America's Largest Minority Voting Bloc Is Up for Grabs with Mike Madrid

13 Apr 2026 · 40 min · 15 chapters

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In short

Mike Madrid argues the 2024 Latino vote shift away from Democrats is “de-alignment,” driven mainly by economic pocketbook concerns and rejection of both parties’ failures, not a move to Republicans.

Guest background

Mike Madrid is a Republican strategist, former California GOP political director, Lincoln Project co-founder, and author of The Latino Century.

Key claims

Latinos are the least racially polarized and increasingly the least partisan group, making them the “last swing voter” in practice. Immigration is not a top issue; Democrats’ focus on immigration treats Latinos as a monolithic racial bloc. Trump’s coalition with Latinos has eroded due to incompetence/chaos (e.g., tariffs) and mishandled immigration messaging (e.g., “Liberation Day,” ICE raids context).

Notable examples

Ruben Gallego, Catherine Cortez Masto, Ben Lujan, Bobby Pulido, Gabe Vasquez; Mark Kelly’s border-security/working-class centrism; Rubio as a potential 2028 Republican alternative to Trumpism.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Understanding Voter Shifts Among Latinos

0:46 to 2:16

Mike Madrid explains the de-alignment of Latino voters from the Democratic Party and the misconceptions surrounding it.

“You know, you're a conservative who knows the Republican Latino strategy better than anybody, right?”

Latinos as the Last Swing Voter

2:17 to 4:25

Madrid discusses why Latino voters are unique among swing voters in America today.

“What's different about sort of the Latino as a voting bloc condition?”

Economic Concerns Over Racial Identity

4:26 to 8:16

The conversation shifts to how Latinos prioritize economic issues over racial identity in politics.

“And sometimes, you know, sometimes you wonder, you're like, what would Donald Trump have to do for some of these people to not support him anymore?”

The Fallacy of Racial Voting Blocks

8:17 to 11:03

Madrid critiques the assumption that Latinos will vote as a monolithic racial group, emphasizing the need for relatability in politics.

“And this is the point you're just making.”

The Future of Democratic Strategy

11:04 to 14:00

Mike Madrid provides insights into how the Democratic Party needs to adapt its strategy to engage Latino voters effectively.

“This is the first time I can say quantifiably Latinos are a monolithic voting bloc.”

Changing Dynamics in Minority Voting

14:00 to 14:25

Learn about the shifting demographics in the Democratic Party's voter base.

“Those two dynamics are what's changing the 270 map.”

Candidates Challenging Assumptions

15:04 to 20:00

Discussion on politicians redefining engagement with Latino voters.

“Senator from Arizona, certainly who's talking about those terms in a working-class way, blue-collar working-class way, rejecting...”

Immigration Policy Discussion

20:01 to 22:00

Insights into immigration policies and their political implications.

“The same voters that two and a half years of two and a half decades of supporting her bailed on her.”

The Future of Latino Voters

22:01 to 28:06

Exploration of the evolving role of Latino voters in American politics.

“I don't I'm having trouble articulating, but they just they weren't able to to get it through people's heads that like, you know, the pandemic was this this major, major.”

Understanding the Latino Voting Bloc

28:06 to 28:48

Learn how blue-collar identity unites various Latino communities.

“Like I said, it's amazing how much this discussion comes back to the obvious.”
Show all 15 chapters

The Populist Shift in Politics

28:48 to 29:54

Explore how anti-institutionalism has influenced Latino political alignment.

“become the party of the blue-collar working-class voter and you're going to do quite well.”

Trump's Impact on Latino Voter Sentiment

29:54 to 31:46

Examine the complex relationship between Latino voters and Trump's influence.

“Bernie would say it was, you know, the system is rigged.”

Rubio and the Future of the Republican Party

31:46 to 35:52

Discuss Marco Rubio's potential role in shaping the Republican Party's direction.

“And so they're still very gettable by both parties.”

Tallarico's Viability in Texas Politics

35:52 to 37:05

Evaluate the prospects of Democratic candidates in Texas, focusing on Tallarico.

“I mean, while we're speculating, you mentioned Tallarico.”

The Evolving Role of Trump in the GOP

37:05 to 39:59

Analyze how internal conflicts might impact Trump's standing in the Republican Party.

“I feel like as a Democrat, I've always been told, oh, Texas going blue next time, next time.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00Hello again, everybody from Newsweek headquarters at the top of the World Trade Center. I'm Carlo Versano, and this is The 1600. So we're coming back from a little bit of a break. I had some other things going on, but we're back here today to talk about one of the political trends that we've been discussing for a while now, which is just how Trump has fumbled the coalition that brought him back to the White House in 2024. Young men, young people in general, black people, black men, and particularly Latino voters. These are voting blocs that sort of went for the president in 24 and have since turned on him.

