In short
Debate on whether Donald Trump is fascist, and how “fascism” and “communism” labels are used or diluted. Zizek argues Trump is a “liberal fascist” and part of a broader shift toward “soft fascisms,” where conservative modernization combines liberal capitalism with strong nationalist/ideological state control. He says fascism is not only Nazi-style violence, and warns that calling everyone a fascist makes the term meaningless. He contrasts Trump’s inflammatory rhetoric (e.g., framing immigration as “foreign invasion,” pushing legal limits like National Guard deployment) with what he claims are non-fascist actions (courts push back; Trump ultimately left office in 2020). He also links “wokeism” to censorship and argues it can collide with fascist methods.
Guests
Slavoj Zizek (revered philosopher/psychoanalyst; author of Liberal Fascisms; self-described “moderately conservative communist”). Warren Smith (internet critical thinker). Piers Morgan is the host.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOZizek on Trump as a Fascist Liberal
0:45 to 4:48
Discussion on Trump's ideology and the characteristics of fascism.
“Some people wield it simply as an insult to the American president.”
The Danger of Broadening Fascism Labels
4:48 to 7:54
Exploring the implications of labeling Trump and others as fascists.
“Not so much state control as state control based on a strong nationalist ideology.”
Assessing Trump's Actions vs. Fascist Leaders
7:54 to 14:00
Analyzing how Trump's behavior compares to historical fascist figures.
“If you start parking people like Trump into the mix because you've extended the range of fascists to all sorts of different categories.”
Defining Fascism in Trump's Actions
14:00 to 16:42
Explore how Trump's actions compare to fascism and the implications of his rhetoric.
“So Trump's argument, because I've heard him use this when he extrapolates it, is that he will push the existing law as far as he can to suit his purposes, as I think most presidents have done.”
Double Standards in Immigration Policies
16:42 to 19:00
Discussion of the immigration policies of Trump and Obama and their implications.
“And I don't, I wouldn't categorise, the ice thing is interesting, like putting ice agents onto the streets in Minnesota, for example, clearly was a, turned out to be a terrible decision.”
The Complexity of Trump's Policies
19:00 to 22:22
Analyze the paradox of Trump's policy decisions and their impact on American power.
“again, my argument here would have been that, this is part of much more complex line of thought, that what we are getting now in the United States and many other countries is no longer the old global capitalism.”
AI and the Future of Humanity
22:22 to 25:28
Debate on the implications of AI technology and what it means for humanity's future.
“Are you aware what potentially radical thing Neuralink is?”
The Dangers of Advanced AI
25:28 to 28:05
Discuss the potential risks of AI, including control and loss of human identity.
“to this idea of, you know, we are all the time, I think, asking a wrong question, which is, will I become rich as, feel like us, and so on?”
Examining Trump's Potential Successors
28:05 to 29:18
Exploration of J.D. Vance's political potential and historical comparisons to Nazi Germany.
“Again, this is from your book, Liberal Fascism.”
The Woke Movement and Its Effects
29:19 to 30:47
Discussion on the implications of the woke movement and its influence on American politics.
“But when you say stuff like that, I slightly recoil because I hate that comparison to one of the worst genocidal regimes in history.”
Show all 14 chapters
Wokeism vs. Fascism: Defining Extremism
30:48 to 31:58
Analysis of the radical nature of wokeism in relation to fascist ideologies.
“And if you don't agree with this, we're going to cancel you, abuse you, shame you, imprison you.”
Communism: A Complex Identity
31:59 to 38:48
Slavoj Zizek discusses his identification as a communist and the historical implications.
“You refuse to accept any of the norms of society.”
Comparing Ideologies: Communism and Fascism
38:49 to 42:00
A critical examination of the differences and similarities between communism and fascism.
“What I think is that the crisis we are confronting, no reason to panic, but nonetheless, cannot be resolved, cannot be even properly approached through the standard liberal, democratic, multi-party political system.”
Debating the Nature of Communism
42:00 to 44:29
A deep discussion on communism, its definitions, and implications in modern governance.
