providing enough public goods to fill some vacuum. The U.S. is backing off on development, on the global south and on the U.S.
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28:14system. You know, China is, when U.S. is pulling out the UNESCO, China is also a big support of UNESCO and so on and so forth. So I think China is doing a lot of that kind of activities now. When it comes to U.S.-China relations, you know, you mentioned that your book was selling well in China. I'm really curious, what is the biggest misunderstanding or the biggest concern that you hear from Chinese people on the ground when it comes to U.S. policy? And I realize it's a little bit unfair we're treating you as a spokesman for an entire country in China. We really don't intend to do that. We don't intend to do that.
28:50But I'd be curious, like, what sort of questions do you get on a daily basis from the average Chinese person about America and what it's doing? Well, I think the biggest throwing point basically that bothers ordinary Chinese is that we see the U.S. navies coming to Chinese Taiwan Street or South China Sea. Quite often we see airplane patrol in this part of the world. We never see Chinese aircraft or navy go to Hawaii or go to Caribbean. We never see that. But we see the U.S. military presence very strong. We have the 40 ,000 U.S. military personnel in South Korea just neighboring China. And another, I don't know how many, you know, it's quite 30 ,000, 40 ,000 probably in Japan.
29:44And we have now in Philippines, and then they have also missiles, mid-range missiles placed there. And also they are going to place new missiles in Japan now and South Korea. So those things actually, because China felt, you know, Taiwan is part of China. And certainly the people in the U.S. say, oh, China is a democracy. We have to defend that. But China has a Chinese-style democracy, meritocracy. It also works perfect, you know, not perfect, but at least works well for this most populous country in the world. So I think, you know, we all have a different governing style. But just because our governing style is with you, and then that's why you need to, because Taiwan, because the reason for protecting Taiwan is Taiwan is a democracy, now we have to protect that.
30:28But I think, you know, China can also absorbing that. And, you know, China promised Taiwan, you know, no tax to be given to federal government, a lot of autonomy. And China announced that Taiwanese will be free to work in the mainland. No visa needed, no anything needed. We are already two million Taiwanese working in the mainland. And there's half a million husband and wife married across the street. And then before Taiwan, you know, former president of Taiwan, you know there's six million mainland flooded the time with with tourism sending the money spending restaurant hotels you know there was almost in integrated already if not for the foreign interference so i i think the chinese say okay please maybe just let us you know peacefully unified like like germany you had the you know east germany west germany unified and And let's also hope North Korea, South Korea unified.
31:25So basically, they were really looking for less interference on that. And so I think that would be greatly improving the region. Because in the communique that established three communique China and U.S. have, it sounds very clear U.S. will not maintain, you know, will just maintain normal ties, no official ties. But then we see U.S. officials, Parliament Manchin, Nancy Pelosi, keep visiting Taiwan. Or Taiwanese leaders coming to visit the U.S. So those probably bother a bit of ordinary Chinese. But of course, again, we understand, of course, the U.S. was a world policeman for a long time. But now we see many countries also that the governing model is not working perfectly.
32:05We have all the domestic issues. U.S. has it. The European has it. All the countries have that. But China, on the other hand, seems to maintain a pretty good status. And that also keeps lifting people out of poverty. So I think they should give China some credit for doing that rather than, OK, it's always shown in front of China's doorsteps and you have a U.S. parade of military muscles all the time. So that's a little bothering you for the Chinese, basically. When you think about China's relationship with the other BRICS countries, with African countries, with the Global South countries, so to speak, have you seen substantive changes in those relationships, specifically since the wake of October 2023 and the start of the war on Gaza and countries sort of rethinking, you know, has this prompted a concrete rethinking about, you know, you said the U.S.
33:04was the global policeman, and a lot of people have perceived that. In the wake of this ongoing war, has there been a substantive change in the way countries want to have a relationship with China? Well, absolutely. You know, this year was for the first time you see China-ASEAN summit at the GCC. Gulf countries all came to ASEAN. So you had the first China-ASEAN GCC summit. And then you can see also the BRICS countries expanding. UAE was there. And there's a lot of Middle East countries really coming to China. You also have the Shanghai Corporation Summit recently. You had Turkey. You had the Iranian president.
