'Hope and Change' Led to More of the Same: Revisiting Obama's Presidency ft. David Sirota

11 May 2026 · 54 min · 19 chapters

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In short

Episode topic: A left-leaning critique of Barack Obama’s presidency as the “Hope and Change” turning into “more of the same,” arguing it helped enable the political backlash that culminated in Donald Trump.

Guest background

David Sirota is founder/editor-in-chief of The Lever (investigative journalism on corporate corruption). He was Bernie Sanders’ chief speechwriter in 2020 and co-wrote Netflix’s Don’t Look Up (Oscar-nominated).

Key claims

Obama came in with a mandate and majorities but avoided major fights—especially on Wall Street accountability and health care. The episode argues the financial crisis response bailed out banks without prosecutions or meaningful reform; Dodd-Frank was weak; and bailouts weren’t fully repaid. On health care, the ACA is framed as strengthening insurers via a corporate “middleman,” abandoning a public option and earlier support for Medicare for All.

Notable examples

Geithner’s “foam on the runway” quote; foreclosure victims vs bank bailouts; Obama’s 2007 single-payer reversal rationale; Sandy Hook gun control inaction; Obama hiring Rahm Emanuel and Larry Summers; Obama’s “no votes” explanation for a public option.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Reflecting on Obama's Presidency

0:34 to 2:14

Analyzing the impact of Barack Obama's presidency on current political dynamics.

“This is the 1600, and I am Carlo Versano.”

Expectations vs. Reality

2:15 to 5:24

Discussing the gap between Obama's campaign promises and his presidency actions.

“I mean, we can talk about some other stuff, too, in the news, but I really wanted to get you on to talk about Mr.”

The Healthcare Debate

5:25 to 7:20

Examining Obama's approach to healthcare reform and its implications.

“Not to foam the runway for millions of people being thrown out of their homes, but to foam the runway for Wall Street banks.”

The Fight for Progressive Policies

7:21 to 14:00

Exploring the missed opportunities for more progressive policies during Obama's presidency.

“I do want to ask you a little bit about the health care stuff because 20 years ago you interviewed Obama.”

Assessing Obama's Legislative Strategy

14:00 to 15:17

Discussion on Obama's approach to passing healthcare reforms and the perceived lack of effort to mobilize support.

“surrendering, by the way, to members of your own party.”

The Impact of Public Battles

15:17 to 16:43

Exploring the long-term effects of political battles and the contrast between Obama and Trump in their approaches.

“But in having that fight, it helped change public opinion for a few years later, right?”

Biden's Legislative Efforts Compared to Obama

16:43 to 18:44

Comparative analysis of Biden's attempts at legislation versus Obama's historical actions.

“Like all we should be learning a lesson now that every time that we were told by the Obama administration or Democratic presidents or Democratic members of Congress, we just can't get anything done.”

The Role of Wall Street in Policy Decisions

18:44 to 21:54

Discussion on Wall Street's influence on Obama's presidency and the implications for political accountability.

“I actually do think Joe Biden and his administration did try to use power in a much more aggressive way than Obama to deliver on promises that Biden had made.”

The Concept of Corruption in Politics

21:54 to 22:30

Exploring the difference between direct corruption and systemic capture in political systems.

“Was it the donors when it comes down to it?”

Public Perception and the Financial Crisis

22:30 to 25:08

Analyzes the disconnect between public suffering during the financial crisis and government actions.

“I guess what I'm trying to describe is like it's an immersive process.”
Show all 19 chapters

The Legacy of Obama and Trust in Politics

25:08 to 28:00

Discussion on the lasting impact of Obama's presidency on public trust and the potential for future political engagement.

“and by eight years in i'm i'm not i feel like the whole system is rigged against me now some people can say obama being re-elected in 2012 is proof that like voters didn't catch on or 2016 wasn't a referendum on Obama.”

Disillusionment with Obama

28:00 to 29:30

Exploring the complexity of public opinion about Obama amidst disillusionment.

“George Bush era, which we all forget about, right?”

The Promise of Change and Its Fallout

29:30 to 31:00

Discussion on the gap between Obama's promises and the perceived lack of change.

“I certainly wish that he were president if it were between him and Donald Trump.”

The Political Crisis of Our Age

31:00 to 34:00

Analyzing the roots of political disillusionment and its effects on voter behavior.

“And by the way, some people may blame him.”

The Democratic Party's Challenges

34:00 to 36:30

Assessing the failures of the Democratic Party during and after Obama's presidency.

“I think that goes as far as a little bit far, but I don't think it explains the whole thing.”

Obama's Influence and Leadership Style

36:30 to 42:00

Critique of Obama's leadership style and its implications for the Democratic Party.