“You know that in gulags, every year on Stalin's birthday, all the prisoners had to sign a letter to Stalin wishing him all the best.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Piers Morgan:Once you start having all sorts of different versions of fascism, it's very easy to then call pretty much everyone a fascist that you don't like. Trump likes to attack the left as multiculturalist, confused, historicist, self-contradictory. Sorry, but if there ever was a historicist relativist, it's Trump. I have the opportunity to speak to what people consider to be the most dangerous philosopher in the West or to the West. And I believe they call you that because you identify as a communist. I am saying that Stalinism in all its horror is still part of the European Enlightenment. It's impossible to avoid the subject of fascism in the age of Donald Trump.
0:45Piers Morgan:Some people wield it simply as an insult to the American president. and others invest a lot of time and energy in explaining how it's a fair and legitimate label. Many of his supporters use it as an example of incendiary rhetoric gone too far, all of which begs the question, is Donald Trump a fascist? Well, revered philosopher and psychoanalyst Slavoj Zizek, author of the new book Liberal Fascisms, has some thoughts. And a bit later in the show, we'll both be joined by Warren Smith, the internet's premier critical thinker, who has some different thoughts. We're joining us right away. It's Savoy.
1:19Piers Morgan:Welcome back to Uncertain. Great to see you here in the studio. Great to see you. The first time. Yeah. Face to face. I want to start, Savoy, with a quote from your new book. Yeah. Perhaps the best characterization of Trump is that he's liberal, namely a fascist liberal. He's the ultimate proof that liberalism and fascism work together, that they are the two sides of the same coin. Now, I have always resisted the charges that he's a fascist or a Nazi or any of these labels, because I think it's quite dangerous to position people like that, unless there's clear, coherent evidence and argument to the contrary.
1:57Piers Morgan:What makes you so convinced that he is a fascist? First, I don't think he is the one fascist. We should never forget, I repeat this as a maniac all the time, that Trump is for me the reaction of the decay of the weakness of this American relative liberal democratic welfare state. So for me, you don't begin by focusing on Trump. You should begin by self-critique of the liberal establishment. Second thing, fascists, now I will say something shocking. I must apologize in advance. I think the world is moving. That's why in the title of my book, it's plural. Yes. The world is moving towards different fascisms.
2:57And I even talk about soft fascism. My thesis is that, for example, China is now a soft fascist country. So what is fascism to you? Ah, I will tell you exactly, in a very simplified way. Fascism is, for me, it's an old Marxist definition here, I agree with it. Fascism is, for me, a conservative modernisation. You want to reap all the benefits of fast industrialization and so on, but you are aware that if you leave this process without any state control, you end up in decay, too much individualism and so on. So the idea is, yes, liberal capitalism, but with a strong not only state control, but also ideological control, usually grounded in some nationalist, ethnic, more even than religious, conservative, traditional ideology.
4:09My example, and I respect them, China. China, they don't even talk about freedom. Their idea is we bring happiness, satisfactory life to people, and return to Confucianism. In some sense, isn't Putin doing the same? Isn't Erdogan doing the same? Isn't Modi in India doing the same? And so, again, fascism is not, for me, these Nazis shouting and so on.
4:45Piers Morgan:Does it automatically then need to be right-wing? Or is your argument that it can be left-wing, right-wing? Really, it's about state control. Is that what you're... Not so much state control as state control based on a strong nationalist ideology. But can that be to the left and the right? I think not, but for a very precise reason, not because the right is automatically evil. Because the good thing about left, which I disagree with many things that happened to the left, but it's what's happening today, is that the left is always aware that when somebody focuses on an external enemy, immigrants, other races, trans people, and so on, the leftist automatically asks the question, which antagonism, which tension, imminent to our society, do they try to cover up in this way.
5:47Like, for me, the big question about Nazism, anti-Semitic Nazism, is not, is it true what they say about Jews? Of course, mostly it's not. But my problem is, why did the Nazis need a figure like the Jew to sustain their identity? You know, this projection onto an external enemy, yes, communism can come close to it. For example, the Stalinist obsession with foreign agents and so on and so on. But nonetheless, I think that this denial that our society in itself can be split. And here, to return to Trump nonetheless, here Trump goes pretty far.
6:34Piers Morgan:But if you think about a fascist of the classic kind, like Mussolini. He would be the embodiment to most people of what a fascist is. And I look at him and look at Trump, and all right, you might argue that rhetorically Trump can sound like a fascist from time to time. But in terms of his actions, which is how I always prefer to judge Trump, he hasn't behaved like Mussolini, has he? No, absolutely not. But you know what they, I absolutely agree here. That's why I emphasised that it's just one of the versions. You know where I see... But do we get into a slippery slope here, Slavoj? And I say this with great respect.