33:54You have a lot of people from that region. So I think China's role does play because China, for example, a few years ago, China clinched a deal between Saudis and Iranians. Rather than, you know, we are seeing the current chaos going on. China also, of course, in the 14 different fractions of Palestinian group, had a Beijing-Palestinian declaration. And China could probably do more in promoting peace between Israel and the Palestinian. China also maintained good relations in the past with Israel. So I think that sooner or later, probably those countries will realize that we cannot really let just what happened in Gaza, the humanitarian crisis, the deaths of thousands of tens of thousands of people, what happened in your living room on a daily basis.
34:41I mean, where is the, you know, children are dying and all those things. So that kind of justice, where is the justice now? So, of course, there's always problems to start with. But I think we cannot because a two-run doesn't make a right. I really think that we should continue to have this international moral power that the United Nations Security Council should really exercise rather than, you know, be vetoed all the time. So I'm thinking, you know, China probably could play more role in the future. But let's solve this Ukraine crisis if the BRICS country peacemaking can happen, not by China.
35:18And I'm sure that model could be applied to other conflicts in other regions. China also trying to, you can see Prime Minister Moody and the Prime Minister of Pakistan was at the same table a few months after fighting in China. We see Armenia and Azerbaijan president coming to the summit in Tianjin as well. So probably China is building up its mediating power. and peacekeeping power as time goes on.
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38:00Crypto trading provided by Backed Crypto Solutions, LLC. Complete disclosures available at public.com slash disclosure. Just going back to globalization for a second, I think everyone agrees, and you've already talked about this, that China has been a huge beneficiary from globalization over time. But I get the sense that there is still a feeling within China that some aspects of the global economic order or trade agreements are unfair to China. How do you sort of square that tension? And where do you think the concern or the worries over unfairness actually comes from? And by the way, I could ask this question to American officials as well.
38:37The U.S. is a massive beneficiary of the global economic order, and yet the Trump administration clearly feels very aggrieved about America's place in the world. But when it comes to China, where does the sense of unfairness actually come from? Well, there's quite a few. Actually, you see, one of the things that the U.S. was treating the pure deficit as the only reason they started the tariff war. I was giving a talk just last April, a few months ago, at the U.N. Security Council, where they called a special arena meeting in New York. 80 countries represented by the U.N. participated. Where I gave a speech there, I was saying that, for example, U.S.
39:18is only looking at the goods deficit, you know, merchandise deficit. But out of that deficit, maybe 30%, 40%, 50 % was produced by multinationals, 30 % by U.S. For example, out of the$400 billion deficit that Trump is levy on China,$300 billion deficit, he immediately waived$100 billion because a lot of companies are made goods in China. Apple has to source their iPhone from India, but it's not enough. So they have to lift that sanctions on those deficits. Anyway, and there's a lot of intertwined. But also, the U.S. is enjoying$1 trillion trade surplus on the service trade. They are not counting that.
40:00And also, the calculation about China's export. For example, every phone we made in China, iPhone made here, China probably made labor costs. You know, 80 % was made by multinationals. EV cars are the same. So, while you're just purely looking at the trade deficit numbers, a lot of money was not made in China. was made by international, multinational companies, and they're not sending back to the country. So that's why I agree with President Trump to have more investment back to the U.S., because multinational made a lot of money in China and elsewhere, but they should really investment back rather than put in the tax havens.
40:36So that's why the global minimum tax proposed by OECD has agreed by over 100 some countries, but it's not practiced yet on that now. So that's one aspect. The other aspect I could say is the, for example, U.S. is starting these sanctions on China, for example, forbidding the use, selling the chips to China. So that is really, and also they call in the Trump administration, you know, high fence, small yard, and all those things. And there is 1 ,500 Chinese companies on the U.S. entity list. I mean, maybe China has a dozen or two dozen of U.S. companies, but compared with the magnitude of the U.S., it's too much, too many.
41:18overuse of the security reasons to really restrict all the Chinese companies on that. So that's really become a problem. And so that's why China started to say, okay, if chips can be the dual-use goods, right, you can say, okay, it can be used for security or military. Same is true for rare earths, right? Rare earths can be making for airplanes, tanks, everything. So when China started a little bit on that, then the U.S. started to relax on the sale of the chips now quite a bit. So you can see, you know, morally, it's the same reason. If the U.S. doing things in the first term, China didn't respond like that.