0:37My guest today, Mike Madrid, a Republican strategist, former California GOP political director, Lincoln Project co-founder and author of the great book, The Latino Century. Mike, thanks for coming on, man. Appreciate your time. Thanks so much for having me. Looking forward to this. Yeah, I really appreciate it. You know, you're a conservative who knows the Republican Latino strategy better than anybody, right? Certainly inside out. You left the party. Well, you left the current, I guess, Republican Party over Trump years ago. So let me ask you, was the 2024 realignment that I just mentioned, was that real or was it a mirage, just sort of a wave that Trump was able to, you know, ride the crest of?

1:18It was not a realignment. I was very critical of that term. It's a term we, I think, use too much in this business. I characterize it as a de-alignment. And what I mean by that is there has been this sort of rightward shift going on for the better part of a decade now. Really, in the five of the last six elections, we've seen a noticeable, measurable rightward shift of Latinos away from the Democratic Party. And I'm saying that methodically, you know, measuredly. It's more a movement away from the Democratic Party than it is a movement towards the Republican Party. But this is a constituency that increasingly polling is telling us overwhelmingly feels like it doesn't have a real choice in this between these two parties.

1:57And so that's manifesting in rejecting whichever party is in power as the failures of government's ability to address an economic working class agenda manifests on both sides. So, no, not a realignment at all. I know that was something that Republicans were rejoicing in. I raised red flags about that at the time. And I think time is bearing out that this is a dealignment, not a realignment at all. No, I would agree with that. I mean, how is that different, though, from just sort of, you know, your your independent, your regular old swing voter who's kind of, you know, always ping ponging between the two parties based on who's in and who's out of power?

2:33What's different about sort of the Latino as a voting bloc condition? And I know everybody's different. You know, everyone obviously is has their own things. It's hard to talk in generalizations, but we'll do it. Yeah. No, no. I don't think it's that hard. And here's why. We are living in an era where the actual swing voter is a very, very small share of the electorate with one huge exception, which are Latino voters. It's like really the last Latino, the last swing voter is the Latino voter. And the reasons are twofold. The first is Latinos are the least racially polarized voter in America. So if you took working class whites and working class blacks, they both have a delta of about 3%.

3:13Working class whites aren't leaving the Republican Party in any meaningful way, no matter how bad things get. They're going to stick with Trump and the Republicans through a war that makes no sense, through bad economic conditions, through inflationary pressures, through a pandemic that kills a million people. And on the left, you've got working class blacks who are like, we're never going to leave the Democratic Party in any meaningful way. A two or three point shift is like tectonic in this era with one exception. You're seeing Latinos with these massive 25 point swings happening between 2024, 2025 and now 2026.

3:51And so the real question is not why Latinos are acting so aberrantly, like so peculiarly. It's why they're the only rational actors and everybody else is so locked down in the partisan and racial constructs. So it is different. It is unique. And it is a very large swath of swing voters in a time where American politics is characterized by rigidity and partisanship and the lack of movable voters. Latinos are redefining that whole paradigm. You know, I've never actually really thought about it like that. But that it's interesting. You're right, because it does feel like everybody is so solidified, so calcified in their thinking.

4:32And sometimes, you know, sometimes you wonder, you're like, what would Donald Trump have to do for some of these people to not support him anymore? Right. Take the war that you just mentioned. I mean, this is a guy who ran not just against wars, explicitly against this war, against doing this exact thing. And he still has more or less. Well, I mean, you know, the polls change, but 80, 90 percent. Yeah, they're not moving. They will not move. And like I was saying, as you mentioned in the intro correctly, there was a slippage of black males towards Donald Trump. But that slippage was like 2 % or 3%.

5:01And that becomes news because it is news. It's like, wow, that's a big movement. It's like, but not really. And again, it's because Latinos are much less racially polarized and much, here's a real kicker, much less partisan. The fastest growing group of independent voters are Latinos. The group with the least partisan anchor are Latinos. And so you add those two together in a political system that speaks explicitly through a black-white racial construct or a red-blue partisan construct, and Latinos don't buy into either. So they're rejecting both of it depending on who's in power. And that I think – I write in my book, The Latino Century, that that's really the hope of the American experiment going forward is we can finally break through this racially polarized, partisan polarized system with this new group of voters that are challenging both parties' understanding of race and partisanship.

