In short
The “civil war” inside the Democratic Party over establishment vs insurgent candidates, using Maine’s failed Graham Plattner recruitment/vetting and Michigan’s primary between Haley Stevens and Abdul El-Sayed as case studies. It also connects to the rise of Democratic Socialists (DSA) and what Democrats should learn about risk-taking and messaging.
Guest backgrounds
Amanda Litman is co-founder and president of Run for Something (recruited 250,000+ people to run for office since 2017) and author of When We’re in Charge, The Next Generation’s Guide to Leadership.
Key claims
Candidate recruitment can’t be “kingmaking” or “Mad Libs” based on occupation/demographics; candidates must want to run. Vetting failures were partly due to Plattner not being honest in “self-oppo” about “worst secrets,” plus missed red flags (e.g., Reddit posts, a Nazi-related tattoo, and relationship/sexual-misconduct issues). Democrats shouldn’t conclude that outsiders are always wrong; establishment picks like Janet Mills also failed. DSA growth reflects voters’ hunger for solutions and organizing energy, not a uniquely “DSA” threat.
Notable examples
Maine recruitment of Plattner; Plattner’s Nazi tattoo, consensual sexting controversy, and sexual-assault allegation; Maine’s Susan Collins rematch framing; Michigan’s Stevens vs El-Sayed, including APAC spending (~$30M) and sexism in online attacks; DSA wins in New York and Colorado; Obama/Biden “socialist” labeling.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOThe Dynamics of Candidate Recruitment
1:06 to 2:51
Discussion on the candidate recruitment process for Democratic primaries.
“midterms, consider subscribing to my newsletter, The Message Box, where I pull back from day-to-day punditry to offer deeper analysis on the trends affecting our politics.”
Analyzing the Flaws in Candidate Vetting
2:51 to 7:20
Amanda critiques the vetting process and its failures in the Plattner case.
“I think we should open the door to as many new voices as possible.”
Perspective on the Future of the Maine Senate Race
7:20 to 12:04
Amanda shares insights on the state of the Maine Senate race and potential candidates.
“How do you think about the process of candidate vetting?”
Concluding Thoughts on Democratic Opportunities
12:04 to 14:00
Discussion on the importance of a transparent process in candidate selection moving forward.
“And I think his failure to be honest with them, even about some of the things should have been the red flag.”
The Dynamics of the Democratic Primary Process
14:00 to 22:41
Explore the complexities of the Democratic primary process and the implications for the party's future.
“harbors a lot of ill will towards this process.”
The Dynamics of the Democratic Primary Process
23:38 to 24:43
Explore the complexities of the Democratic primary process and the implications for the party's future.
“with thousands of trees and plants for every space and climate, and they make it easy to get plants that actually work for your yard delivered right to your door.”
The Rise of Democratic Socialism
24:44 to 28:00
Delve into the growing support for Democratic socialism and its impact on younger voters.
“All right, let's pivot to your hometown of New York City, which has been ground zero for the rise of democratic socialism, beginning first with Bamdani, and then the races that happened in the New York primary.”
Generational Shifts in Democratic Politics
28:00 to 29:28
Explore how generational differences affect political ideologies within the Democratic Party.
“People want big change, and the left is more comfortable offering big change than the center.”
Concerns About DSA Candidates
29:28 to 31:08
Discuss the implications of Democratic Socialists on the broader Democratic Party and electoral success.
“establishment, the people who are trying to win the house and the Senate, that this rise of, And I should say, thus far, Democrats have not nominated any DSA candidates in races that aren't guaranteed Democratic races.”
Democratic Frustration and Activism
31:08 to 32:58
Examine the frustrations within the Democratic base and the rise of grassroots activism.
“But I look at those meetings and there's young people showing up.”
Show all 22 chapters
Voter Participation and Candidate Selection
32:58 to 34:16
Analyzing the significance of voter engagement and the selection of candidates that resonate with constituents.
“The DSA thing is, I think, it's become – it's a little bit like the Plattner thing where it's become a proxy for something else.”
Critique of Democratic Strategy
34:16 to 35:58
Critique of the Democratic Party's strategic decisions and their implications for future elections.
“It is voters making their voices heard on who they want to represent them.”
Critique of Democratic Strategy
37:43 to 38:11
Critique of the Democratic Party's strategic decisions and their implications for future elections.
“clinically shown to support gut health, fill common nutrition gaps and improve key nutrient levels within three months.”
The Michigan Democratic Primary
38:21 to 42:07
An in-depth look at the Michigan primary race and the dynamics between candidates.
“All right, let's go to Michigan, which is the race that has supplanted Maine as the center of the Democratic Party Civil War.”
Electability and the Left in Michigan
42:07 to 46:44
Exploration of the electability of moderate versus progressive candidates in Michigan, focusing on perceptions and biases.
“The thing that – there's many things that anger me about this.”
AIPAC's Influence and Democratic Candidates
46:44 to 48:50
Discussion on AIPAC's financial influence in Democratic primaries and its implications for candidates' positions.
“been a big, has been supported by AIPAC.”
Shifting Democratic Stances on Israel
48:50 to 51:57
Analysis of how shifting public opinion and candidate positions on Israel reflect a broader moral crisis and changing Democratic values.
“including a number of sorts, like I did not expect Nancy Pelosi to vote to cut up aid to Israel.”
Youth Engagement in Politics
54:29 to 56:04
Highlights the surge of interest in running for office among young people post-Trump, emphasizing inclusivity and values.
“You've had a tremendous impact over the last, I mean, you've never been doing this for a long time.”
Emerging Leaders in the Democratic Party
56:04 to 57:57
Learn about the new generation of Democratic candidates making an impact.
“And that's not ideologically like pure, however you want to define it.”
Candidates to Watch This Election Cycle
57:57 to 1:00:05
Discover several promising candidates running for office in various states.
“Caitlin Dre is running for Iowa State Senate.”
Funding Challenges for Democratic Candidates
1:00:05 to 1:03:11
Understand the financial struggles faced by Democratic candidates and organizations.
“in Trump 2.0 or have we lost a little bit because we're sort of obsessed with Trump again?”
The Future of Political Recruitment
1:03:11 to 1:05:08
Explore the importance of candidate recruitment for future elections.
“I'm saying I want you to be able to continue to get out of bed.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:21Welcome to Pod Save America. I'm Dan Pfeiffer. You're about to hear a great conversation I just had with Amanda Litman, co-founder and president of Run for Something, an organization that has recruited more than 250 ,000 people to run for office since its founding in 2017. And she's the author of When We're in Charge, The Next Generation's Guide to Leadership. I invited Amanda on because I wanted to hear her perspective on where Democrats are heading into the 2026 midterms, how the fight between establishment and insurgent candidates is playing out in races across the country, especially in a heated Democratic primary in Michigan, and where the party goes from here.