“Look, I mean, again, from your lips, I hope you're right.”

Critique of Obama's Leadership Style

42:00 to 43:50

Explore the discussion on Obama's challenges and missed opportunities in leadership.

“Be very hard on him for obvious reasons.”

Understanding Obama's Presidency and Legacy

43:50 to 48:20

Analyze the implications of Obama’s presidency on future political landscapes and the importance of learning from history.

“Like, you want to show those clips to Obama and be like, this was you as an underdog fighter.”

The Importance of Political Discourse

48:20 to 52:59

Discuss the necessity of open debate within parties and learning from past political mistakes.

“If liberals cannot understand what delivered Donald Trump to the presidency, then liberals will likely participate in those same things that will create another, possibly even worse, future Donald Trump presidency.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00Hello again from Newsweek headquarters at the top of the World Trade Center. Insurance isn't one size fits all. That's why customers have enjoyed Progressive's Name Your Price tool for years now. With the Name Your Price tool, you tell them what you want to pay and they'll show you options that fit your budget. So whether you're picking out your first policy or just looking for something that works better for you and your family, they make it easy to see your options. Visit Progressive.com. Find a rate that works for you with the Name Your Price tool. Progressive Casualty Insurance Company and Affiliates.

0:31Price and coverage match limited by state law. New York City, where the New York Knickerbockers are absolutely on fire and spring has sprung. This country was stone cold dead. This is the 1600, and I am Carlo Versano. So I wanted to sort of take another step back from these firehose of daily Trump insanity today and to reflect a little bit on our last quote-unquote good president. I'm talking, of course, about Barack Obama. You're going to be hearing a lot more from the 44th president if you haven't already because his big presidential center, his presidential library that isn't really a library.

1:06In Chicago, it's set to open this summer. So they're doing big previews. He's sort of doing the media circuit to promote that opening. He did a big juicy interview with The New Yorker this week. I saw him on Stephen Colbert the other night where he did sort of a softball interview. So you're going to be hearing more about Obama and it's a good time I think to sort of reflect on his presidency. He's been out of office almost 10 years now. I was going to say maybe we can get him on the show if anybody out there has a connect, although after this conversation I suspect any chance we have of booking him will probably be nil.

1:36But anyway, to help me with that task today, I have with me David Sirota. David is the founder and editor-in-chief of The Lever, which is a great independent investigative journalism platform focused on exposing corporate corruption. Definitely go check that out. We'll put the link in the description. David was also Bernie Sanders' chief speechwriter during the 2020 campaign, and he received an Oscar nomination for co-writing the great Netflix film Don't Look Up. David's also been one of the most consistent critics of the Obama era from a position on the left. Without further ado, David, I hope that was an adequate intro for you.

2:09Yeah, that was fair.

2:10David Sirota:That was fair. I appreciate it. Thank you. OK, good. So, yeah, I did want to get you on. I mean, we can talk about some other stuff, too, in the news, but I really wanted to get you on to talk about Mr. Obama. even though he's been sort of a little bit out of the public eye these days, less so now. So much of our current political dysfunction and polarization, in my opinion at least, can be traced back to his two terms in office. The tragedy of Obama to me is that he came in in 2009 with support from deep red states, deep red counties. He had a super majority in Congress. He came in with the biggest mandate.

2:45I mean Trump likes to talk about how he had a mandate, but Obama actually did have a mandate. and he just kind of squandered it. Do you think that's a fair assessment?

2:52David Sirota:I do think it's a fair assessment. I think that he came in with a massive mandate specifically for a New Deal-style program, to the point where he was put on the cover of Time magazine in an FDR image. They superimposed his face in a famous FDR image. So he came in promising a ton of things. and he came in with an electoral mandate to do those things. And he came in with congressional majorities that I would argue he could have done some of those things or most of those things. And I think that he ultimately decided in many ways not to have the fights that he promised to have. And I'll be specific here.

3:36David Sirota:I mean, this is a person who came into office promising to seriously crack down on Wall Street in the middle of the financial crisis to hold accountable those who cratered the global economy and enriched themselves and to use the government's resources to rescue the victims of that crisis. And I think looking at what happened, that's not what happened. I think that what happened was the banks got bailed out. Obama, coincidentally or not coincidentally, was the largest recipient of Wall Street money and at that point presidential history, presidential campaign history. So he effectively bailed out his donors and did not do very much of anything for people, millions of people who were being foreclosed on.