41:54But now China is starting to respond like that. So I think that's why we see quite a few agreements made between U.S. and Chinese officials. Because China is much resilient now, much stronger. And also U.S. has realized if they really sanction so hard on China, the Christmas shopping season will be coming up. Their shelves will be empty. You know, American consumer will suffer and they're not going to hurt Trump's base. That's why we keep extending. They talk to each other more friendly than talk to India, Brazil and others. So I think they probably realize that too large is economy. They can really agonize each other.
42:31They have to find a way to collaborate. The Christmas shopping season is my personal Super Bowl. Yes. Earlier this year, actually not that long ago, Bloomberg reported. So therefore, it's absolutely true. It says, quote, officials in Beijing verbally encouraged regulatory agencies and local governments to curb technology transfers and equipment exports to India and Southeast Asia. And there were some stories about Foxconn engineers, for example, who may have been part of some sort of moving the supply chain of those Apple iPhones that you meant part of the final assembly, perhaps, to India. And this report that Chinese officials may have been pushing back against it.
43:10I get like rhetorically the existing system where American companies do a lot of manufacturing or in China has been incredibly beneficial. Is China totally comfortable with the fact that as part of this globalization, some of this manufacturing may end up leaving or as, you know, U.S. seeks to diversify its sources? Is China comfortable with this? China is, I think, is pretty comfortable now. That's why China is more confident. For example, 2019, before COVID, U.S. is the largest trading partner of China. And now U.S. is falling to the third place or even fourth place now because ASEAN has become the largest trading partner of China since the ASEP, Regional Comprehensive Partnership Agreement.
43:54And then that is actually happening because, you know, Vietnam becomes China's fourth largest trading partner now. And Indonesia, Malaysia are now expanded to Latin American, you know, most Latin American countries, China is their largest trading partner. And also with Africa, now China lifted all the tariffs from African countries' products to come to China. You will see a flood of African products coming to China. So I think, you know, that probably China doesn't mind. There's a low, maybe a little bit labor intensive because the labor, average labor workforce, migrant workers age is 43 years old.
44:29It's getting old, China. So there's a lot of shoemaking or low-income labor cost jobs. Went to Vietnam, went to Asia. China really doesn't mind. China now is focused on the high end now. For example, China is focused on the green power transition. So there's no curbs? Like, there's no curbs as far as, like, from your perspective, there's no impulse of the government to curb moving some of these more advanced things. again, talk about iPhones and such, to a country like India? Not really. I think China still encourages the investment. For example, BYD or CATL, and I know quite a few companies still very bullish investing overseas.
45:12There may be sensitive military or rare stuff that China may be questioning a little bit. But on the general, I think things are still quite open. Yeah. Is there an argument to be made that China should perhaps open its own economy further if it actually desires more economic integration with the rest of the world? Because we're talking about globalization still, but China still has capital controls, still has currency controls, still has some restrictions on investment and things like that. Should it be more open? Absolutely. I agree with you. I think China should be more open. And that's why we've been, that's our think-time role to promote that.
45:51For example, we propose people promoting the visa. Now China has issued, unilaterally issued the visa for 40-some countries, now European countries, Australia, Japan, South Korea. I urge also to recommend China to policymakers to open visa for U.S. citizens, for Canadian citizens coming to China free. But also on the trade policy, I think there should be more liberalization. continuously. I know that the government is looking at that, and the 15th five-year plan will probably be even more open. Of course, there's always rooms to improve. I totally agree. And they have opened a financial sector quite a long time ago.
46:30And as you said, maybe currency, they should be more convertible. And also on the investment in the culture, in other areas, pharmaceuticals and now China also welcome foreign universities come to China to open their branches and doing, I'm on the board of Duke Kunsan University in China, which is a giant advantage between Duke University and Wuhan University. You know, we have so many international students there and NYU Shanghai is operating very well. So we hope to have more global exchanges. I agree with you, you know, there are still more rooms. That's why I think this kind of talk between China and the U.S.
47:11Now we see TikTok is almost maybe have a deal there. And it's great. So this is the style we should continuously talk and engage and reach agreement and open up further to accommodate each other. First comes diplomacy through dance videos, Joe. And then comes an easing of currency restrictions. Well, podcast recordings have to be. That's right. Just to be clear, you know, obviously we don't expect you to be the representative of the entire Chinese perspective. Tracy and I need to establish that we do not represent the entire United States and the questions that we have. You mentioned the goods trade deficit.