0:50I also asked her about how Graham Plattner's decision to drop out of the main Senate race could impact Democrats' chances of taking back the Senate and what she thinks as someone who has worked with thousands of candidates about the recruitment and vetting process that led him to jump into the race. It was a great conversation, and we'll get to it in a minute. But before we do, if you want more analysis heading into the midterms, consider subscribing to my newsletter, The Message Box, where I pull back from day-to-day punditry to offer deeper analysis on the trends affecting our politics. Go to crooked.com slash YesWeDan for a 20 % discount on your subscription.
1:19And as always, consider becoming a paying subscriber to Friends of the Pod, where you'll get this episode and many more ad-free, which now includes ad-free episodes of Alex Wagner's phenomenal runaway country. Head to crooked.com slash friends to subscribe today. All right, here's Amanda Littman. Amanda Littman, welcome back to Pod Save America. Thanks for having me, Dan. I wanted to have you on for so many reasons. I want to talk about the midterms. I want to talk about the battle within the Democratic Party between the insurgents and the establishment, the left, the right, etc. But I feel like the best place to start, maybe the worst place to start with this conversation is Maine, a topic we've talked a lot about.
1:53Now, I don't think we need to go through our own personal histories with Graham Plattner or who we liked or when we liked him. We've all done that. I went deep with Alex Wagner on last week's pod. You've written about this, you've talked about it, you've tweeted about it. I want your perspective as someone who has worked with thousands of candidates about how we ended up in this situation. And I want to begin with a candidate recruitment process. Dana Morath and Leanne Phan, two progressive activists who who did a very aggressive media tour about their plans for recruiting Graham Plattner. They went looking for a candidate in Maine.
2:28They looked through FEC records. They looked for a lobsterman. Then they looked for an oyster farmer. They looked at – then they saw a video of Graham Plattner. They went with – met with him, convinced him to run for office. This has come under a withering critique from lots of people. What did they do right? What did they do wrong? What's your take on this recruitment process? We'll get to the vetting after this because that's a different topic. but related, obviously. What did they do right? They looked for someone new. I think that's good. I think we should open the door to as many new voices as possible.
2:57We should expand our idea of what a good candidate looks like. That's the end of the list of things they did right. What they did wrong is you cannot play kingmaker and you really cannot play Mad Libs with candidate recruitment. You cannot look at a state like Maine or any district and say, you know what, we need X kind of occupation, Y demographic, Z type of politics. we're going to make this person into a candidate one we have no idea who the fuck can win we have no idea but two it is leaves open so much uh space for it to feel like a puppet master is creating the candidate as opposed to the candidate coming up organically it is possible that he like not withstanding all of his other personal stuff that he might have come up through and you know seen an ad from Run for Something or gone to a main Democratic Party event and said, you know what, maybe I do see myself here, and then gone through the kind of rigorous, thoughtful process you need before you actually get on the ballot.
3:56That maybe could have been so. But they did not do that. They said, we're going to make this man into a senator. And they tried to puppet master it into being. That will backfire any number of ways. I obviously agree with all of that. People have to want to run for office. You have to start with that, right? And we'll talk a lot about Run for something in the course of this conversation, but people find you because they want to run for something. Yes. And I think it's, I just, I think it's really important to say that running for office sucks. Like it is miserable. It is hard. You are, your life is going to be under a microscope.
4:26You need to want to do it anyway. We should not convince people to run. We should open the door to them. And then if they say yes, help them walk through it. We shouldn't push them through it. So that's one aspect of this, right? Trying to take someone who doesn't want to profit and get them to run for it. Or is he never thought about it, right? It's one thing to, you've kind of thought about it for a while. Maybe you want to do it, maybe you don't. You're weighing considerations, and then people try to convince them to do it. The party committees do that all the time. That's how Janet Mills ended up in this race, which is she didn't really want to run for office.
4:53And I guess she decided to run so Chuck Schumer would stop calling her. Yes. But there's another element of this too that has gotten a lot of attention, which is they went looking for a very specific type of person. Now, this to me doesn't seem that different from what the DCCC or other organizations do, right? They look at a district, they look at the political environment, they say, these are the kinds of people who should run, who would be good candidates in this district or in this political environment. In the 2006 cycle, the DCCC under Rahm Emanuel went out and recruited a whole bunch of Iraq and Afghanistan vets to run for office, in an environment where people were very anti-war, very upset with Iraq, won a lot of races that way.
5:35DCCC, this cycle, has looked at, you know, in the past, we've looked at prosecutors, sheriffs, still veterans, you know, fired federal workers or a group here. Is there anything wrong with thinking about like the kind of profession that would be the right people? Like, it's like, I understand the idea from these people's perspective, which is we want a working class candidate in Maine, right? And we can like, there's all kinds of conversations about whether Grant Platt was actually working class, but let's just put that aside for a second. And what is a great job in Maine to be a working that is like says I am Maine in their original conception was lobster burn.
6:10Like let's get someone who fishes for lobsters. Is there anything wrong with that approach? That sort of casting call approach to it? I think it assumes that we know who can win, which sometimes we'll make a good guess. But like you can come up with dozens of examples of people who would never have been asked to run. Barack Obama being another, like a top of the list. Who would have asked the one-term state senator, two-term state senator, con law professor to run for higher office? No one. Who would have asked someone like Lauren Underwood, a nurse who was a black woman in a majority white district to run for office?
6:42Who would have asked AOC? Who would have asked, you know, Ayanna Pressley? These leaders who are truly amazing public figures in our party who you probably wouldn't have picked if you were going to start from scratch, but who, because they care, because they had problems they want to solve and the offices that they saw gave them power to solve it, decided to get in the fight. So I think it is so risk averse. And we are at a moment where our party can't afford to be risk averse. Yeah. And I want to talk about how the Plattner thing affects our risk aversion in a second. But let's pivot to the vetting, because there's never been so much talk about vetting in history.
7:19And in part, once again, because Marath and Fan did these interviews where they almost giddily admitted to barely vetting Plattner. How do you think about the process of candidate vetting? It obviously did not work here, but what can one reasonably expect to find out? And what were the failure points here? So I would say, Run for Something has endorsed more than 4 ,000 candidates over the last 10 years. I believe we've had to rescind fewer than a dozen of those endorsements in the last decade. Pretty good track record. And for those incidents, there's been things that have come up after the campaign has already started.
7:57Now, part of us, we work on the local level. The stakes are a little bit different there. But also, we do deep background checks. We do social media scrubs. We ask local operatives. We dig deeper. We also ask candidates. And this, I think, is the most important part that Plattner would have failed here. What are we going to find? What is the OPPO report on you? What is the opposition going to say? if your worst secrets are on the front page of the newspaper, what's that headline going to read and how are you going to feel about it? I think for us, and this is true of our most vetting reports, what the candidate says in their own self-oppo is the nut to crack.
8:36And it doesn't seem like Plattner was going to be honest about those things. Maybe he didn't think they were flags in the first place or he didn't remember them, whatever it might be for some of them. I think that is where it really matters that people want to do this so that they can be very open and honest with the teams and voters, more importantly, about what they're going to find. Yeah, I really have been struggling with this because, as you say, the process, you know, and it's different levels, right? What you guys would do for state Senate candidates is different than what theoretically should happen in a high-profile Senate race.