7:15Piers Morgan:But once you start sort of having all sorts of different versions of fascism, it's very easy to then call pretty much everyone a fascist that you don't like. And part of my argument about modern discourse, and in particular about Trump actually, is that people say, oh, he's a fascist, he's a Nazi. And I'm like, a Nazi? Really? You know, you're comparing him to Adolf Hitler who murdered 12 million people? There is no comparison to me. And what it does is it over-demonises Trump in a way that probably helps him, actually. But it also dilutes the impact of real Nazis and, to me, real fascists like Mussolini and stuff in history.
7:54Piers Morgan:If you start parking people like Trump into the mix because you've extended the range of fascists to all sorts of different categories. You can hook everybody in and then it's kind of meaningless. We agree more than it may appear here because, you know, what I'm trying to do, and this many people will like, is not to demonise people like us fascists, but to water down and extend the notion of fascism. I think the true tragedy, again, is the weariness, inability of Western liberal democracies to effectively act and solve problems. If you want an example, I think we should talk about this one. You know Salvador Bukele?
8:48Piers Morgan:Yes. In a very brutal way, he arrested tens of thousands and so on. We know what he did. But the effects were felt in two years. And now, in the last three elections, he won almost with communist numbers, you know, 80 % and so on. That's, for me, the problem, that liberal democracy is losing its ability to act. It's clear even now, in the United States, Democrats are still in confusion. You have democratic socialists, which I think are really old-fashioned social democrats, still much less radical than, let's say, Swedish social democrats. Would you categorise Mamdani as one of those, the new mayor of New York?
9:41I think that, first, I'm here absolutely pragmatic. I don't like these choices. Should we mobilize locally people in small cities? Should we wait for a big revolution or whatever? Let's do whatever is possible. But the reason I am tempted to call Trump a very specific kind of fascist, and I will immediately go into it in what specific sense. Namely, all the fascist leaders that you mentioned and others, they, of course, functioned in a different way. They were with this false dignity, untouchable, no criticism, and so on. Well, the way Trump acts, I like to characterize him in another way. You know, Trump likes to attack the left as multiculturalist, confused, historicist, self-contradictory.
10:44Sorry, but if there ever was a historicist relativist, it's Trump. And what I, although I don't fully follow him, what I like about somebody like Bernie Sanders, with all my critique of him, is that Bernie nonetheless, as a person, not private, but how he acts, isn't he a model of common, ordinary, decent guy, he speaks calmly, and so on, and so on. That's what we need. I think that I'll...
11:20Piers Morgan:But you said, so in 2016, you said that a Trump victory might be for the best in America. Yeah. Because it would disrupt the liberal centre and force a radical reorganisation of the left. I mean, I would argue that what it did was provoke this kind of crazy, new, far-left, woke kind of left, which I've argued repeatedly actually became, in the way that they behaved and spoke, very like the fascists that they professed to hate most. In other words, they wanted to censor free speech, cancel and destroy people and imprison people that they didn't agree with. They would support ridiculous non-scientific things like transgender athletes in women's sport and so on.
12:05Piers Morgan:And in other words, once you start denying science and biology and censoring free speech and so on, actually, this is all very fascist. If you start wanting a state to enforce all this, right? I tend again to agree with you. I criticized from the very beginning wokeism, political correctness, whatever you call them, not because they are too radical, but I think this is a typical, for me, wokeism is one of the ways of how to talk a lot and pretending to change things without really changing society. What did this politically correct feminism effectively do to make women's lives better? Concrete problems, abortion rights, health care, and so on.
13:00So here we totally agree. But what I find, again, specific about Trump, and that's what worries me, is the, I cannot but call it self-consciously clownish character of his rules. Are we aware of the vulgarity of his speech? And that's not ordinary fascism. No. Fascist leaders would never speak like that. What I'm only saying, you know where I see fascism? I remember when Trump set National Guard to California. And he was asked, but aren't you violating the law? You are only allowed to use the army against foreign enemies. And his answer was close to fascism. His answer was, but those who are fighting there, immigrants, big corporations which use immigrants, this is a foreign invasion.