5:57Well, I want to – because, yeah, you have a sense of optimism to you that a lot of political strategists, pundits don't at the moment. So I want to get to that in a minute. But I guess this is – you coined this idea that Latinos are now the only real swing voter left. So I guess you've answered my next question, which is what you meant by that. Are you familiar with – I'm sure you've read this. Ruben Gallego has this line, I think he gave it in an interview with the New York Times a while back, that the average Latino male in America, they want a big-ass truck. That was the line. I think that sort of speaks to your point of like they're not in it for – they're in it for material economic conditions and the promise of America, right?

6:41That's exactly right. And the big-ass truck I think does personify it kind of in a very important way. I would probably add a little bit more nuance to it just because I'm a data nerd and he's a politician, which is why he's in the U.S. Senate and I'm not. So, yeah. But, I mean, basically this is what I argue in my book and the argument I've been making for a couple of decades now is the data is telling us very clearly that this is an economic pocketbook voter. It's not a racial or ethnic voter. And the problem that both parties have and academic institutions, the media, all approach this voter as a racial or ethnic voter.

7:14and the data says immigration is not even a top five issue now in the current environment it's never really been that big of an issue but every time you talk about latino voters everybody's mind goes immediately to immigration like let's talk about immigration right and the politicians are going to lean into that because they're looking for a constituency and they're looking for a camera to chase but but overwhelmingly latinos by wide margins it's not even close they're saying we need to deal with the economic issues cost of living job opportunities upward mobility and neither party is talking to them that way, which is why they're continually moving away from both parties.

7:49Because in a very real sense now, what's happening is when you talk to Latinos about immigration, what you're really saying is, I view you this one caricaturized way and I have no real understanding of who it is that you are. And it's really a lack of relatability as opposed to this rejection of individual politicians. I think they're rejecting the system broadly. But the relatability issue is one that could very easily bring Latinos back en masse to either party that figures it out. It's – I've always been amazed by this assumption on the left that just because two people share some sort of like identity characteristic, whether it's nationality, whether it's their religion, whether it's their race, that those people are ipso facto aligned politically.

8:36And this is the point you're just making. It's like if you're a third generation Mexican-American, your parents have been here for – you grew up in Texas. You're an American more than anything. You don't really have any implicit – you tell me if I'm off base here, but this is my own theory. You don't have any implicit sympathy for some Venezuelan family that is fleeing persecution or even the version of you now, The Mexican kid who is just trying to come over the border for a better life or just to make money to send back to their kids or their families, I should say. Was the original sin of sort of democratic immigration policy this belief that Latinos or Hispanic Americans were going to be on the side of open borders because they're, for lack of a better word, brown?

9:30100%. Look, I think you characterized it perfectly. Let me add a little bit more texture to it. This thinking really began in earnest sort of during the Obama era where people were looking at the demographics. And this theory of that demographics is destiny starts to become real orthodoxy, heterodoxy in the Democratic Party. It becomes a sacrosanct belief that in time, every non-white person is going to vote 80 % with the Democratic Party. So we just need to wait and have more kids, which we as Latinos do pretty well, right? So that demographic is going to just change over time and the Democratic Party will be a permanent majority within a generation.

10:12That was literally – They don't have to do anything to get those voters. They will just be there for you. It just happens on the natural. This is the way race works in politics. This is when I began in earnest really kind of writing and studying and researching this because I was saying that's not a correct understanding of ethnicity or culture or race. These things are very much more fluid than we think they are. But a whole generation of Democratic politicians and political consultants absolutely believed that. And the very few, and there's not that many Latino political consultants in the Democratic Party, but some of the pollsters, and there's just a handful of them, really began to drive this narrative that it's all about immigration.

10:51and that is going to be because that was in part the California experience and that turned California blue also also missed that that's not what exactly happened but that becomes the fallacy that Democrats operate in it's the same fallacy that led the Republicans to start this racial realignment theory they both believe that this is a racial voting block it is not until it is And what I mean by that is if you attack the community like we're witnessing right now, you are going to see Cubans in Miami voting like Mexicans in the Rio Grande Valley, like Dominicans in Passaic, New Jersey, and New York City, Puerto Ricans, and Central Americans in Manassas, Virginia.

11:34This is the first time I can say quantifiably Latinos are a monolithic voting bloc. They are monolithically anti-Trump. They are monolithically anti-Republicans for the moment. That doesn't mean it's a permanent coalition. In fact, I've never seen that in 35 years of studying this in great detail. But both parties make this false assumption to begin with that this is best approached as a racial voting bloc. And that is not the way Latinos view themselves or they view the country. And it's certainly not the way that they're processing political information and making voting decisions. Well, Mike, this is the – the point you're making is essentially that these are gettable voters.