4:28David Sirota:And I know there's an argument that the bailouts began under George Bush. They certainly did with the support of Obama and with the continued support of Obama into the Obama presidency. and those bailouts in totality, trillions of dollars when it comes to loan guarantees and the like, they were not paid back. There's this myth out there that the bailouts were supposedly paid back. A piece of the bailouts were paid back. They were not paid back. And I think Obama succumbed to the argument made by the donor class that the only thing that can be done is to rescue the banks who were literally throwing people out of their homes.

5:05David Sirota:There was no other way to do things. I mean, his Treasury secretary famously said that – This is Geithner. Yeah, this is Geithner saying that they have to – that the goal is to create foam on the runway, to foam the runway for the banks. That was the top policy priority. Not to foam the runway for millions of people being thrown out of their homes, but to foam the runway for Wall Street banks. And I think that was executed in practice. I mean, the Dodd-Frank regulatory bill was incredibly weak. Obama walked away from his promise to provide bankruptcy relief and to cram down the size of loans that the banks had extended to people who were being foreclosed on, cram down provisions that are given to rich people on their second homes.

5:56David Sirota:He walked away from that. On health care, people hold that up as a crowning achievement. What he ended up passing, I would argue, was certainly better in many ways than the status quo that had existed. But it was essentially a Heritage Foundation plan. The ACA, the Affordable Care Act, which fortified the health insurance companies and enriched them. essentially fortified their position in between millions of Americans and the medical system. This middleman, it fortified that. He did not fight for his promised, what I think is the most important part of the original proposal, the promised public option to compete with private insurers.

6:42David Sirota:And he instantly, by the way, I mean, this is completely forgotten. He had very explicitly said that he was a supporter of Medicare for All. Within weeks of getting into office and proposing the ACA, he said that's not going to be a priority at all. So my point here is not to pick on Barack Obama. My point here is that I think to understand how we went from Obama to Trump, which I think is somehow not really well discussed even today. Like how did we go from Barack Obama to Donald Trump is the pivotal moment in our modern political history. I think you can't understand that without understanding how high the expectations were raised for hope and change and how diligently Obama and his administration turned hope and change into more of the same.

7:34No, I couldn't agree more. I do want to ask you a little bit about the health care stuff because 20 years ago you interviewed Obama. This was I think in 07. So he was – I don't know if he was technically running for president at that point, but he was a senator.

7:44David Sirota:It was just before that, right. Just before, right. So you confronted him about backing away from single payer, which he had championed, of course, during his his Senate campaign in Illinois. This is a this is a quote from from what he told you back then, quote, quoting Obama here. Now I'm a senator. And what am I going to say to the people in Illinois who work in the insurance industry? End quote. I mean, I assume obviously you recall that interview. What do you remember thinking in the moment when you heard him say that? I actually couldn't believe he was that was going to be his argument. I thought there would be a different argument, like some kind of argument about how he's learned more or America.

8:20David Sirota:There's some sort of structural reason why we can't do Medicare for all, government-guaranteed health care that every other major advanced economy has done decades ago. But instead it was like – the way I read it was like – the argument was I don't want to have to displace some people who work in the insurance industry. Now, to be clear, I get that that's a challenge, right? Sure. If you're an elected official, they're your constituents. They're your constituents. I get that's a challenge. But this is a country that jammed NAFTA and the China free trade deal down the throats of the population and literally threw millions of people out of their jobs under the banner of progress.

9:05David Sirota:Now, I don't think that was a good thing. But I guess my point is it's like the argument felt like a fake argument. Like politicians have embraced economic transitions that they have they have touted as necessary, knowing that there are going to be some consequences. And we try to deal with the consequences. So so I guess that's a long way of saying my takeaway from that argument is that Obama is a smart person. And I don't I don't really believe in my heart of hearts that that was really what he actually believed. In other words, I don't, and I'm speculating here, but I don't believe that was his real reason for backing off his Medicare for All proposal and his support for that.

9:48David Sirota:My belief is that his real reason is that Barack Obama fundamentally, which came out of that article in 2007, is somebody who genuinely deeply believes that he has to play within the rules and within the institutions as they existed at the moment. that he was a reformer and not a so-called revolutionary. And I don't mean revolutionary in the term of like, you know, Che Guevara here. I'm talking about somebody who believes whole new institutions and whole new paradigms need to be built. Barack Obama was very much a play within the current rules kind of president. By the way, to go back to the bailouts for a second, it's the same thing with the banks, right?

10:30David Sirota:He didn't fire the bankers. He didn't temporarily nationalize any of the banks. He didn't challenge the overarching systemic principle that giant too big to fail banks must exist in our society. He wasn't willing to really entertain that. He was only willing to go as far as discussing reforming that system within the system as it existed at the time. No, I agree again, and I want to get back to Wall Street in a minute. I have a lot to ask you about this. But one more thing on the, because you make a great point about NAFTA. It's like impossible to imagine, you know, Bill Clinton saying, look, we're not going to do NAFTA because I might get on the bad side of what, like a domestic furniture manufacturer or something, right?