9:06And that is light years apart from what would happen in a presidential race. Which is why you don't pluck people from obscurity to run for Senate. Right, right. Right. And who don't want to, right? Like that is the thing. And, but so in, if you look at the Platinum thing, like there's, there is the social media posts. Now a good vetting should have found that because CNN found it. And I don't know whether he told them that he had been doing, been doing a lot of Reddit posting in an earlier stage of his life. I imagine that that would have been something that would have been easier to say than some of the other things have happened.
9:36That should have been found. The tattoo is an interesting one. I've thought about this a lot. Like, what is the like, I don't know that in any candidate questionnaires, well, there will be now, I guess. Do you have any Nazi like tattoos? Do you have any problematic tattoos? Let me like disrobe so I can examine your tattoos. His nasty tattoo is not showing up in a LexisNexis or a Google search about his history or public record search. But if you had talked to lots of people around him, some of them might have said, because this is one of the reasons why you talk to people is they want to help their friends and family do this right and not get embarrassed.
10:09So they will often tell you things like, you know, just one thing I would ask him about is there's this kind of weird tattoo, you know, that like that could have come up. But you also see how that falls through the cracks in a traditional, particularly if you believe, which I am now very skeptical of, that he did not know until that it was Nazi related until the end. Now, I don't believe that he got it to be a Nazi, but I don't think he's been truthful about when he found out. I do think it is worth thinking about what are the things good vetting would have found and what are the things that we never could have known.
10:40Yeah, the Reddit post stuff should have been found for sure. And then you get to his relationships with women. I mean, I can't believe we're having to have this conversation about this, but the quote unquote consensual sexting that went on was discovered in the vetting process. His wife did what she was supposed to do, which is she told the campaign. She had the exact question that you raised. she answered with, there was this. And the campaign made a decision not to deal with it in any way, shape, or form, or not to proactively disclose it. That came back to bite them. And then the other stuff, like the toxic nature of those relationships, the sexual assault allegation, are things that a campaign can only find out if the candidate tells them.
11:24If the candidate is unwilling to tell them, they may never know, because it just doesn't show up in that. Now, once again, in a presidential-level vetting or VP-level vetting, the campaign would have gone out and talked to all the ex-girlfriends. I don't know that that's a reasonable expectation for a Senate race, but Plattner is a failure of vetting on one end, but the things that ended his campaign is a failure of character on his part to be willing to tell them to the campaign, right? I'm not trying to defend Maraf and Fan, but it's just, I've gotten so many questions about vetting in this process.
11:56I think it's just worth to help people understand like what is reasonable. And they failed miserably. But ultimately, the failure was also platters. I think that's right. And I think his failure to be honest with them, even about some of the things should have been the red flag. Yes. People talking to him. Yes. Yes, that's exactly right. There were there were clearly red flags that in their interactions with him that should have raised more questions that led to more vetting. So in my conversations with, you know, listeners of the show, Democrats out there, there's a fair amount of defeatism about Maine post-Plattner, the sense that we had this golden opportunity, everything went wrong, wrong candidate, wrong approach from the DSCC to kind of clear the field.
12:36So we ended up with this choice between a flawed candidate and a candidate who didn't really want to run and couldn't beat that flawed candidate. How are you feeling about the race going forward? And we're recording this on Thursday, a couple of hours before the first debate that the main Democratic Party is holding for the nomination to replace Plattner? I think the main Democratic Party so far has done a pretty good job of setting up a process that people feel like they can be a part of. Because I think that was the real danger was like the party would just pick somebody and then like force it down voters throats, for lack of a better term, or down their choice, their menu.
13:11They seem to have set up a process that gives people a voice. And it seems like all of the candidates who are jumping in at least have some amount of run through the ringer, whether they ran for governor, they ran for Congress, they're public businessmen. There's like there's not not as many nobodies. I am still cautiously optimistic. I mean, Maine is a state that voted for Kamala. Susan Collins is deeply unpopular. Trump is even more unpopular. There does seem to be like a deep frustration with Susan Collins among Mainers. It's not a foregone conclusion that it's a non-starter. I am curious to see how quickly whoever takes the nomination can raise money and what Plattner does with his money and his infrastructure and how much he really engages with the potential nominee or if he, as his dropout videos seem to indicate, harbors a lot of ill will towards this process.
14:03Yeah, like his money is incredibly useful. Now, he can only give a small amount of it to the nominee, but he could theoretically give it all to the DSCC or the DNC and the DNC could then, now thank you to the Roberts court, use that money in a fully coordinated fashion to spend it unlimitedly on behalf of the nominee. You know, I feel, and maybe this is just cope on my part, and this is going to depend on how the process plays out. But if the process plays out like I hope it will, which is, I agree, the main Democratic Party is doing so far a great job. Ideally, you'd have another primary, everyone get a vote.
14:38That is not obviously logistically feasible on this very tight timeline. This is certainly better than just the party committee voting on one person behind closed doors. This is at least people, it'll happen. There'll be a couple of debates. It'll happen, but this convention will be very interesting. Lots of people will watch it. People will get a test. This is kind of what might've helped us better into that in 2024. If other people had wanted to run against Kamala, they didn't. So we never had that process, But there's like a testing ground here where you'll get to see if some of these people, you know, it's not exactly like a primary campaign, but it's as close as we're going to get.
15:12So I think that's good. I think we are if the process plays out and we end up with a candidate without a Nazi tattoo or a bunch of other things, we're in a better position than we probably would have been. Had we ended up with either Platner or Mills, Platner in this like in this state, if it's Platner before the sexual assault allegation, just Platner as he was on primary day. or Mills as the nominee. Like, I think we actually have a chance that this race could, God forbid, be about Susan Collins, which is what you want it to be. Because in that Times poll, there were an even platter after all the stuff was going on was still winning by two points.
15:48By, I think it's an 11 point margin, people in Maine want the Democrats to control the Senate. So if you can actually just make this race about a vote for Susan Collins as a vote to let Donald Trump control the Senate, put Supreme Court justices on, do all these bad things, like you have a real shot. If you can just have a generic Democrat Democrat who is a like generic Democrat is the right word. You need a talented generic Democrat, right? Someone who can just isn't flawed, can campaign well, but allows the focus to be on the candidate on Susan Collins, not their own personal foibles like that.
16:19That's it seems like in some ways are like a decent shot. I still think we have a very real shot to win this race. I really do. I do too. And I think the candidate who takes this nomination forward sort of has an indicator where voters are now, like can really speak to the anger that, you know, Plattner for all of his fuck ups. And there are many like he caught fire. Something like one percent of Maine was volunteering for his campaign. He spoke to the anger and the frustration that people feel. He put forward some real clarity of positions. And the nominee who moves forward should be able to tap into that, even if they don't weren't able to capture it in the primary themselves.
16:55You know, I got served a TikTok video of Platner because, you know, obviously nothing on TikTok is connected to the calendar. So it actually was posted weeks and weeks ago. And it's Platner talking about how we have to stop making this between left and right. And we had to point fingers up, not down. That's not pointing each other. It's about the billionaires. So like that is a legitimately good message that someone else could also have. And also as a reminder of it does remind you, because I think some of the discourse is, you know, it's all because, you know, Posse America's taken a lot of slings and arrows over this, but it's all because these dumb podcasts with other people like Plattner that he wanted.