12:13Yeah. Right? Are there any Democrats that you see out there who can look like they could go into 2028 with understanding the message that you're trying to get across? Yeah. I mean look, I think there's a very big change happening in the Democratic Party and that change is fundamentally this. Let me answer the question demographically why and then I'll get into some specific politicians that are doing it. the Democratic Party believes that its way back to the working class is through Tim Waltz and Amy Klobuchar and Gretchen Whitmer, like in the Rust Belt. Like to them, that is their caricature of the blue collar working class.

12:55We've got to get these Rust Belt. The white working class is not coming back. They've been fleeing you for decades. And to the earlier point in our conversation, the chances of them coming back are two to three points in any meaningful way. The future of the 270 map for the Democratic Party is through the Sun Belt. It's North Carolina into Texas, Arizona, Nevada, Georgia. And all of those have two characteristics in common. Exploding Latino populations. that's the working class voter that they need to re-engage and try to get back they're not going to get white voters back white working class voters in any meaningful way there may be aberrations like in 2026 maybe certainly not going to get him back by having a coach walls go out there you know throwing the football precisely his cosplay yeah right precisely and they also have economies that are increasingly higher tech higher finance you know um um you know college educated workers and And the blend between college-educated workers and an increasing Latino workforce puts a Texas in play, the way it is probably right now on the Senate race.

14:04Certainly North Carolina. Absolutely Arizona. No question Nevada. Georgia. Georgia, yeah. Those two dynamics are what's changing the 270 map. So the Democratic Party has to change its cultural mindset to understand that this is a different type of minority voter, and it does intersect in the south, the sunbelt. It's no longer a Rust Belt party, and it's never going to be, again, certainly not in the short term. So what does that mean? It means that there are candidates. Quality proteins aren't just for special occasions. With Omaha Steaks, you get mouth-watering proteins delivered right to your door.

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15:20Yeah, and what he's doing is he's challenging the basic assumptions that Democrats have about minority voters, as he should be, because that's what Latinos are essentially doing. You know, Catherine Cortez Masto in Nevada, Ben Lujan, these are names that could emerge. Bobby Pulido, watch Bobby Pulido in this congressional race against Monica de la Cruz down in the Rio Grande Valley running for Congress. This guy's doing all the right things. You know, Gabe Vasquez in New Mexico, too. But also, it's not just a Latino thing. Mark Kelly won a huge share of the Latino vote, by the way, U.S. senator, by speaking about more border enforcement and a blue collar working class centrism.

16:01Latinos are not, you know, anti-border security. Tallarico is a potential, big potential, in a way that I bet the work was not. So that, you know, it's not necessarily a Latino thing, but in terms of the faces of the politicians, although those people I mentioned I think are doing it right, it is cross-ethnicity. It does transform or transcend, I should say, race and ethnicity. It's entirely possible, and that speaks to, I think, what a blended mixed-race people, which Latinos are by definition, respond to. I want to ask you a question on the border stuff before we move on, because to me, if you're going to run for president on the Democratic ticket in 2028 or just in the primary, you have got to figure out an answer to this question.

16:53And the answer to me has to be to come out and say in no uncertain terms, look, Joe Biden screwed this up in a major way, not in a minor way, in a major way. I pledge to the American people right here that I will not let that happen on my watch because I think a lot of people, including plenty of swing and Latino voters, would say, look, we elected Democrat. It's just going to be Biden all over again. They're going to open up the border. And look, if I'm elected president, I will continue to do the parts of Trump's immigration policy like keeping the border closed and deporting violent criminals.

17:23These are things that the vast majority of Americans agree with and support. But we can do it without the cruelty. We can do it without the incompetence. That strikes me as such an obvious message, but I don't hear anybody ever making it. That's such a great observation. The solution to the immigration question is not hard from a policy perspective. It has never been hard. Since 1986, when we did IRCA, the policy solution has been very simple. Strong border security and a clearly defined pathway to citizenship. Everything else is details. OK. There have been politicians over the course of the past four decades now since we last did it, including Marco Rubio on the right or Langford on the right and other politicians on the left who have basically said what you just articulated.

18:09That is the answer. The problem is the politics are very complicated. And the reason why the politics are very complicated is because Democrats have had this outdated notion, which was never really correct, that Latinos don't want border security, that they want to emphasize just allowing the undocumented here and opening up more pathways for more undocumented residents. That has never been the sentiment in the Latino electorate ever. OK, now on the right, they just want to stop at border security. They don't want a pathway. They'll say it's legal versus illegal. That is completely true. untrue that's a lie they don't want immigrants they don't want any non-white people like the sentiment they want no amnesty either they don't know and they claim everything is amnesty like if you had a 30-year process to get here they would say that that's amnesty because that's just it's nativism they just don't want non-white people anymore and those are both nuts they're both wrong the way we get to where we need to economically and i would argue culturally to reinvigorate the country is exactly what you articulated.