11:17He just did it because that's what he, you know, he was a, whatever he was, a, you know, neo -

11:22David Sirota:Well, let me add, let me add to that. I mean, I think it's not a coincidence coincidence that when a politician has the choice of siding with capital, if you will, money, industry, the fears about job loss suddenly go away, right? Like, that's sort of the tell. In the Obama health care case, I think it was, I can use a jobs argument to justify siding with one of the most powerful industries in politics and in America, the health insurance industry. And I think it's cynical. It's a really cynical rhetorical thing to say, I don't want to get rid of the health insurance companies who are ripping everyone off because I'm afraid that some people working in the mid-level of the health insurance industry will be displaced.

12:14David Sirota:Again, there's a way to deal with job displacement that doesn't have to doom us, doom the entire population to the current dystopia of having a corporate middleman between us and our medical providers. Right. Right. So speaking of sort of the Obama cynicism, he told Marc Maron on his podcast – I think this was last year, somewhat recently – that single payer, quote, would have been smarter but that he didn't have the votes. And I mentioned this to you because I know that you went onto Twitter or X or whatever and you put that – you resurfaced that 2007 interview you did and you wrote, Obama literally told me – this is quoting you – after campaigning for Senate in support of single payer that he had decided to reverse himself and oppose it because it might be a good thing.

12:58harm the insurance industry. So it's like he it's like, did he not even remember that?

13:04David Sirota:Yeah, I mean, I think Obama, he's very smart. And so I presume that that he that he presumes that we live in a goldfish brain society that you can't remember, you know, what happened 15 minutes ago. I mean, I do think but I but I also think there's something really interesting there in that, again, to go back to this reformer-revolutionary dichotomy, I also think that Obama, one of the most frustrating parts of his presidency was that he and the people around him, Rahm Emanuel and the like, never seemed to see the value in at least having the fight. Having the fight, even if the fight would be a losing fight.

13:50David Sirota:Right. A president having the fight over something like forget Medicare for all, even having a real fight, a dragged out fight over just a public option instead of instead of sort of preemptively surrendering, surrendering, by the way, to members of your own party. These are people you presumably have even more leverage over than the Republicans. Let's take him at his word. There weren't enough Senate votes as they stood in sort of a snapshot of things among conservative Democrats in the Senate of the time to immediately pass a public option. Okay, let's take him at his word that that might have been true.

14:32David Sirota:I would argue, well, it's worth pressure testing that. That's your fight. That's your job. Exactly. It's worth going into those blue states and those purple states as a very popular president of the same party to really try to pressure those members of Congress to support that if you actually truly want to get it done. So ultimately you end up at a situation seeing him not having done that and saying maybe he didn't really actually want to get it done. Maybe he wasn't willing to have the fight with real power, the health insurance industry. And he might have lost that fight, right? But I would argue that having that fight helps move forward the long term.

15:15David Sirota:Okay, Obama had the fight. They lost. They had to compromise. But in having that fight, it helped change public opinion for a few years later, right? Like these things are on a longer term continuum than one or two years. And Obama, I don't think he or his administration ever saw the value in protracted fights. No, and this is actually something that Trump understands intuitively, right? I mean, say what you will about this administration, but it's corrupt beyond your wildest imagination. But he does the fight and he does the things that his base wants. And yeah, maybe he gets stymied by the courts, but they don't see that as a loss.

15:52They see that as him putting up the fight. And the thing – with Obama, the thing that really upset me about this, it wasn't actually about this. It was about Sandy Hook. When Sandy Hook happened and it was so awful. It was just so – everything about it was just so grotesque. You had this moment of just national tragedy. If you could ever get gun control passed, it would have been at this moment. And it didn't seem like – I mean he came out and he like cried a little bit. And then they didn't – he didn't do anything. And it's like if you can't use your bully pulpit for this at this moment after we just saw, you know, 20 first graders shot to death in their classroom.

16:29Like, what are you doing here, man?

16:30David Sirota:Well, I also think that your your invocation of Trump is important in this way. And this is where I am optimistic. Donald Trump is teaching everybody a lesson about the so-called or the theoretically powerless presidency. Right. Like all we should be learning a lesson now that every time that we were told by the Obama administration or Democratic presidents or Democratic members of Congress, we just can't get anything done. We can't. We have no. Like there is this there is this dichotomy where Republicans eke themselves into office. They barely get in. They have barely any electoral mandate. They get into the presidency and then they they do whatever they want.