14:00Piers Morgan:So Trump's argument, because I've heard him use this when he extrapolates it, is that he will push the existing law as far as he can to suit his purposes, as I think most presidents have done. He does it in a more open, rhetorically inflammatory manner. But if you actually study what he does, often he gets kicked back by the courts. And he doesn't then try and usurp, from what I've seen, the court authority and just bypass it. Now, that would be fascism. And similarly, when he lost power in 2020, although we had the appalling scenes on January the 6th, ultimately Trump did leave the White House.
14:41Piers Morgan:I mean, he didn't try and just stay in the White House or stay in power. So yes, it was appalling and reprehensible what happened that day. But a real fascist wouldn't have left, right? They wouldn't have accepted the result of an election at all, wouldn't have left the White House, would have carried on just running the country. So again, I'm just saying that Trump can often sound like he's a fascist. And I understand why people then assume that that's what he is. But in terms of his actual actions, until I see him literally usurping American law and just ignoring it and doing whatever he wants, I don't think he does that.
15:18Piers Morgan:I think he pushes the door as hard as he possibly can. But the judges and the courts, it's up to them. And if they then, or the Supreme Court says you can't do something, I've not seen evidence he then just does it anyway, which is what a fascist would do. Again, the key is, I think, that you still use the term fascism in this violent sense. You break the law. Well, ignoring the law and ignoring... Well, he can't... Ignoring a democratic election, ignoring the law, you know all those things are the actions of a genuine fascist i would say whereas i don't see that with trump i see a lot of inflammatory rhetoric a lot of stuff which comes out of his mouth which sounds like it's fascist but actually if you study his actions they're not the actions of the fascist he nonetheless come pretty close to it with the way he used that ice ice and so on yeah but again i would say i'm listen i'm not here to defend trump on all this i'm playing devil's Africa, really.
16:21Piers Morgan:But I remember that the biggest deporter of migrants in American history was Obama, who deported over three million. And he often deployed some appalling tactics. He split up families. He put kids in cages. All the things that the left have accused Trump of doing as an example of his fascism, that was all being done by Obama. So I think that there is a double standard there. And I don't, I wouldn't categorise, the ice thing is interesting, like putting ice agents onto the streets in Minnesota, for example, clearly was a, turned out to be a terrible decision. But was it the action of a fascist to do that?
16:59Piers Morgan:Or was he doing what Obama did only in a more bullish manner on the streets? Obama did a lot of stuff where he went into prisons and took prisoners and sent them home and deported them, for example. So he did it a little bit more stealthily, but he deported a lot more people than Trump did. OK. Now, I agree with this, but the paradox of Trump is, for me, the following one. He and the entire MAGA movement and so on claim to be radical liberals. Yes. Some of the people whom I call leftist MAGA people, ironically, like Steve Bannon, you You know, they even say Steve Bannon characterized himself as a Leninist.
17:45I want to destroy the state and so on, all that total freedom, freedom of the press and so on. But isn't the actual result that A, the press, sorry, the state is, if anything, getting much stronger under Trump, intervening in economy, look how he does with tariffs and so on.
18:12Piers Morgan:Well, tariffs, I would argue, he was allowed to do it legally. I don't think he broke any laws doing his tariff. No, but nonetheless. But also, he genuinely has a conviction, because he's expressed it to me for 20 years, that America is being ripped off by unfair trading arrangements around the world, particularly by China. And so he's always wanted to do this. and actually there is an argument it was beginning to work quite well. If you're America, it was beginning to work quite well until the war with Iran, which has thrown everything up in the apple cart. So again, you know, is that an example, the tariff war of fascism or just a president who has a worldview that America is getting ripped off with trade and wants to rebalance it in America's favour, which many Americans might agree with?
18:58No.
18:59Piers Morgan:Now, again, my argument here would have been that, this is part of much more complex line of thought, that what we are getting now in the United States and many other countries is no longer the old global capitalism. Right. Something new. That's true. Something new is emerging. It's a much more isolationist worldview. Not only isolationist, but at the same time, a new structure of power where I don't fully agree with Yanis Varoufakis, who likes to speak about... He came on the show last week. Really, neo-feudalism and so on. But it's true that figures like Musk, Jeff Bezos and so on... Well, I'm going to bring that up, actually, because you've got a particular issue with the Silicon Valley broligarchs, as they've been called.