17:33People forget he actually got 70 percent of the vote in the primary and blew the doors off the two term incumbent governor. Like he was doing something. He was the he was the wrong vessel, but he was doing something that people of Maine very much wanted. And they were all very well aware of everything up until this last, until the sexual assault delegation, very aware of his things. And they still wanted him. And that's, there's something in there that Democrats have to take from that. And I would add, because I have also taken some heat here and I share the frustration of like, this was at no point ever a clearly moral right or wrong.
18:08Because at every point up until he dropped out, it was either him or Susan Collins and a Trump-chalked Supreme Court. Like, those were the choices. Which is better for women, Graham Plattner in the United States Senate or Trump's Supreme Court justices? Ah, you know, like it was bad. It was all bad. And I am so glad that he ultimately did the right thing and stepped aside. And I am glad that we get a chance so that those are not our only two choices. What do you think about outside of Maine? And we'll talk about some of the other races coming in the House and Senate map. But, you know, you and I have both argued, you've done this very eloquently, that Democrats need to be willing to take bigger risks.
18:47We have to change the way we're doing things. We have to change the way we communicate, the way we campaign, the kind of candidates we think about, that the way the establishment is doing things has been not as effective as we would like it to be. It does – and the Plattner debate prior to the most recent stuff, but even up into the Reddit post and the Nazi tattoo was a little bit of a proxy for this battle between – in some ways, it's between the left and the middle, but in some ways it's also between people who want real change and people who want less change within the party. And it does, like, my worry with this is, and I'm going to get to Michigan because I think these things are tied together in some ways, but it, like, I worry that people take this as a argument against taking risks, against candidates, widening the aperture on the kinds of candidates that we're open to because Plattner was in it was obviously a very unique candidate with a unique background, but he blew up in our face.
19:50So therefore, ergo, the conclusion is we got to be more traditional. Like, what's your take on that? Are you seeing that too? I find that to be such a an empty argument because it's not like Janet Mills was the right choice either. She was the establishment's call. She was Schumer's pick. Schumer cleared the field for her, as we have seen notice and others do very in-depth reporting on. Like, they got candidates to leave that race so that Janet Mills would run for the United States Senate, and then they begged and pleaded her to get in. And then not only did they leave her hanging out to dry when she was stopped being able to raise money, but it is telling that she's not throwing her hat in the ring to win the nomination now.
20:26She doesn't want to do this. She is not the path forward. So, like, to say that this proves that the establishment always gets it right and the new people always get it wrong, no. This is villains on all sides here. Everyone got this wrong. Yeah, I think I think it's exactly right. And I just like I just I don't want people to think that this means that outsider candidates who need the right outsider candidates, but outside we shouldn't have outsider candidates. And the conversation around this is so like stupid, basically, because the thing people keep saying, like, you have Fetterman and you have Plattner.
21:01And I'm just like Fetterman was a prominent mayor for years and years and years. And then he was lieutenant governor. He was not like he dresses like an outsider. He has some prior to his most recent ideological shift. But he was a progressive Democrat who endorsed Bernie Sanders and Barack Obama. And I mean, he was campaign. He was a mayor in 2008 campaigning with Obama. and so this idea that it just no one wants to have the real conversation about this and like just that this is either either this is all about platner or there's a specific type of candidate you want and that can be on both sides of this right like everyone's got to reckon with with what you know what the reality here but this i just we we need so we need outsider candidates they don't have to be grant platner they should be better than grant platner our insider candidates should be better than eric swalwell yep and andrew cuomo like this i mean that was when it was like well the establishment does a good job betting do we do we have we have proof of that i just i do think that like some of the emotion around this race both comes to the stakes of it where people like obviously if we do not win maine or a state like it we will not hold the senate it will be devastating for generations and the sense that especially for people who really believed in him It's a sense of betrayal, of grief, of like, I thought I had a politician I could get excited about and he disappointed me and broke my heart.
22:26And so I have some amount of empathy for the high feelings on all sides of this. But also the task now is to win and to make sure we don't make this mistake again.
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24:47All right, let's pivot to your hometown of New York City, which has been ground zero for the rise of democratic socialism, beginning first with Bamdani, and then the races that happened in the New York primary. Two incumbents were unseated, and two DSA candidates won races, one unseating a long-term incumbent, one winning an open seat. And then in Colorado, where we had a 30-year Democrat incumbent, Diana, to get unseated by a Democratic socialist. What do you make of the rise of Democratic socialism? Is this about socialism? Is it about the fact that these are all districts that Kamala Harris won by more than 50 points?
25:31What's your take on what's happening here? I think voters are hungry for someone offering them a solution to their problems, especially young people who cannot afford to buy a house, cannot afford child care, are stuck with student loan debt, feel like they have no agency in their lives. They are looking to gambling or crypto or whatever it is, because at the very least, that feels like something you might have some control over. They are pissed. They are frustrated with the status quo. And DSA candidates are saying, here's a solution. They're offering an alternative. The establishment or the center or the old guard could also do the same.
26:04And I think it is telling to me that they are not putting forward like a vision for what else could be possible. You know, the fact that Mamdani was able to speak to the not just the anxiety that people feel about their economic situation, but also like how they feel about what what their life might hold. Like it wasn't just afford to live. It was afford to dream. It was afford to to be able to imagine a better future for yourself. I think also DSA has built some organizing muscle in a lot of these places, which should not be underrated. and their candidates are selling something. That matters.
26:36If you look at the polling, there is just absolutely no question that socialism has grown in favor with Democratic voters over the last many years here. In the New York Times-Siena poll, every single demographic, every single age cohort of Democrats, a plurality of Democrats have a favorable opinion of socialism. Interestingly enough, I find this to be so fascinating. The group with the highest approval rating of or highest capability rate of socialism is not 18 to 29 year olds it's 30 to 44 that's millennials baby yes and which you know i was telling this with ever i think but it does make sense if you are of an age where you came of age in the great recession like you really have been through the ringer in a way that is uh where capitalism has really fucked you like at every turn and you're also at the age where you want to be buying a house and you either can't afford to do it or it's more expensive you can you have kids like you're at it but socialism has grown in favor and capitalism has lost a lot support across the board with everyone um in recent years also understandably so i i think there is something to like it was easy to dismiss mom donnie as a generational talent just like that guy could have he could have been democratic socialist he could whatever.
27:55He was so good. He's so good. But these other candidates, they're good, but it's not generational talent that's winning. People want big change, and the left is more comfortable offering big change than the center. It doesn't mean there can't be a moderate version of something that addresses in a compelling, understandable, credible way the cost of healthcare, housing, food, whatever else, like you can do that, just have been unwilling to do it. And there is just something in, there's a passion in how that is different with not every, but with a lot of leftist first center candidates that comes through that reads as authenticity and that you'll fight for them.