17:13David Sirota:You never hear, I can't do it. I don't have any power to do it. You never hear that from them. Then Democrats get elected with real electoral mandates and they say, I don't have the power to do much of anything. And I guess the reason I'm optimistic is because I think Donald Trump has now laid waste to that entire fiction. In the sense, I disagree with almost everything Donald Trump is doing. I find it odious and gross. But like he is teaching everyone a lesson that the next time you hear a politician say effectively what the Obama administration said, hey, we just don't have the power to do what we've promised on the campaign.

17:50David Sirota:Everybody should look at the presidency of Donald Trump and say, that's a lot of nonsense because Donald Trump barely got elected and seems to be doing whatever he wants whenever he wants. So the the the notion of the powerless presidency is over. And I think that's encouraging because the next time there's a Democratic president, if there is a Democratic president, they will not have that excuse to not at least try and fight to deliver on their promises. Yes. That's an interesting way of thinking that I hadn't really contemplated. But I mean, I hope from your lips, man, I hope you're right. Where does Biden sort of fit in this matrix?

18:24Because he did try to do some big things legislatively, some of which failed, some of which, I guess, succeeded. Although then you could argue that, you know, he failed in the actual, you know, getting of those things done, but he succeeded legislatively.

18:37David Sirota:So I think if I could pick the best things from the Biden presidency and the Obama presidency, we would actually have a much better. There would have been a much better. And I say it like this. I actually do think Joe Biden and his administration did try to use power in a much more aggressive way than Obama to deliver on promises that Biden had made. You look at antitrust enforcement. You look at labor issues, labor enforcement and the like. You look at the stimulus, right? You look at a much more robust American rescue plan that was absolutely necessary to carry people through a very, very difficult time.

19:20David Sirota:Much bigger than the Obama stimulus, which was inadequate to say the least. At the same time, they were bailing out banks. The problem for Biden, I think, was that he personally was unable because of his age and because he didn't have as many political skills as Obama personally. He was unable to sell it. He was unable to market it and let people know it was happening and to build momentum off of it. In other words, Obama was one hell of a salesman. I mean, I'll credit him with that. I mean, he was one hell of a salesman, a talker, a compelling figure. Absolutely. That I think what Biden's presidency tells us is it's not that Obama couldn't have done those things.

20:09David Sirota:Because Biden was able to do, in a sense, more or be more aggressive with power with a smaller congressional mandate, certainly a smaller electoral mandate. And again, smaller numbers in Congress. he was able to arguably be more aggressive with power than Obama was without Obama's personal political skills. So it's kind of an indictment on what Obama didn't do when Obama himself had bigger majorities and more personal political skills. Yeah, it was just it was a totally missed opportunity. And I think it's yeah, he was a triangulator. He was a fence center. And I mean, we'll get we'll get to the donors because obviously that's a that's a big part of this, too.

20:48But back to back to the conversation about Wall Street. So I had Dylan Radigan on a couple of weeks ago, and I'm sure you know him. Former MSNBC guy. He became sort of radicalized covering this example that we're talking about, the financial crisis, the recession, what happened after. And I posited to him – I was like, look, Obama's original sin was that he recapitalized Wall Street without – just point blank. And he was like, it's not that he recapitalized Wall Street. Dylan's argument was you had to recapitalize Wall Street, and we could argue about that. But he said – but he recapped Wall Street without any prosecutions and without any real reform of the banking sector.

21:24That was, to your point, the real original sin here. And there was a piece that you did through Bill Moyers where you wrote about Obama's non-prosecution of Wall Street executives. I'm going to quote you again here. Quote, he is not some weakling getting bowled over by more powerful forces. He's one of the strongest presidents in recent history, definitely leveraging the most powerful office in the world to get exactly what he and his Wall Street donors want. These donors didn't give him millions as an altruistic gift. They gave him millions as an investment, and he's paying back that investment every single day the bankers who crater the economy are not prosecuted, end quote.

21:57Was it the donors when it comes down to it?

21:59David Sirota:I mean, look, when I say that, it's shorthand not for like there was cash stuffed in an envelope handed to Barack Obama in exchange for some specific favor. That's how Trump operates. Yes, it's not that. I think there's like a linguistic difference between that kind of corruption and what you might call the corruption of capture, that the system is so immersed in, in this case, Wall Street money, that the system itself is captured to limit the perception of what is politically possible. To put it in more tangible terms, if the entire process of running for president is putting you in rooms with big Wall Street donors, if the entire process of running for president is reliant on big money from people and industries with specific desires for policy outcomes, then when you get into office, you're more inclined to pull advisors from that pool of people, from people who are recommended or approved by the donor class.