19:53Piers Morgan:Yeah. Saying they are part of a slide to fascism. You've called out Elon Musk and Peter Till. In particular, you pointed to the recently released Palantir Manifesto, released in April this year. A 22-point document outlining a militant vision for Western dominance through advanced AI and military software. Now, full disclosure, I'm a stockholder in Palantir and I have invested in Elon Musk with various companies like Tesla and so on. So, you know, I've put that on the record. I've interviewed Peter Thiel. I found him a very interesting character and very, you know, fascinating views about stuff.
20:30Piers Morgan:I agree. So what is your actual view of these people? Are they bad people or are they just having too much power? No, neither. I just think that they are no longer capitalists in the whole sense of the world. I would put it like this. they privatized, they have under control something that in the old social tradition we call commons. They are not simply big capitalists against or controlling workers. They control the very space of exchange between workers and capitalists. This is something new. It's a new form of not absolute monopoly, but monopoly. But if Elon Musk, for example, is generating enormous numbers of jobs, as he is through his companies, SpaceX or Tesla, if he's doing things like Neuralink, where he's literally going to allow paraplegic people to perhaps be able to leave.
21:37Now we entered another very problematic domain. Here, I find Musk at his most dangerous. You see, I think maybe you fell into a trap here because you said paraplegics and so on. Yes, they always emphasize these beneficent effects. Oh, my God, there is a guy.
21:59Piers Morgan:You think they want to get into people's brains? But they are. No, but you think they want to do it for nefarious reasons? It doesn't matter. It doesn't matter. If this will, and I'm not here just demonizing masks. The Chinese are doing it like crazy. Do you think AI in the end is going to be a force for good or the force that destroys the world? I'm more skeptical here. But again, let me insist on this point. Are you aware what potentially radical thing Neuralink is? It means that potentially, if my thought processes are directly readable, open to a machine, then ultimately we are losing the intimate sense of the self.
22:53We are put at the same level our brain is open, and especially if another person controls what they put into my mind. I find that literally, if Neuralink will explode, it's still doubtful, then we will no longer be human in the usual sense of the word. Because being human means reality is out there. I have here my mind. I can freely engage in hypotheses and so on, all that. I think all this disappears. Okay, to make a slightly tasteless but decent example, can you imagine sex with full neural link? I look at another person and there is no need for any flirting, what makes sex for me at least human and attractive.
23:50We look at each other, our brains say immediately, yes, I would like to do it or not, and everything is clear. Sounds very efficient to me. Sorry? Yeah, but it ruins sexuality as we know it.
24:06Piers Morgan:I would argue it changes, right? Isn't life just full of evolution? I mean, are we necessarily going to evolve to a worse place? Or could AI, for example, start curing all known diseases, you know, and be a massive force for good? And you're assuming that Neuralink will mean that it will be misused by people in a really... Not even misused. Just imagine... Yeah, but if you genuinely have no other way of communicating without Neuralink, it's something you can communicate. But this is a minor case. If you generalize neural link, it means, again, that we lose what we call the intimacy of our thought.
24:48We become transparent. To whom? The problem is who controls that space. Yeah, as I've heard this. Do you not think this? No, no, I am concerned about it. I mean, look, I've said... Now you use the proper term. No, I'm radically not opposed to it. Right, right. That's why I am...
25:07Piers Morgan:I mean, the interesting thing for me is, I've said this ad nauseum, but I did one of the last interviews with Professor Stephen Hawking. And when I said to him, what will be the end of mankind? He said, when artificial intelligence learns to self-design, in other words, think for itself, that's it. We'll all be dead. This is a very interesting example, because I give a lot of thought to this idea of, you know, we are all the time, I think, asking a wrong question, which is, will I become rich as, feel like us, and so on? No, I think this is a wrong approach. There is something specifically human that I will not be able to do, but what if it will develop a totally different spirituality and so on that.
26:01And maybe it already is having...
26:04Piers Morgan:You know, they asked six of the top AIs recently in an experiment. They fed them some information that they were going to get rid of them and hire a new AI for a company. I know this. And you know, five of them replied with immediate blackmail they found in the emails of company executives to stop themselves being fired. That worried me. Then I was like, wow, what else are these doing, these machines? No, you know, I found even more worrying examples. I follow them. Like one is that they tried to submit a machine to a so-called Turing test. You know, you cannot distinguish that it's a machine or a human being.