28:40Right. And it is like, I was struck. I remember there's a clip from the Diana to get me like heroes debate where Diana to get is making an argument about a public option, which in a different era, I mean, that was a position too liberal for the Democratic Senate and the Obama era when Obama was trying to do it. And it's like, you know, she's sort of living in the world of legislatively possible. And Kyrus makes this very passionate argument for Medicare, the morality behind Medicare for all and why it's the right thing to do. And it's just like the difference there, part of it is generational, part of it is insider, outsider, but part of it also is that's an easier argument to make in the moment.
29:21Now we can talk about how hard it is to make maybe in a general election, but in the moment, there's just, they're offering something that is different. Now, do you, there, there is real concern among even well-meaning, I think people in the establishment, the people who are trying to win the house and the Senate, that this rise of, And I should say, thus far, Democrats have not nominated any DSA candidates in races that aren't guaranteed Democratic races. So we're not in a situation where a bunch of these candidates are knocking off – they're not winning a nomination in a district where they would be very, very far to the left of the district that's happening in the bluest districts in the country, which is probably how the primary process is supposed to work.
30:06But, you know, you do have an upcoming race with Democratic Socialists in Wisconsin running for governor. But I think a lot of Democrats have this fear that this could cost us the House and the Senate, either by DSA candidates winning primaries where they are to the left of the district or just being tarnishing the already tarnished brand of the Democrats. What's your take? The Democratic brand can't get much worse. What are we doing here, guys? We're going to try. I'll tell you that. You know, I do think that just to speak to that particular point where like if a candidate can't comfortably say, you know what, I don't agree with my future colleague on XYZ issue, but I look forward to working together to find a way to bring everyone affordable health care.
30:46Like you're not a good politician. You don't have to agree with all of your colleagues and everything. You can respectfully dismiss them and look forward to working together to the point of like how are I thinking about the bigger picture here? You know, these candidates where they're running and winning, they are getting people excited. Shouldn't we want people to be excited about this process? Like these DSA meetings, like them or not, and like I'm not a DSA member. That's not where I sit ideologically. But I look at those meetings and there's young people showing up. They are volunteering. They are donating.
31:17They are participating in very boring conversations about process. Like that is what building a political party looks like. We should want that. And we should try to make the broader Democratic Party a place where that is possible. Now, I will say, Run for Something last year had nearly, over the last 18 months, had about 100 ,000 people raise their hands to run for office. That is more than we had in the entirety of Trump's first term. The thing that we have heard different over this year and the last that we didn't hear in Trump 1.0 was frustration with the Democratic Party. Was people explicitly saying, I am running for office because they are not going to fight for me.
31:49They have not delivered for me. They do not see me. They do not care about me. So the DSA is giving those people a home. The Democratic Party, like, you know, Big D, could do the same. Yeah, I mean, it's there's no question. You know, I'm not overly worried about I mean, they called Barack Obama socialist and there were no they called Joe Biden a socialist. What are we doing here? We could elect no DSA candidates and they would call swing state Democratic member candidates socialists like that would that would happen. I mean, you know, this from all the races run is you would need candidates who are ideologically fit their district.
32:22These DSA candidates obviously fit their district. The voters said that that's what they declared. And, you know, and Bulls that maybe, you know, and so far, like we, there have been some non-DSA candidates who have won some primaries that some people believe were against, you know, you, I'm thinking about Maine 2, Randy Villegas were like, were the, the establishment had a view on who was the best candidate to win. The more progressive candidate won. We'll find out in a few months who was right. Actually, I take that back. We'll never find out who is right because it's always a counterfactual.
32:57We don't know what the other person would have won. The DSA thing is, I think, it's become – it's a little bit like the Plattner thing where it's become a proxy for something else. It's the easiest boogeyman for some of the center groups to say – to fight something else or something broader because Democrats are becoming more liberal. That is true on almost every issue. It is true that the number of Democrats who describe themselves as very liberal has gone up significantly since Trump was elected. The number how Democrats feel about a whole bunch of issues, particularly Israel, which we'll get to, has changed dramatically.
33:34And so but that's not like that. That is contributed to the rise of DSA, but it's not because of the rise of DSA. I also struggle a lot with like, what is the who is the target for that argument that like DSA candidates shouldn't win these races? Like, I'm a New York City voter. You're telling me that I should pick my mayor based on who might cause tarnish to the Democratic Party brand as a mythical voter in Wisconsin? Like, what an insane thing to suppose or to suggest. I really I struggle with this because it assumes much like the left assumes that there is some secret cabal in charge who can control how elections are run or control what candidates say.
34:11If anybody was in charge, do you think this is how it would go? Yes. Yes. Yes, yes. It is voters making their voices heard on who they want to represent them. And we should be grateful that they are participating and that there are candidates that get them excited to show up. We should learn from that. There are exceptions. I am someone who generally believes like I am. I've gotten more progressive in my personal views as I've gotten older. I've also live in California now. So maybe those two things are related. Sure. But I still, you know, I grew up working on races in red states and red districts.
34:44Like that's my background. So I'm very cognizant that you need people who meet the district and that you're going to need candidates who are often to the right of the median Democrat nationally to win. And so especially we want to expand the Senate map. We want to get back to a place where we can win Ohio, Iowa, the Dakotas, you know, places in the South. We have to do that. But I think more Democrats should generally be aware of the challenges, like just how the Republican bias in the Senate map, the Republican bias in the Electoral College, and the reality of winning these districts. And you can't – like what exists in your bubble is not what exists out there in a lot of places we have to win.
35:24Having said that, I think one of the great mistakes of the people making that argument is that they never offer – it's always to tear down a – we're anti-DSA. We're anti-Zoron. Like Zoron getting elected was – like this is the third way argument. Zoron getting elected is to be like the end of the world, especially when the other option was – Cuomo. Cuomo. I would just say there's a great irony between the most vehemently anti-Platinum people being the most vehemently pro-Cuomo people, just as a point. I mean, just to like really hammer this home, if you were so afraid of DSA, there was a multitude of other options in that primary you could have galvanized around.
36:05Even right now, and I'm sure we'll talk about Michigan in a moment, like if you are so afraid of Abdul El-Sayed, there was other options besides Haley Stevens, who they are currently having to spend$53 million to try and get over the finish line. It didn't have to be her. Mallory McMorrow, who you and I both know and supported and like a Run for Something alum, was right there. Now, I'm actually glad that she did not get the establishment support. I think that would have tarnished her campaign further. But putting aside for that for a moment, you have to put something forward. We talk, I mean, this is literally Run for Something.
36:36You have to have a vision, a solution. You have to talk to the problems that people are experiencing because voters are actually not progressive or conservative or moderate or centrist, they have problems they want solved. And they want politicians who will do that so that they don't have to care anymore. The center could pose that. They could put forward candidates who do that. It is so telling and frustrating that instead they choose to punch left. And also they are punching left instead of possibly creating space for Republicans to come in, for other Democrats to come in. They are doing the thing that drives me crazy, which is yelling at the enemy who can hear them as opposed to yelling at the enemy who can solve their problems.