47:48And of course, one of the things is, you know, obviously China has gotten much richer thanks to the booming industrial sector. The U.S. has benefited from a lot of less expensive, more sophisticated goods that it buys. But there is this source of concern, and I say this a couple of weeks after that military parade, there is a source of concern that without a robust American manufacturing capacity, that we can no longer be a powerful military country as well. And I know I do not believe it is China's role to sort of help the U.S. figure out its industrial capacity questions. Nonetheless, from the perspective, does the U.S.
48:26concern make sense to you? Perhaps there are things that seem unfair. Certain technology transfer restrictions seem counter to the spirit of globalization, etc. But is the U.S. fundamentally wrong to be concerned that as more and more of the world's share, however you want to measure it, of manufacturing of advanced goods somehow become centered around China, that that long term weakens the national security position of the United States? Well, I think we are now in a more intertwined world. There's quite a bit of a competitive advantage, like David Recanto mentioned many years ago. So what I think U.S.
49:06is still leading, U.S. is very good at inventing innovation. You see Silicon Valley, you see AI. By the way, Jason Wong said half of the AI talent is coming from China. U.S. is a big harvester of Chinese talent, too. And that's why I'm saying several million Chinese students went to the United States. I mean, probably half of them return, still half remain. That greatly benefited the U.S. economy. So what I think that is really, U.S. is good at doing zero to one, and maybe China is good at one to 100. So all the world 100 universities, top 50, still in the United States. The reason China did all this manufacturing, because as I mentioned, China has 70 % of the global speed railway, 60 % of the global 5G networks, 10 largest container port, 7 of inch.
49:58They have the infrastructure to do that. So this is a value chain, supply chain for the world, not for China. So made in China is made for the world. I think the U.S. is only worried about if they cannot make big ships or aircraft. Now they go to South Korea to do that now. So they still find a way to do that. But I don't think that you have to depend totally on the manufacturer. So if we are living in the pre-trade war era, where we buy so much chips from the US, 70 % of China's energy depends on the import. China spends more money buying the chips than China importing energy. So now they're not selling to China.
50:36Then the US company loses a big profit center, and then they really reduce their R &D budget. And China is forced to do re-invent well, and there's a lot of waste there. So we see this separation is really no good, all on security reasons. We should not over-secure lines, and we should really display each other's competitive advantage. I want to ask one more question about security philosophy. Obviously, when Russia invaded Ukraine, the U.S. imposed all kinds of sanctions on Russia and tried to constrain its ability to trade at all or make any money. Going back to Israel's war in Gaza, and you express the horror that you see from that and the sort of response to that.
51:21But China still trades with Israel as the U.S. does. In the future, in a sort of different global world order, would it ever be part of China's diplomatic arsenal to take a more heavy hand in some of these conflicts and say, oh, we're not going to trade you? We're not going to sell you advanced technology that you need to run your economy or run your military, et cetera. Because so far, despite the sort of concerns or the response, there hasn't been any change in the trading relationship. Could it ever get to that point where China views its sort of diplomatic commercial power that way in conflicts that it's not directly involved in?
51:59Well, I think China certainly would like to do more, you know, like what is happening on the WHO. China has already fulfilled its obligations, too. I think the key is really we need to restore the UN authority and principle, particularly the UN Security Council. Maybe we should also reform that, too. Maybe we should add G20 members, other 16 G20 members as associate permanent member of the UN. And we should really not let the unilateral single veto be abused. For example, since the founding of UN, Russia abused, used the veto 100-some times, 20, 40 times. U.S. 100 times, China 20 times. We need to really control that.
52:45So I think we'll reform UN to reflect this multi-polar world. And in the future, if there's any problem that happens, let's send the UN peacekeeping force to do that. And so if the old security member have a big majority and General Assembly have a big majority, we should make that happen. So I think reform this multi-polar world, we also need to reform you and to reflect that because the world no longer fits, the superstructure does not fit the reality today now. All right, Henry Wong, founder and president for Center for China and Globalization. So fantastic to have you on the show. Can we do a live Odd Lots in Beijing with you at some point?
53:22Yeah, yeah, please. We welcome that. All right, we are going to, as soon as we get off this call, Well, we are going to begin the preparations to figure out how we're going to make this happen. So great chatting with you. Thank you for staying up late in your time to talk with us. And I hope to talk to you again soon. Thank you. Thank you so much, both of you. Thank you so much.