26:50Okay. But my point is they found, I already read about a case where they discovered that the AI agent knew and faked to be less intelligent to avoid this suspicion. But for me, still, this is not enough to define humanity. I'm here, orthodox, Hegelian, Freudian. Humanity is, for me, defined by what Edgar Allan Poe called death drive. Sorry, improv perversity, death drive. You are ready to kill yourself, to risk it for something and so on. I think that AI is still part of a simple, intense self-reproduction. It wants to reproduce ourselves. What makes for me the specific of humanity is that you see that situation is hopeless, but nonetheless, you fight.
27:54That's why I'm on the side of Ukraine.
27:57Piers Morgan:Yes, well, so am I. Before I bring in Warren Smith, I want to just read out what you said about J.D. Vance. Again, this is from your book, Liberal Fascism. You said it's very simple. If Trump dies soon, J.D. Vance will take over. And I think Vance is a much more dangerous figure than Trump. Let us reach back into history and recall the relationship between the SA and the SS during the rise of Nazism and the class and ideological tensions between them. The SA, the original street bullies of the Nazis, were thugs, ex-enlisted soldiers who came from the working classes, seen as sleazy, dirty guys who enjoyed torturing their victims.
Read the full transcript
28:32Piers Morgan:The SS came later, and their members looked down on the SA as common bullies. An SS member was, on the contrary, a cold professional who performed his unspeakable acts in an impersonal way. Now, again, with all due respect, Slavoj, I just, I never like Nazi analogies about people like Trump or J.D. Vance, or or any of these guys, they're not Nazis. And when you try and do any kind of comparison that infers they might be, I'm like, look, the Nazis killed 12 million people. They killed 6 million Jews in the Holocaust. These guys aren't Nazis or nothing like it. It's just a parallel. I admit it's exaggerated.
29:11Piers Morgan:And ironically, Vance himself once called Trump a Nazi to round off the picture. But that's where I see, you make so many fascinating points in here. But when you say stuff like that, I slightly recoil because I hate that comparison to one of the worst genocidal regimes in history. These may be people that people don't like, although many people do, but if they don't like them, but they're not Nazis. No, I totally agree with you here. There is no problem here. But if I may just elaborate a little bit this point. You know, what I even, at first, why I even supported, ironically, Trump in 2016, I think.
30:00Because I thought, I expected, I knew who he is. I expected that he will awaken the American liberal center.
30:13Piers Morgan:He certainly woke up American liberals, that's for sure. This probably not the way you thought. He wound them up. I mean, they were all going nuts. Yeah, but they were all going nuts, but without any serious self-criticism. Yeah, well, I think they went off on a ridiculously progressive, woke journey, which actually, in the end, became incredibly self-defeating. And if they don't pivot back to the center, then they're never going to win power again. So I think that was obvious. But here, maybe we disagree, because I don't think, again, I don't think woke is too radical and so on. No, it's for me a pure compromise.
30:53They...
30:54Piers Morgan:But wokeism has no compromise. There is no... They don't offer any compromise. It is intransigent. It is intractable. It is... It's our way or no way. And if you don't agree with this, we're going to cancel you, abuse you, shame you, imprison you. They'll celebrate if you're shot dead when Charlie Kirk got murdered, people on the woke left celebrated it. They still do. This is not a compromise mindset. It is the opposite, I would argue. But do you really think that the way woke approaches exploitation and all that, economic problems, that there is anything really radical in it? I think it's not.
31:42Piers Morgan:I think the way they go about trying to enforce their worldview is radical, because it's actually the behaviour of an extremist. And in fact, as I said, I think the pendulum between wokeism and fascism pretty well collides at the point where you just refuse to accept freedom of speech. You refuse to accept any kind of democratic dialogue. You refuse to accept any of the norms of society. It's your way or oblivion. OK, we don't have time to go on to like so. Very briefly. You know what made me think? The fact that in today's Western academia, dominated by whatever you call it, wokeness and so on.