19:10It starts with border security. And the way you articulate it, I think, is masterful. You have to acknowledge the failings of the Biden administration because it was a failure. It was a fiasco. And you have to acknowledge that why it was and that it will never happen again. Incidentally, we don't talk enough about why Kamala Harris lost Latino voters because of that. Because again, it defies conventional wisdom. She wasn't able to break away from him. No, and should have been. But no, she owned it. She owned it and should have. And it's one of the reasons why she lost. The left will say, oh, it's because Latinos are misogynist and they're racist.

19:46No, the highest Latino vote shares ever were for Barack Obama, a black man. And the second was for Hillary Clinton, a woman. And by the way, Kamala Harris's whole career in California, 25 years, was predicated on overperforming with the Latino voters. The same voters that two and a half years of two and a half decades of supporting her bailed on her. So because it was a failure, it just was. You have to acknowledge that if you're going to be credible and then articulate what Americans are increasingly open to in the wake of this Trump craziness with ICE and the raids and the crackdowns, which is a pathway to citizenship.

20:26Ironically, the craziness of this moment and the failures of the Biden administration may be creating a moment where we can finally, after 40 years, get this done because people are tired of it and it's not that difficult to get to a policy solution. In fact, it's quite simple. We just got to lay down the political arms and quit trying to out-extreme one another. No, it's so true. And I was just thinking, you know, you talked about the left talking about how, oh, you know, you're racist or misogynist if you didn't vote for Kamala. I remember them saying that a lot about black people too, black voters who were not into her.

21:02And I remember just thinking to myself like, well, no, it's because frankly as a white guy I feel like I can say this. Black people and Latino people can spot a bullshit artist from a mile away, right, in a way that us white people can't always do. And that's why they just – they clocked her as being a sort of know-nothing or dilettante. That's why she didn't win, not because she was a woman or a black woman, at least in my opinion. Well, it was a failed administration. They failed. The economy was bad and they wouldn't acknowledge it. The borders were out of control. They wouldn't acknowledge it.

21:33I mean both were true. Those were the top two issues going into 2024, the election. They failed on both of them quantifiably. So yeah. Right. No, I know I get in this argument all the time with my with my liberal family members and friends. It's like, no, like, yes, Biden was handed a pile of crap in a lot of ways with the pandemic and everything. But they did not they did not succeed. And more importantly, that they did not succeed. They didn't explain. I don't I'm having trouble articulating, but they just they weren't able to to get it through people's heads that like, you know, the pandemic was this this major, major.

22:11We weren't going to just be able to snap our fingers and come back from that, right? It was going to take a lot of work. And they weren't able to do the work, I guess. Look, what you're articulating is really important, Carlos. So let me try to say it back to you. Help me out here. First of all, they failed on the economy, OK? The second is they failed on the immigration question. The reason why that failure was largely there is they weren't articulating where they were able to go and not able to convince people what they were trying to accomplish. If those three things sound remarkably similar to this moment, it's because that's exactly what's going on.

22:45The economy is heading in the wrong direction after Trump ran on it. He has turned his greatest strength, which is immigration, into a net negative because of the way he's handling mass deportation and complete government overreach. And he's not able to articulate a coherent strategy for any of this. So that explains the same exact reason why Kamala Harris lost a historic share of Latino support is the exact same reason that Donald Trump is losing an equally historic share of Latino support. It's not brain surgery. It's literally the same thing. Right. Right. No, it really it's your point about how Trump and, you know, people like Noam and Bovino and these people turned his best issue into one of the biggest drags on his presidency.

23:33It's really astonishing. I mean, you've been around longer than I have. Have you ever seen anything like that? No, never. It's the biggest own goal in the history of modern politics. I mean, they were on the verge potentially of a realignment. They had an opening that I had not seen with Latino voters since the early 1990s, maybe since the Reagan era. Like Latinos were like, OK, we'll listen to you now. And literally within weeks, Trump announces Liberation Day. And by the way, that's when Latino numbers started to collapse. Three and a half months. To your point about this being an economic. Yeah, three and a half months prior to the ICE crackdowns in Los Angeles, before any of the crazy stuff on ICE started.