53:53Tracy, I really enjoyed that conversation. It was interesting thinking about, you know, this idea that rhetorically there are a lot of people on both sides of the aisle who say things like, oh, we need to get out of this sort of competition framework, et cetera. It doesn't really feel like anything is actually happening on that front. Yes. One thing that struck me from the conversation was, I guess, how economically oriented it feels like all of Chinese policy actually is. And I suppose maybe that gets back to this idea. This is an old idea now, but that social contract idea about the CCP. So as long as people feel that their lives are getting better, then the CCP has strong support.
54:37I think the economic focus really came through in that conversation. I think, you know, obviously, from the U.S. perspective, there is this view that, you know, Henry used the word global policeman. And a lot of people would say, yes, absolutely. And that a big role of the U.S. Navy specifically is enforcing the fact or freeing the world for trade. Right. That part of the reason that the world can trade freely. That that's like a public good provided by the U.S. This is a public good, and Adam Posen has talked about this, and others have talked about this idea that these things go hand in hand.
55:15And it's interesting because, so Henry talked about this impulse for continuation of global trade, including with the U.S., etc. There clearly, to my mind, seems to be less of an appetite from China to like, or it's not obvious that there is a— To fill the gap, basically. Yeah, or that, you know, and I guess there's question like, does the world need such muscle to trade, right? Could you have a world of trade where there is not one entity that has a truly global military footprint? I think these are really interesting questions. Henry, of course, talked about, especially in that last answer, restrengthening the UN, et cetera.
55:56Restructuring. Restructuring the UN, exactly. It's not entirely obvious to me that these institutions, as they're constructed, can really be revived, even with lots of Chinese money going into them. I think that's still kind of TBD. Well, I think this is it, right? Even if you restructured the Security Council so that, you know, you wouldn't have one powerful member vetoing stuff all the time. Even if people agreed to do things, what is the UN actually going to do, right? Right. What is the UN actually going to do? I don't we didn't get into it that much, but like the idea of a sort of more, I don't know, bricks composed peacekeeping force.
56:34I bet there are a lot of people in the US who would love that. They're like, yeah, let's have peace. Let's have a ceasefire. Someone else take care of the peace. Yeah, let's have a ceasefire in Russia and Ukraine. And also, let's not have it be particularly dominated by Western peacekeepers shouldering that burden. I bet a lot of people in the US would love that. I would, you know, head with more time. I would love to really explore like what the constraints on that actually happening are there. But I thought that was a very useful sort of overview of some of these questions from the Chinese perspective.
57:02Absolutely. Don't explore the constraints, Joe. Just take credit for solving U.S.-China tensions on the podcast. OK. In less than an hour. Shall we leave it there? Let's leave it there. This has been another episode of the All Thoughts podcast. I'm Tracy Alloway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloway. And I'm Joe Weisenthal. You can follow me at The Stalwart. Follow our producers, Carmen Rodriguez at CarmenArmond, Dash O 'Bennett at Dashbot, and Kale Brooks at Kale Brooks. For more OddLots content, go to Bloomberg.com slash OddLots. We have the daily newsletter and all of our episodes. And you can chat about all of these topics 24-7 in our Discord, discord.gg slash OddLots.
57:39And if you enjoy OddLots, if you want us to go to Beijing and talk to more people on the ground, then please leave us a positive review on your favorite podcast platform. And remember, if you are a Bloomberg subscriber, you can listen to all of our episodes absolutely ad-free. All you need to do is find the Bloomberg channel on Apple Podcasts and follow the instructions there. Thanks for listening.
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From the publisher
There is a widespread view that China is a superpower of rising status, and that a new global order is emerging with the country as an important pole in it. You see this with the growing BRICS organization. You also see this with the leaders who went to Beijing recently for the country's military parade. And of course, this comes at a time when the US is erecting trade barriers with everyone, including many of our closest friends and allies. So how does China see its role in this world? Will it play a role that's similar to what the US has played? Will it look very different? Does China want to reinvigorate legacy multi-lateral organizations like the UN? On this episode, we speak with Henry Huiyao Wang, the Founder and President of the Center for China and Globalization. Having been founded in 2008, the CCG is now China's largest independent think tank, with offices in multiple cities. We discuss China's perspective on the US, its potential role in establishing a Russia-Ukraine ceasefire, its perspective on Israel and Gaza, and the type of role it could play in a new form of globalization.
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