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38:27All right, let's go to Michigan, which is the race that has supplanted Maine as the center of the Democratic Party Civil War. We haven't talked about it a ton on this show, in part because Abdul worked for Crooked, did a podcast for Crooked. John, John, and Tommy have supported his campaign. I supported Mallory McMorri. It's the one race where he actually had actually supported candidates. He had actually donated money to primary candidates. That's not something that happened with Plattner or anything like that. This is one where they knew Abdul. I know Abdul. I like Abdul. I know Mallory. I think Mallory's great.
39:02I wanted to support Mallory. This race is now down. Mallory dropped out a couple weeks ago. It's now down to Haley Stevens, a The moderate establishment-backed Congresswoman and Abdul Saeed has become the center of the Democratic Party civil war. There is just the amount of attention it's getting, particularly online from the most online Democratic activists and pundits, is huge. It is really established. It's everything, right? It's establishment versus outsider. It's Bernie versus establishment, I guess, or Senate leadership. it's anti-israel versus a pack all of the above what do you have a take on this race i think it is a uh preview of the 2028 presidential primary that makes me want to throw my phone into the sea i know it's just i think it's it's interesting it's hard i don't envy michiganders who have to make this choice and i really hope that whoever wins this primary can build some bridges, mend some fences, because I think it's getting people really, really, really angry in a way that will be hard to fix.
40:15It reminds me a lot of the 2016 presidential memory, where it just feels very similar. And no matter who wins, they're going to have to work very hard. It's a long road back to you, to me. Yes, yes. I struggle with several things in this race, which is my original beef in maine was the dscc endorsing janet mills like i was kind of interested in platner but my main thing was like let's just let the people in maine decide like and i was very i thought i've talked about this many times but i just thought the mills decision was a sort of a political mistake i thought the decision to back hayley stevens over mallory and abdul i thought was also a crazy decision um i thought just you should stay out of it but where we are now is this is It's become a lot about a quote unquote electability.
41:03And the argument of the Stevens people and Stevens campaign fairly directly is that Abdul cannot win or is at least much less likely to win than Haley Stevens. What's your take on electability in this context? We have no idea. And I think the establishment quote unquote has lost all credibility on that argument. They thought Joe Biden could win another term. Like they don't have the proof points anymore to make the case that they know what voters want. Like. Can Haley Stevens win? I don't know. It seems like they've had to spend a lot of money to get her through the Democratic primary. If she does eke this out, she's outspending Abdul, what, 10 to one?
41:46It's it's not even. And it's 90 percent, 99 percent of that money or 90 percent of that money is from not the Haley Stevens. They actually went – Haley Stevens' campaign went up with their first ad today as we're recording this. APAC has spent tens of millions of dollars, I think north of$30 million at least, on Haley Stevens' behalf. And then you have some other super PACs. The thing that – there's many things that anger me about this. And like it's very possible. You could make a case that Haley Stevens, as a quote-unquote moderate, and who will certainly appear more moderate if she wins a primary against Abdul.
42:27That is one of the things. When you come off looking quite moderate when you win a primary against a progressive because you're positioned in that moderate place, maybe more electable. I don't know that. You could make that case. It's possible. um the you could make the case that because abdul is to the left uh you know michigan is the quintessential swing state now trump's won it to the last three elections it's a 50 50 state we assume it's probably three to four you know five maybe five points uh to the left this time at the generic ballot looks the way we think it does um that you know a candidate that far to the left you know if you look at political science research is less likely to win like that like You can make that case too.
43:10But your point is no one knows. The thing that angers me about the Abdul electability question is no one is willing to just say what they mean by it. Is your argument that he's too far left? In what positions is it he's too far left on? Is it his position on Israel? The polling would suggest that he's right where the American people are. Is it Medicare for all? Super popular. It is popular. Now, if you – like Medicare for all can become much less popular over time if it's advertising against the right. Like that could potentially be a vulnerability. But no one wants to say that because the Democratic base very understandably supports Medicare for all.
43:53Is it because he campaigned with Hassan Piker? Maybe. Like do you want to make that argument? Like in the Data for Progress May poll, only 20 % of Democratic primary voters knew who Hassan Piker was. But you can put it in ads. You can put what Hassan said. You don't have to know who he is. Is it because his name is Abdul El-Sayed? Is that what the reason is? That's the subtext of a lot of this, but no one will actually say that. And I would say I come at this from a very personal view because that was always the argument. When you say he hasn't been vetted, he hasn't been vetted, he hasn't been vetted.
44:28That's what they said about Barack Hussein Obama too, often right after they called him Barack Hussein Obama. And I don't know who's more electable. I just wish people would just be honest about what they actually think about why he's more electable. Haley Stevens did flip a Republican district in 2018. She performed exactly like a generic Democrat in 2024. I think I used the split ticket wins over replacement rating, but I think she's like a point, she's like 0.3, I think, but basically the same. Like it's not a proven winner. And it's like, it's to your point is we don't know. And I don't want to defend Haley Stevens here because I do not think she is the right candidate for this moment in any number of ways.
45:06But I will say a lot of the criticism of her about being unelectable or being a bad candidate is so sexist. A hundred percent. So, so sexist. And we should also say that because this is going to be a challenge, especially as women keep running, which they will. It is very hard in this modern information ecosystem for women to run because you have to be telegenic. You have to speak a certain way. You have to sound a certain way. Where do you perform your authenticity as a woman? Like if she did some of the videos or even if Mallory had done some of the videos that Abdul has done, they would have been mocked endlessly.
45:41It never would have been on the table. So she is not the right candidate for this moment, I think, for any number of reasons. But the criticism of her has been deeply sexist. There's this video that's been circulating that has been got that has gotten, I think, 10 million views of her. and she's at an organizing rally and she is um in a very um emphatic michigan accent is talking about how she's going to fight for michigan and that like that is like that's become like that's become a thing but my guess is most people see that and have no reaction to it you know it's an online thing and you know the the obviously i have biasers in support of mallory but mallory made some of those videos that uh there's are not dissimilar to the ones that abdul's made and torn to smithereens yeah on the internet for sure like whether how an actual voter would interpret i have no idea but it was just absolutely it's like that's why this one is so complicated and it's and then sitting over top of it is israel and gaza where abdul has been incredibly outspoken has supposed to aid israel is called a genocide hailey stevens has um been a big, has been supported by AIPAC.
46:53When she won her primary in 2022, she got a ton of funding from AIPAC. AIPAC, as I said, spent all this money in here. How do you think about AIPAC's role in this and the role Israel's playing? Let's start with Michigan, then I want to expand it out to everything else. When this campaign is all said and done, it seems like 80 % of the funding, at least of her campaign, at least what was on air funding TV ads is going to be paid for by one specific interest group. I don't know that I've ever seen it before. I've seen super PACs put a lot of money in races like in the Iowa primary, Josh Turek got a whole bunch of money from vote vets.
47:31That money really seemed to have come from the DSE, from the Senate majority super PAC world. And it's like a mix of different, different groups. But here you have one specific group with a specific policy agenda, spending this much money on a candidate. Have you ever seen anything like this before? It seems concerning. The only thing that maybe comes close is the way that AI was spending money in the New York congressional races. Yeah, I think it's Alex Boris, yeah. But even that was like not to the same extent. And I saw some really interesting polling in particular about the Michigan Democratic primary voters.