24:15Three and a half months before, his numbers were cratering because he started talking about tariffs and introducing chaos into the financial markets. That's when his numbers start to collapse, not with the ICE stuff. I'm not saying the ICE stuff doesn't matter. I'm not saying the immigration stuff doesn't matter. It certainly does. But it was not the reason that he's at these lows that he's at right now. So in your book frames the Latino century, the name of the book, back to your point about being sort of optimistic about the future. The book frames this as, you know, you say this idea could usher in a new pluralism.

24:47What does that look like structurally in terms of just party realignment, candidate pipelines, even electoral math? You got into this a little bit, but I just want to expand on it. Yeah, and I think it is important to kind of take the context of what we were just talking about, which is there is a demographic change where a lot of these blue-collar working-class voters are more gettable for the Democrats than they have been in the better part of a decade. Where Democrats are consolidating white college-educated voters at a really fast pace, and Republicans are doing the same thing in reverse with non-college-educated voters.

25:22The education divide will be literally the largest demarcation in American politics, and Latinos follow that. We are the largest ethnic groups with the highest rate of non-college-educated voters. But the challenge is you have to speak to Latinos first through blue-collar values. And there is blue-collar values in this country, working-class people. We would call these folks Reagan Democrats, except they're Latino. They're brown, so we don't know what to do with them in this country. But look at them – if you're of a certain age like I am, look at these as Reagan Democrats. These are lunch pail, working class Democrats who will vote for a Republican who speaks to their cultural values.

26:04And that doesn't necessarily mean socially conservative, although it can be. What it means is that kind of – that Clintonian play by the rules and you've got an opportunity and a shot. We're going to give you the opportunity to rise if you put in a fair day's work, fair day's pay. You got a shot in America. That's what this voter is looking for. They're not looking for government intervention. You talk to Democrats, they're always going to say, well, we support, you know, Medi-Cal for all. And we care, you know, all of these government programs. Build Back Better, if that would have worked, Build Back Better would have resonated more than just the day after the press conference that they had.

26:41Working class people do not look to government to better their lives. They just want a fair shake. They just want a fair shake, man. They don't believe government's going to do a better job than they can, so quit trying. And that's the real tension. And I guess the best way to put it, Carlo, as I say in the book, is whichever party is able to capture the hearts and minds of a multi-ethnic aspirational working class is going to be the dominant part of the next generation. The problem is the Democrats have a real problem with the working class piece, much bigger than they realize. And the Republicans have a real big problem with the multi-ethnic piece.

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27:22and whichever party is able to get beyond that part of their base is going to start winning elections and start building towards a more structural majority. And it's why I would advise Democrats to focus a hell of a lot more on the Sun Belt than they are on the Rust Belt, but they're kind of obsessively focused because they still think they're the party of FDR. They still think that Joe from Scranton is the future of the party, and it's just not. Right, and that they need an FDR, that they need a new deal or a great society when perhaps they should, instead of shooting for the stars, maybe come down to earth a little bit and just get the basic stuff right.

28:05Just do the basics. Like I said, it's amazing how much this discussion comes back to the obvious. We've gotten so involved, so hyper data focused, so involved in narrow casting and micro targeting that we don't realize the big through line is not whether it's a Cuban or Mexican or Puerto Rican or Venezuelan. It's are they blue collar or not? And if you focus on blue collar, that's the one common cultural characteristic that binds all of these Latinos together. Whether you're Cuban in Miami or Mexican in the Rio Grande Valley or Dominican up in New Jersey, whether you speak Spanish or English or whether you've been here for one generation or for six generations, the one common theme is become the party of the blue-collar working-class voter and you're going to do quite well.

28:52I mean it's astounding really when you think – I mean I know this point is sort of hack at this point to make. But like the idea that Donald Trump of all people was able to get blue-collar voters behind – I mean a man who grew up going to the bathroom on a golden toilet who – it's just – I've never really understood that at all. I mean what was your – like when he came down that golden escalator in 2015, what did you think? Did you think this guy was a Philistine charlatan who was never going to have a chance? Or did you see the writing on the wall? No, 100%. I actually ruined a trip I was on with my girlfriend at the time to New York City because it was at the same time.

29:28And I ended up having to do media for the whole week because everyone wanted to talk about it. I was in the city. So I was never for Trump ever. I was very publicly, viscerally as a Republican, very anti-Trump. But what I will say is this, and I try to capture this in my book. I understand why the shift is happening. I don't agree with it, but I completely get it. And a lot of this is less pro-Trump and a lot more anti-institutionalism. It's a lot more like he will call it like draining the swamp when he's clearly a swamp creature. Bernie would say it was, you know, the system is rigged. What they're both capturing is a populist moment.