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23:16David Sirota:I guess what I'm trying to describe is like it's an immersive process. It's more an immersive process than a sort of cash stuffed in an envelope handshake process. If you essentially capture the whole system, then you're guaranteeing that whatever outcome that system produces, it is going to be amenable to you as the industry that captured it. And so I think that explains, that's sort of the paradigm that the Obama administration is operating in. If you're Barack Obama, and I'll give people like one specific example. If you're Barack Obama who runs for president on a quasi-New Deal, quasi-FDR campaign in the middle of a financial crisis, and two of your first hires to run your White House are Rahm Emanuel and Larry Summers, right?

24:05David Sirota:Like Larry Summers, who engineered the deregulatory policies that created the financial crisis. Exactly, from the Clinton years, right? Like two people who participated in, both of them, Emanuel and Summers, Clinton people, who participated in the deregulation that created the financial crisis that you yourself ran against. If those are your two first hires, it is a signal that the system itself is captured. And I think, you know, ultimately you could say, well, the voters never really caught on to, you know, details like that. Oh, did he hire Ron Emanuel or Larry Summers? I completely agree. But I do think voters do catch on to sort of larger macro vibes and trends.

24:47David Sirota:And I do think voters could see, hey, lots of my friends, family, me, myself, are being foreclosed on. okay uh i see on tv the banks are getting bailed out while people are being foreclosed on i know the president has the power to do different things here and is not doing those different things and by eight years in i'm i'm not i feel like the whole system is rigged against me now some people can say obama being re-elected in 2012 is proof that like voters didn't catch on or 2016 wasn't a referendum on Obama. I would submit that Obama got extremely lucky in running against the, like, Mitt Romney was the world's worst candidate for that time.

25:32David Sirota:And not just the, right, he's not just like a bad candidate, like, on the trail. I think it's like, the Republican Party nominated, like, the avatar of Wall Street for, and people forget but like Obama ran I mean frankly a Bernie Sanders style campaign for re-election against Romney in rightly by the way indicting Romney as a as a tool of Wall Street a tool of private equity right and I guess it was like a reminder that like Obama when he when his back was against the wall and he he was afraid he was going to lose went back to the 2008 well of I'm going to run as sort of a New Deal populist. And the problem was, you know, if you if you do that once and then twice and you don't deliver on it, ultimately, at some point, people are going to get off and decide to vote for a human bomb like Donald Trump.

26:24Exactly. No, absolutely. I mean, this is this is the idea of the unit party, right? This is what Rattigan and I were talking about. It's like there is a political cartel that, you know, where these competing interests are less rivals than a more of a self-reinforcing system. This is this is your whole point here. And then it takes somebody like Donald Trump to come in and blow that thing up, even though he's totally captured by it, too. A hundred percent. A hundred percent.

26:47David Sirota:And to be clear, I like I was not happy what happened in the 2016 election. Right. Like. But but I guess what I would say is as unhappy as I was with it, I also understood it as an unfortunate inevitability. Like you can't keep doing this to people, raising their expectations. And I would argue, you know, what's even more tragic than than the Trump presidency itself is, if you tear up the social contract and you disillusion people like that, it can take a very, very, very long time to rebuild that trust. And I think it has created a problem where now, even now, whenever Democrats propose things, there is still a sort of like a vibe underneath.

27:35David Sirota:It's like, why should we believe them? Right. When we were told many of these same things for years, and then watch them not deliver, like it is very hard to rebuild trust when that trust has been broken. No, especially from somebody like Obama, who came in as this, you know, messianic figure, specifically to, to rebuild that trust after the catastrophe of the George Bush era, which we all forget about, right? Right. And I would say, I know some people will be listening and say, well, Obama is still in the polls, still relatively popular, you know, and beloved almost. Very much so. Yeah. And I would say, I think two things can be true at the same time.

28:17David Sirota:I think Americans can like a person personally, like their demeanor, like them as a sort of public figure personally and also be disillusioned by what they experienced under that person. Another example, Jimmy Carter, right? People really did not like the presidency of Jimmy Carter, but Jimmy Carter remained a very popular figure. Probably our best ex-president. Yes. I think he even said that. Didn't he even say like I was a better ex-president than I was a president? Yes. But I think what's interesting is that some people who defend Obama will say, Well, this analysis here, Obama to Trump and Obama has responsibility, culpability there, it can't be true because Obama's popular.