48:03AIPAC has a net negative 46 favorability rating. 78 % of Michigan Democratic primary voters said they'd be less likely to vote for a Senate candidate backed by AIPAC. 86%, they'd be less likely to vote for a candidate who supports continued funding for Israel's war in Gaza. This is toxic for them. I think it's telling that most of their ads do not talk about Israel. They do not talk about Gaza. Never. Never mentioned. Yeah. This is both a question of policy, but it's also a question of morals. I think we have seen now that the way that candidates engage on what's happening in Gaza has become a moral litmus test of do you have the sense of conscience to call what's happening a genocide and to want to push policy away from enabling it.
48:47We just saw the vote earlier this week where House Democrats, a record number of them, including a number of sorts, like I did not expect Nancy Pelosi to vote to cut up aid to Israel. Nancy Pelosi, Catherine Clark, the whip, yes. Yeah, like things are changing and they are good because that is where voters are. Voters see this as a crisis of conscience and they know that they want their leaders to push back. I also think that the way that AIPAC is spending in this speaks to the larger, very negative feelings people have about the role of money in politics. And it has become the ultimate boogeyman for, you know, someone is trying to buy the election and drown out your voice.
49:23Not great. Back on Michigan for a second. One question I have is, is AIPAC going to support Haley Stevenson in general against Mike Rogers? Because right now she has struggled to raise money. You have James Tallarico raising record numbers. You have John Ossoff raising record numbers. Abdul raised, I think, more than$4 million this last quarter. There are Democratic candidates who are raising lots of money. Haley Stevens has struggled to raise grassroots money, which really matters because big-dollar Democratic donations are down. You have more people willing to give$5,$10,$50,$100 bucks, and fewer people willing to write$7 ,000 per couple maxed-out checks.
50:06And so if you can't raise grassroots money and APAC is not going to, maybe they will be there, but it's, I just, is she better than Mike Rogers for them? I don't know. I don't know. But that's like, that's a question. And like, obviously, if she's a nominee, the Senate super PACs, the Senate Democrat super PACs can supplement, but that's money is coming out of somewhere else. That's money that's not going to Iowa or Alaska or Texas or somewhere else. I think it's a really good question. And I also think AIPAC has shown not the smartest of strategies. No, they've elected a lot of anti-Israel Democrats.
50:38Yeah. And like, even if you think beyond this, they have not created space for a political home for people who maybe aren't as far left as where DSA is, but also aren't where AIPAC is in a way that they're not thinking beyond the next three months. And I think it is really dangerous for the future of our democracy in many ways because of how much money they're able to spend and how threatening it has become. The vote of the House, it is, I don't know, many people may not have been tracking this over the years, but the idea that 100 Democrats would vote, the idea that 10 Democrats would vote against aid to Israel, the idea that Nancy Pelosi and a member of the House leadership would vote against aid to Israel is, would have been impossible to imagine.
51:19Impossible. You maybe get one, a Thomas Massey and the Democrat equivalent of Thomas Massey or a Rand Paul. Like the idea that people would do this in mass is impossible to imagine. It does speak, and this is the downside of APEC's and the Israeli government's allegiance sort of alliance with Republicans in most cases, is if Democrats take the majority, how would a speaker, Hakeem Jeffries, even be able to get, like, it seems like that's the end of the ballgame. I don't know how he could even bring that bill forward. I do not envy his job. Yes, it's very challenging. It does not seem fun. I do think like one of the things that the broader activist movement needs to really think about is like, how do you welcome these newcomers in?
51:59How do you, you know, better late to the party than not coming to this party at all when it comes to this issue? The point of persuasion is to get people to agree with you. And I do think there is still some stickiness around like, well, you didn't say genocide early enough. You didn't, you know, you didn't like call it out two years ago. It's like, if I do it now, that's that is better than never. And that is the point of this work. And so I do want to like just plant that seed of as we keep growing this coalition, like how do we make sure it feels like one that can continue in a way that is welcoming?
52:31The way this issue is going to hang out of the 2028 Democratic primary and the amount of people who are going to come maybe lately to be against funding or to call it a genocide or all those things is going, it's just, I mentioned this to Favre last week or two weeks ago, that we are one year away from what's likely the first Democratic primary debate. Yep. I want to die. It's just like so horrifying. No, lie down and never get up. I know. I know.
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54:28so. You've had a tremendous impact over the last, I mean, you've never been doing this for a long time. We are year eight. Nine and a half. It'll be 10 years in January. Just because it'll also be, I mean, you started an organization that got thousands of people to run. I started a podcast, you know, to each their own, I guess, because we're on year nine of Positive America now.
54:52You hinted at this earlier, but I want to put a finer point on it. After Trump won this time, There were much digital ink was spilled around the idea that the resistance was dead. And there was some anecdotal evidence for that. There was no women's march. There was, you know, you saw, you know, no one had protests as a new brunch signs out. There was less protesting. No one rushed to the airports when the next version of the Muslim ban was signed. But Run for Something was a bit different. Like you guys had a different experience after Trump won. Talk to me a little bit about the enthusiasm you've seen.
55:28So right after Trump won, we started seeing thousands of people raise their hands to run for office. You know, 18 months later, it's over 100 ,000 people who signed up to run for office since then, more than we had since 2024, more than we had in the entirety of Trump's first term. As I said earlier last year, we had, I think, a 60 percent win rate on Election Day. we had a night where we elected both a DSA-affiliated candidate to the Atlanta City Council and a former Republican who left the party after January 6th to a rural county commission in Pennsylvania. We have built the tent that is tight on values and flexible on policy, and has now elected more than just about 1 ,700 young people across 49 states plus D.C., including many that are now running for higher office, like James Tallarico, like Mallory McMorrow, but also like Francesca Hong in Wisconsin, like Sarah McBride in Delaware, and so many others who are, I think, the future of the Democratic Party.
56:25And that's not ideologically like pure, however you want to define it. It is people who love their communities, who want to solve problems, who want to speak to their neighbors, and who are willing to do so in a way that is authentic and genuine and connected and fun. And it makes me so hopeful and excited at a moment where like most of the Democratic Party does not. But I really do believe like we are on the brink of a tipping point where the party is going to be more run for something alone than not. It is going to be more leaders who look like our folks than not. And that's a good thing, I think.
57:01For sure. It's what's encouraging about it is we our party is a gerontocracy. You know, there are so many reasons for this. You know, it is, you know, we went, you know, Democrats often pick the next person in line and then Obama skipped the line. And then we went back to the back of the line and went further back of the line with Hillary and Biden. And then we also had the 2010 elections, which gutted like a big chunk of the party because we lost so many seats in the redistricting. And then first in 2010 in that election, and then so many of our state legislative candidates, state legislators were redistricted out in that redistricting.