30:06My next book will probably be on Latino populism because what it really is, it's anti-institutionalism. And Hillary Clinton dealt with a lot of this in the 2016 primary, where Latinos, again, this group that should have been 100 percent behind Hillary Clinton, just like black voters. That's the Democratic mindset. She lost the Nevada primaries to Bernie because young Latinos were just rejecting the establishment politics within the Democratic Party. And that populism. That should have been a warning sign, right? That was the huge. That was the red flag. That was the canary in the coal mine. And they still haven't entirely adjusted yet.

30:40And this is 10 years ago. And so a lot of what's happened in the Trump era, I would argue, is more demographic than Donald Trump. And let me wrap up answering the question with one more data point. If you look at Ron DeSantis, governor of Florida, if you look at Greg Abbott, governor of Texas, and Doug Ducey, the last Republican governor of Arizona, they all had three things in common. They had one thing in common, those three governors. They all outperformed Trump with Latino voters. And what that tells me very clearly is Donald Trump is not the Pied Piper bringing Latinos to the Republican Party.

31:16He's actually a hindrance, limiting bigger growth. These other Republicans with the same message are doing better than he is. So because we're so obsessed with Trump for good reason, we think it's just they're voting for Trump. They're not. But they're fleeing the Democratic Party and Trump is actually in their minds a better alternative because they know what they're going to get with the Democratic Party, which is the same old thing. And so they're still very gettable by both parties. But it takes a different understanding of what their motivations are than I think what we generally try to impose upon them.

31:57What do you make of Rubio? My theory is that Vance is toast. Maybe he won't even run, but if he does, I just don't see how he wipes the stink off of him. Rubio has, frankly, been a master class in being able, at least so far, I think, to be a part of the administration, obviously, a secretary of state and national security advisor, but kind of float above it, at least above some of the craziest stuff. Do you think he's the guy in 2028 for the Republicans? Do you think he would be able to pull it off? Well, he's the only serious guy in there. I mean, Susie Wiles is too, right? But it's like Susie Wiles and Mark Rubio are the only two serious people in there.

32:33And I think that increasingly as the wheels are coming off, the incompetent people, the Hexess, the Cash Patels, the kind of circus clowns, they're increasingly looking to be like the mom and dad. Like, get us out of this jam. They do. And Rubio is that person. Love him or hate him. Look, I was – He's daddy. Yeah, he's daddy. I was a Rubio guy in 2016. And to me as a Latino, like that was kind of the hope of where the party was going to be. It was going to move in a very different direction than Trumpism. And he was going to kind of try to build a bigger pluralistic net, net base for the party.

33:06That, of course, didn't happen. The fact that Rubio has survived, not only survived MAGA, but he's thrived in it. He's like ascended to the top of the pyramid, I think is very instructive. I think there's going to be a big battle. I mean, Ted Cruz is obviously going to be in this fight. I forgot about Cruz. And I don't think that he, right, which says something. I'm not sure that Cruz is going to be able to pull off what Marco does with Latino voters, but there's going to be a Latino constituency. But the question, Carlo, really is a foundational one. And it's the same question that we asked in 2016 and did not pass as a party.

33:44We did pass it in 2000 with George W. Bush. Remember, the party in 2000 is a very aspirational party. compassionate conservatism that is saying everybody is truly welcome in this party it was very different than kind of the old pete wilson from california party that was anti-immigrant the question you're asking really a really foundational question if rubio can convince the party that it does indeed need to go in that direction keeping in mind rubio was the leader of the gang of eight and that that gang of eight proposal on immigration which he abandoned within moments of putting it together, articulated an immigration solution that you articulated.

34:25Like we said, it's not hard to figure out. Marco Rubio put it out. If he's able to do that, I think there might be a future in some way, shape or form for a party that is more likely to balkanize and shatter as opposed to split along conservative moderate lines. And I think the Republican Party is in a deep danger of that right now because it doesn't really have a philosophical underpinning anymore. The glue that was holding it all together was just being anti-democratic party. It capitulated everything to fealty to Trump. As Trump support, as the Trump fever breaks, it's left literally with nothing.

35:08All of these people have supported something that defied everything they've talked about being as conservative and Republican. Viability is going to become an issue again. And the question becomes, is it Vance-style regressing to MAGA sort of America First-ism? Or is it this old George Bush notion of building a bigger, broader base of the party? And so the question that you ask is the right one. I think it's too early to speculate. But I think that however that question is answered by the voters will say whether or not the Republican Party is going to continue to be a functional party and exist or whether it will balkanize into something completely unprecedented in 150 years in this country.