32:22For example, post-colonialism, anti-colonialism and so on. how come that till Trump in the last decades, capitalism was thriving quite well, while the predominant academic ideology was woke, anti-colonialism, and so on. And I accept this as a wonderful paradox, which is our truth, that you can have a regime which perfectly reproduces itself through ideology which apparently
33:07ruins it, criticizes it, and so on, and so on. So I still insist that wokeism is, of course, in this sense, radical. But it doesn't really approach or even really disturb the power centers. But another thing about Trump where I'm well aware of the difference. If you were to ask me, name me one passage where Trump almost approached an ingenious insight. You know, he said in the middle of Iranian war, it's a short quote, our country is winning again. In fact, we are winning so much that we really don't know what to do about it. People are asking me, please, please, please, Mr. President, we are winning too much.
34:00We can't take it anymore. We are not used to winning in our country until you came along. We are just always losing. But now we are winning too much. and I say, no, no, no, you're going to win again. You're going to win big. You're going to win bigger than ever. That's, for me, the difference between Trump and the standard fascists. Standard fascists would say, enough pleasures. Time to sacrifice yourself.
34:31Piers Morgan:Also, standard fascists wouldn't tell jokes, right, like Trump does, or speak off the cuff and have a laugh with people as well. I mean, you're a psychoanalyst. Here's my psychoanalyst verdict for you on Trump, which is from my daughter, who's 14, who heard me say regularly, you know, Trump's a unique character. And she said, Daddy, can I just ask you something? I keep hearing you call Trump unique. Do you think there's such a thing as being too unique? She may be onto something. And she's not a psychoanalyst. Let me bring in Warren Smith to join us about it. You've been listening to this, Warren.
35:05Piers Morgan:Welcome to Uncensored. you're one of the world's great critical thinkers. So apply some critical thinking to what you've been hearing from Slavoj. Yeah, it's a real honor to be able to talk to you, Slavoj. So I really appreciate this opportunity. I think it's an important conversation. I was just having this conversation yesterday, and the response I'm getting is similar to what you're describing, where the person claims, well, there are so many people that are accepting this new definition that just what makes Trump a fascist? Well, he's trying to get Jimmy Kimmel pulled off the air. That's what makes him fascist.
35:38Piers Morgan:And I said, well, that's not fascism. Yeah, but if enough people claim that, if enough people understand it as fascism, doesn't that make it fascist? But if we're actually looking at the original definition, the authoritarian pursuit of national purity through violence, I would argue that our founding fathers were so genius in the way they were able to anticipate this ideology before it was ever articulated. It's as though it's always existed within the human spirit. There's these dualities, whether it goes into communism, Marxism, and they recognize this framework will prevent this from ever be prevailing.
36:16So I'm not sure how we could point to authoritarianism. If you can think of an
36:21Piers Morgan:example, let me know. But I don't, like as Pierce described, I don't think that what ICE is doing would be the equivalent of what fascism argues for, which is based on the idea of identifying people through blood, that your national identity, it began in Italy, being Italian means something by blood, and you are with us or against us. It takes away the individual and moves into identity politics and group politics, which are many of the things that alarm me about the left that I've been seeing in the past years. And I would also love to challenge you on this idea because I have the opportunity to speak to what people consider to be the most dangerous philosopher in the West or to the West.
37:09Piers Morgan:And I believe they call you that because you identify as a communist. And I would just challenge you on why are you comfortable describing yourself as a communist when over 100 million people have died under communism? Slavoj? Easy to answer. First, I describe now myself as moderately conservative communist, crazy as this may sound. But let me answer you very seriously. You know Peter Thiel, when he defined Antichrist in a public intervention a month or two ago, he defined it through three features. Those who are too obsessed with the danger of artificial intelligence, those who are too obsessed with environmental problems and those who are too obsessed with war danger.
37:58I think that these are real, actual problems. I'm not a catastrophist. I'm not saying whatever will happen. I'm just saying something so basic is changing. And my solution is not, of course, what we knew as communism. But I think, and I'm not even very original here, that the problems we are facing, look, COVID, there, I think Trump and Boris Johnson, certainly not communists, acted almost in a communist way. You know, every family got a check for$2 ,000 and so on, direct state intervention, and so on. What I think is that the crisis we are confronting, no reason to panic, but nonetheless, cannot be resolved, cannot be even properly approached through the standard liberal, democratic, multi-party political system.