29:06David Sirota:He's a popular person. And I would say somebody being a popular individual public figure does not negate the idea that people can get extremely disillusioned with and sick of feeling fooled by what happened under that person's tenure. Right. Right. Well, no. And again, this goes back to the tragedy. And I see it in myself because I've been disillusioned. I mean, I voted for him twice. I would vote for him again. It goes back to that get out quote. I would vote for him a third time. I certainly wish that he were president if it were between him and Donald Trump. And when I see him doing interviews, I was just watching something he did with MSNBC on television.

29:44It's like, yeah, like I miss having a president who has that sort of demeanor and who is probably a good person when it comes down to it, has a good family. But that doesn't change the fact that – right, that he dropped the ball. And look, this is a quote from that New Yorker article I was talking about before. When people ask President Barack – when people ask Barack Obama whether he sees the MAGA movement and Trump's consolidation of power as a repudiation of his presidency, he tells them, quote, no. actually 60 percent of the country still agrees with me so i don't take that personally end quote um well i mean to your point like maybe you should right because what you're seeing there 60 percent of people are are are saying what we're what we're saying which is like yeah you were you know we wish that we had your demeanor and you're sort of like cool-headed temperament back but that doesn't mean that 60 percent of americans agree with him or support his two terms in office

30:36David Sirota:i don't think right well i think i the way i take it is 60 percent of people might agree with what Obama promised to deliver. The deeper question is how many of those people sort of broadly agreed with what Obama campaigned on, what he says he supports now, and also felt betrayed or at least disillusioned by someone promising them what he promised and then not delivering it. And by the way, some people may blame him. Some people may blame the whole political system. I'm sure there's some people, some set of Americans who maybe don't feel betrayed, but feel, look, we voted for change twice. We didn't get change.

31:21David Sirota:The entire system is rotted to the core. So we're just not going to even pay attention to it. We're not even going to take it seriously. And we'll vote for a clown if a clown runs for president. We'll vote for the Joker, right? Like Donald Trump, right? Like that deep level - An actual game show host. Yes. Like that deep level of disillusionment is, I think, the political crisis of our age. And like when I look back on what we've lived through, I think of the 2009 and 2010 moment as like with enormous possibility comes enormous responsibility. If you mess up a moment like that, it can take decades to have an opportunity to fix it.

32:01David Sirota:Now, you know, it's now what, you know, almost 20 years later, right? 18, 20 years later, right? I think we may be arriving, hopefully, this is the optimistic voice in me, hopefully arriving at another moment of possibility. But if that moment of possibility, if a Democratic president gets elected on Obama-style promises and doesn't deliver, it is going to be the same cycle and arguably even worse. Oh, absolutely. Yeah, absolutely. And going back to the transition, you made the point about his treasury secretary and picks on his sort of economic cabinet. It wasn't just the economic cabinet, right?

32:39You called his cabinet picks back then a, quote, team of zombies. He's – and it was also his national security team, which included not a single Iraq war opponent, even though he ran specifically and probably won before the financial crisis happened on his lack of support for the Iraq war, his opposition to that war. He retained Bush's defense secretary and something like 150 other Bush Pentagon appointees. And again, this goes back to some – I hate quoting people back to them, but you have a lot of good quotes, David, so bear with me. I'm just quoting you again. Washington is the same one-party town it always has been, controlled not by Democrats or Republicans, but by kleptocrats.

33:19You wrote that before the first Obama inauguration. Did the next eight years confirm your diagnosis?

33:24David Sirota:Yeah, I mean, I think that Obama had a chance to really break the party away, the Democratic Party, away from Clintonism. And I think what he ended up doing was filling his administration with mostly Clinton veterans. And so it was more continuity than change. And you could argue, look, he did that because he had only been a freshman senator when he gets elected president. He wanted old hands around. I think that goes as far as a little bit far, but I don't think it explains the whole thing. I think there's more of an ideological foundation here is that, again, was not willing to move beyond the current paradigm of that era.

34:20David Sirota:And I think the Democratic Party is only now seems to finally be having the fight over what the paradigm should be, a fight that it should have had back then. I wrote a book called The Uprising in 2007, in which I said, and I'm not like patting myself on the back here, but which I said, like, like the anger and the simmering anger of that moment was going to go in a in a right leaning direction or a left leaning direction. and that's going to define our political age. And I think what ended up happening was the Obama candidacy channeled the left of center version of that anger into the Democratic Party and into, you know, essentially fandom for Barack Obama personally.

35:09David Sirota:And the right of center anger, I think, was channeled into the Tea Party, into what ultimately became MAGA. And thus and so, here we are. The reason I'm optimistic now as opposed to – and I was optimistic then that it would go in a different direction. But what didn't exist back then and what exists now, because I think that's what we really need to be thinking about, about how do we not repeat this cycle, is that back then when you looked at polls among independents, Democrats, liberals, et cetera, there was still a lot of support for the Democratic Party brand and its leadership. So people were disillusioned with the country and the political system, and Obama channeled that.