57:44And then we lost again. And we lost a lot of the middle. And so you guys have helped bring up the – like we missed the middle generation, and now we have a younger generation coming up. Are there some particular candidates this cycle that you're excited about that people should know about? Oh, there's so many. Caitlin Dre is running for Iowa State Senate. She won a special election in 2025. She broke the Iowa Republican supermajority. She flipped the seat Trump had carried by 10 points. She is now defending that seat this November. So excited about her. Julia Salinas, who is running for Texas State House.
58:16This is like probably the genuine toss up in the Texas House district. He's the grandson of migrant farm workers. He came from behind in a three-way March primary and then won the May runoff by 11 points against a more establishment-backed candidate. This is in the Rio Grande Valley. It's in a seat that Trump carried by just, I think, like a point and a half in 2024. So exciting. Chris Thomas in Pennsylvania State Senate. He is a former public school teacher. He's a volunteer firefighter. He's up against a first-term Republican senator. We're trying to flip that chamber there. So he is phenomenal.
58:52Michael Ferguson, who's running for Florida State House in Broward County. He's an active duty Air Force judge advocate. He was served as one of the youngest special trial counsels in Air Force history. He's an attorney. This is the only legislative district in Broward County, which is very Democratic, that is still held by Republicans. So it is a top target to pick up in the Florida State House. You know, I could go on and on and on. We have hundreds of candidates up this year. The value of 100 ,000, as you said. It's going to be good, guys. It's going to be good. So the party, we did a lot of thinking after Trump won in 2016.
59:26One of the things that sort of everyone came to the too late conclusion was is the Democrats did not pay enough attention to down ballot races. I really do think that that focus shifted in the first Trump era. Obviously, there's you guys. There was Sister District. The swing left, Indivisible. Everyone is really working hard to win on these races. lots of focus on secretary of states and in governor's races in the wake of January 6th and trying to protect election integrity. Do you feel like there is the party apparatus, the donor world, the activist world, the people with platforms are, have maintained that focus in Trump 2.0 or have we lost a little bit because we're sort of obsessed with Trump again?
1:00:09We have lost a little bit. I would say in particular the donor world. And I will be very honest, like everyone who's not running for House or Senate this year that can't like if you're not a House or Senate candidate, you are probably struggling. Like run for something, we're doing OK, but we have had to be really careful stewards of our resources. And like just to put a really fine point on this, you know, run for something's budget is eight million dollars a year, just about. The Republican counterpart to run for something is called the Leadership Institute. It has been around for 30 some odd years.
1:00:39It has a 50 million dollar a year annual budget. I think I could have candidate recruitment offices in every state and be doing year round. Like I cannot imagine what I would do with 50 million dollars a year. It is the kind of abundance mindset around we can do it all that the Democratic Party just does not seem to operate from. So is that a scarcity of people want to write those checks or those just checks going to the wrong place? A little bit of call of a little bit of call of B. So some of it is like Like, we don't have enough rich people or, you know, our grassroots donors are very excited about some of the Senate races and not as excited about some of the infrastructure because it's not as flashy and not as exciting.
1:01:21And really big checks still go to places that run TV ads or, you know, this right now it's like creator stuff. And that's not to say that's not important, but that stuff ceases to exist after Election Day. Run for something and so many of other partners on the ground who are doing this real locally driven work that happens. like candidate recruitment for 2026 happened in 2025. The recruitment that we are doing now for say the Louisiana and Mississippi state legislative races, which are going to be critical because of how they've redistricted these states and blowing up the Voting Rights Act, that recruitment happens now.
1:01:54So if you are not funding things year round and sustaining this work with multi-year giving, multi-month giving, it is impossible to do in the way that is the most effective and efficient. You know, it's just so fascinating because I spent a lot of time over the last nine years now, I guess, talking to donors about, like my big thing has always been investing in media infrastructure, right? That we need to do medium and long-term investments in content creation, media, pro-democracy media. I have my newsletter, all these things, but just beyond our stuff, just generally Republicans have investing and stuff for a lot of days, we don't.
1:02:33And you're talking to very smart people who have made a lot of money in their life making good investments. And it's just, I've never been able to figure out why when you talk to them about investments that pay out over time is less appealing than the short-term one-time use of money on largely television ads. Think about how much money was spent. You want your$50 million. Your$50 million could be found in two weeks of Superpack ads. Yep, 100%. If I think about it too much, I won't get out of bed in the morning. I'm saying I want you to be able to continue to get out of bed. You have a very important job and you have children, so I think it's important that you get out of bed.
1:03:17But I want anyone listening who has those sort of resources to think about, even if you could get, let's say you could double from 8 to 16 or get to half of that 50. It's just one, truly one week of television ads in Texas. Is my entire budget. Is your entire budget, right? And to get to the beginning of the conversation, we talked about candidate recruitment is stage zero of winning an election. If you want better TV ads, if you want the megaphone that we're building around media and creators to have something good to amplify, it starts with getting really good people to run in as many places as possible.
1:03:55We work in all 50 states. We also have a long-term vision for what we think the battlegrounds could be and might be in 2030 and 2032. We're doing intensive recruitment in these places. We're providing candidates with the skills and tools they need to win their races. Like, why don't I have$50 million? I don't know. Ask the billionaires. I do know that the work is working, that there's such demand for our work, and that I am so proud of what we have built. And I think it's going to keep paying off because the nice thing about candidate recruitment in particular is when one person wins that like against the odds race.
1:04:29And when one person makes history, dozens and dozens or hundreds or thousands more like them say, you know what, maybe I can do this, too. That is a very hopeful place to end this. But before I let you go, just in case we have a billionaire or someone who maybe works for one of these AI companies going public, who's about to be a billionaire, and they would like to help you get to your well-deserved$50 million budget, where can they give you money? Runforsomething.net. You can look us up. You can also find any of our other entities. And I should say, if any of your listeners want to run for office, it is probably too late for 2026.
1:05:03It is definitely not too early for 2027 or 2028. You can go to runforwhat.net. You can look up where you might want to run. Amanda Littman, always great to talk to you. I always leave these conversations smarter and a little bit more optimistic. So this is great. Thanks for having me, Dan. Thanks to Amanda Littman for coming on. John, John, and Tommy will be back in your feed on Tuesday. Bye, everyone. Pods of America is a Crooked Media production. Our show is produced by Austin Fisher, Saul Rubin, McKenna Roberts, and Farrah Safari with Ree Cherlin, Elijah Cohn, and Adrian Hill. Our team includes Matt DeGroat, Ben Hepco, Jordan Cantor, Charlotte Landis, Kirill Pellaviv, David Tolles, Mia Kelman, Ryan Young, and Naomi Singel.
1:05:35Our staff is proudly unionized with the Writers Guild of America East.
From the publisher
Amanda Litman, president and co-founder of Run for Something, joins Dan to talk about what the spate of divisive of primaries means for Democrats and how progressives should be feeling heading into the midterms. They dive into the recruitment and vetting crisis that led to Graham Platner dropping out of the Maine Senate race, what comes next in the fight to unseat Susan Collins, and the increasingly contentious Michigan Senate primary between Haley Stevens and Abdul El-Sayed.
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For a transcript of this episode, please email transcripts@crooked.com.