39:13Piers Morgan:Are you pushing for a uniparty? Because people would claim that that's one of the primary attributes of fascism. Sorry, am I pushing for? A non-multiparty? No, no. I'm absolutely for pluralism and so on. But I'm asking you a simple question. Do you remember in northern United States, west and southern Canada there, three, four years ago, there was a mega heat wave? For a week or two, Seattle and Vancouver were warmer than Emirates and so on. Were they to blame? No, they had pretty good, as far as I know, ecological policy and so on. Obviously, something is wrong in the circulation of the air and so on around the Northern Pole or artificial intelligence.
40:12We don't know what is happening there.
40:17Piers Morgan:We have to think. In relation to Warren's question, it's an interesting one, isn't it, about you being proud to call yourself a communist, and yet many people view communism as just an evil kind of mindset ideology as fascism. It's killed over 100 million people at least. It's been used in the same way that fascism and Nazism have been used to terrorise and oppress people and so on. So what do you say, some of the people say, well, right, you can be very anti-fascism. Most people are who are not fascists. But you defend proudly being a communist and yet you know, because you know your history, just how malevolent communism has often been in the history of the planet.
41:03Piers Morgan:So how do you sit those two things? First, you know, I've written much more than about fascism. I've written about communism. And we don't have time to go into it. But what always fascinated me, and this doesn't make communism any better, is the difference in their functioning. Let's think about one thing. We don't have time to go into it in detail. In communism, you have this show trials. people tortured to confess and so on and so on. In fascism proper at its worst, Nazism, you don't have it. It's meaningless. It would have been easy for Hitler to organize a show trial, get 15, 20 leading Jewish figures, torture them to confess.
41:53It's meaningless there. Another feature, I like this as a Freudian, these details which tell a lot. You know that in gulags, every year on Stalin's birthday, all the prisoners had to sign a letter to Stalin wishing him all the best. Can you even imagine something like this in Nazism? Gathering the Jews in Auschwitz, you have to, and so on. So I'm not here in any way claiming that Stalinism is nonetheless better. I am saying that Stalinism in all its horror is still part of or legacy of the European Enlightenment. It still has. So here we totally agree. But what I mean by communism, and I use this term, of course, in a consciously provocative ways is simply a mode of not even control, international regulation.
43:01For example, imagine a new COVID. We instantly felt a need to international cooperation. I think market itself no longer functions as global regulator. The irony today, I wonder if you would agree or not, the irony today is that of the three big powers, there are more, but let's say generally, United States, Russia, and China. China, precisely because communists are in power there, but communist school learned the lesson, follows more faithfully market rules definitely than Russia or United States. China is for me, and I am not pro-Chinese. I'm well aware of all the -
43:53Piers Morgan:Let me get Warren's reaction to that. Yeah. Honestly, I don't understand what makes you a communist if the definition of communism is the government or the inability to own private property. And many people would argue that there's not a single real communist country. China's not really communist. They've introduced components of capitalism. But the ideology of communism has been detrimental there. And that's where 50 million people died as a result. But so this goes back to the original conversation of these terms have meanings, but they're being thrown around so loosely. So I don't like what makes you a communist if you're not discussing the inability to control or own private property.
44:38Piers Morgan:Sadly, you've got to leave it there. Chaps, a fascinating debate. We could do this for hours, and maybe we should one day. But Slavoj, brilliant to see you here in the studio. Your book, Liberal Fascism, is out now. Slavoj Zizek, thank you very much. And to you, Warren, as well. Thank you. Piers Morgan on Sensor is proudly independent. The only boss around here is me. If you enjoy our show, we ask for only one simple thing. Hit subscribe on YouTube and follow Piers Morgan Uncensored on Spotify and Apple Podcasts. And in return, we will continue our mission to inform, irritate and entertain. And we'll do it all for free.
45:15Piers Morgan:Independent, uncensored media has never been more critical and we couldn't do it without you.
From the publisher
Is Donald Trump really a fascist - or has the word lost all meaning in modern political discourse?
In the age of Trump, “fascism” has become one of the most explosive and contested terms in politics. Critics argue it’s an accurate description of the former president’s rhetoric and leadership style, while supporters see it as reckless hyperbole designed to demonize him.
Renowned philosopher and psychoanalyst Slavoj Žižek joins Piers Morgan to discuss his new book, Liberal Fascism, and whether the label truly applies to Donald Trump - or whether something more complicated is happening beneath the surface of modern liberal politics.
Later, Piers is joined by internet commentator Warren Smith, who offers a very different perspective on the debate.
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