35:52That is the question. I mean, while we're speculating, you mentioned Tallarico. Do you think he has a chance, just given what you know about in Texas? I think he's got a chance. I think he's got a better chance than a Beto O 'Rourke does or an Alred does. And the reason why, you know, there were a lot of people, a lot of Democrats were saying, oh, let's turn Texas blue. And I was like, that you fundamentally don't understand. Like that came from the old. Chasing that dragon. Yeah, it's like you don't understand Latino voters, clearly. And that's changing in an environment like this. What I will say is if a Tallarico were going to win, it would be with a candidate like his, candidacy like his.

36:28You need to have volcanic emotion behind the Democratic base to get the turnout that they're going to likely get, right? It might be lightning in a bottle year. You have to have an incredibly big independent break towards the Democrats also getting that. And then you have to have some slippage in GOP turnout, which you're also getting. So I would say it's more possible now, at least on paper. We'll see how the campaign unfolds. I've never been bullish on Texas for Democrats in the past 20 years. I think that I'm a little bit more bullish now than I have been in two decades for a Telerico candidacy.

37:07Interesting. Yeah. No, I mean, I'm sort of the same way. I feel like as a Democrat, I've always been told, oh, Texas going blue next time, next time. And then it's just these guys fall on their face every single time. Fool's gold. But Tallarico does sort of have something that the Beto O 'Rourke's and Colin Allreds I think don't. Agreed. So we'll see. Before I let you go, Mike, I know we're on tight time here. I want to talk about the war just briefly. I was having an argument with my dad. It wasn't really an argument. We were just debating this because I was saying to him, I was like, I think this is it.

37:37I think this is it. I think that – I don't think he comes back from this. My dad said, look, we've been saying that about Donald Trump. This guy has wiggled his way out of everything. We've been saying it for 11 years now. You think this is the thing that's going to be the end of him? I do. I really don't see – I mean in some ways it's kind of a pointless question because he's a lame duck anyway. His polls were going down even before this. But I feel like something about this, what a fiasco this has turned into and just how just completely opposite it was of some of a major point of his platform.

38:09I don't know. Am I wrong? No, but no, you're not wrong. But but I do want to give some context to it because your dad is also kind of right, too. Like I've been for 10 years as a Republican consultant, co-founder of the Lincoln Project, trying to look at this base and going, like, how is he still able to maintain that with a pandemic that killed a million Americans when he was just saying it's a hoax? It's not a real thing. Don't worry about it. But there is something foundationally different happening at this moment, Carlo. And I think you are onto something. Let me explain from my perspective why.

38:38It really began with Epstein, right, was lying on the Epstein files. And so you started to see something that was unique, which was you were seeing Republicans becoming more vocal. What you have is this sort of internecine warfare breaking out between the Tucker Carlson's and the Candace Owens, Megyn Kelly's, Alex Jones, Nick Fuentes, a lot of them, very influential, along with the pod bros, right, breaking off from the sort of Laura Loomer wing, Mark Levine wing. This is a very real split. And so any one of these situations, the members of Congress leaving, Marjorie Taylor Greene leaving, the podcast bros, the right-wing media influencers, any one of them would be sort of anomalous.

39:16All of them are happening and building and it's growing. This opposition is growing. So Trump is now viewed very much as a liability. That's what all of the 2025 elections told us. That's what all of 2026 elections are telling us. And that is unique to your point, Carlo. So no offense, dad, but you are absolutely correct. There are indications that Trump is no longer this necessary part of the Republican future. And I think as the economy worsens, as the quagmire in the Middle East worsens, that liability is going to start being viewed as not only problematic, but more people are going to see what Marjorie Taylor Greene did, which is turning on Trump as an asset.

39:59And as that happens, yeah, he's going to plummet. Interesting. It's really interesting. And it feels like it's been an asset for her. I mean she's been sort of given a big bear hug by the media at least now. You see her all over CNN all the time. I don't know. Maybe she's got a second career as like a liberal punt. She's got a finger on the pulse. I mean give her credit. She does. She was right. She's right where this was moving. She could see it. She's calling it out and she's going to start riding a wave. I don't know how far but she has her finger on the pulse of the base. it's really true let's leave it there Mike Madrid, the Oracle the book is called The Latino Century everybody please, if you know a Democrat who is running for office, can you please have them listen to this, listen to what Mike is saying this is the answer people it is so simple, you just gotta see it Mike, thanks so much man, really appreciate your time

From the publisher

Carlo speaks with Lincoln Project co-founder, Never-Trump Republican and Latino GOP consultant Mike Madrid about how Donald Trump blew it with the coalition that brought him back to power -- and what the Democrats need to do (or stop doing) to win them over.


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