35:53David Sirota:But there wasn't a deep disdain for the party machine itself. Fast forward to today, and it's the same level of sort of simmering anger, but people are deeply disillusioned, not just with the political system as a whole, but also with the Democratic Party in specific. And I think that opens up the possibility that these electoral contests and these battles inside the party actually birth something new, something that should have been new in 2007, 2008. But there's a potential for that possibility to be back on the table this time, but in a very different political cauldron. Look, I mean, again, from your lips, I hope you're right.

36:34And then I see polls that say, you know, the two leading – I mean, obviously it's early, but the two leading Dems are Kamala Harris and Gavin Newsom.

36:41David Sirota:Yeah, honestly, I look at that. I mean, maybe I'll be proven wrong. Okay. And maybe I'm just like a hopeless optimist, you know, trapped in a pessimist brain. But I see those numbers and I say, that's a name ID poll. I mean, I remember a poll that showed, I think it was in 2004, that the leading contender for the nomination for president, not that that presidential election went that well, but that the leading Democratic candidate early on was Joe Lieberman. right like that was like before the camp so i don't those polls are just like who was the shoe in in 16 right exactly so those polls don't really mean anything uh this new yorker story is really interesting uh because it's it's sort of notable because obama you know he sort of goes out of his way to stay out of the day-to-day you know political conversation and again i i don't blame him for that like if i had netflix and spotify money i would be hanging out in my one of my mansions playing pickup basketball too.

37:34But this New Yorker author gets him to sort of opine on Trump in ways that he doesn't typically do. He also sort of – he does the classic Obama thing of trying to keep like an arm's length distance but also criticizing Trump. This is one of the things he said that I thought was interesting, quoting Obama here. People don't care about the fact that no other ex-president was the main surrogate for the party for four election cycles after they left office, end quote. I mean, he's complaining about the fact that he is sort of still the leader of the Democratic Party. Part of the reason for that is the Democratic Party, to your point, is so weak, and part of the reason why it's so weak is that he did not particularly do much in office to promote the next generation of Democratic leaders, I think.

38:15David Sirota:I mean, you're understating it. I mean, you're understating it. I mean, there was among the largest losses of Democratic Party power in the Democrats' history. 900 state legislative seats lost. Right, right. Congress law. 20 state house chambers. Exactly. So it is certainly true that Obama did not successfully build up a farm team or a successor, not just a specific successor, but like a sort of successor entity. Like the Democratic Party did not emerge stronger from the Obama presidency than it did before, than it was before the Obama presidency. And I think, you know, there are some deep questions there about why not.

38:57David Sirota:Is that all Obama's fault? Absolutely not. As the party leader, is it some part of it his fault? Absolutely. Yes. And so I think like complaining now that there isn't a presumptive set of leaders and that he's, you know, he's sort of he's a martyr because he's still considered a leader and he doesn't want to, I guess, be a leader. I mean, you know, cry me a river, right? Yeah, truly. What I look at Obama, and look, I'm with you in that I understand that, like, the ex-presidential game is a delicate game, right? You want to, like, you don't want to sort of bigfoot your way into politics all the time.

39:42David Sirota:I get it. Like, that makes sense. Like, it allows, we have a gerontocracy problem in this country where people are holding on to power forever. So, like, you don't want to see Obama, you know, he's termed out of the presidency, you know, he's every day, you know, leading the news and engaging. Like, I think he's making, like, there's a logic to that. But I also think, like, he barely ever engages. Like, there's a crisis of democracy, you know, the world is on fire and he's releasing, you know, his list of favorite books and music for the summer. And you're like, dude, like. What's going on here?

40:18David Sirota:Right. Like, engage a little bit. Or don't. Or do the George W. Bush route and go paint pictures of dogs. Right. Like this sort of dabbling is like, you know, like I'm a celebrity. I'm kind of dabbling. I'm kind of not. Like it's like you can't – to my mind, I think it's weird to sort of dabble in attention and celebrity and also yet not engage in the fire burning the entire country down. Right. And also, I mean, he's just – he gets this reputation as sort of like a democratic kingmaker. But he really isn't. And he's been on the losing end of a lot of political bets. I mean choosing – telling Biden not to run in 16 so Hillary could, I think you could make an argument that Biden would have won that election against Trump or at least he would have put up probably a better fight than Hillary did.

41:05Intervening in 2020 in the primary to hand it to Biden. I mean Biden technically won that election I guess. But – I mean he did. But where did that – it just put off the inevitable by four years. He didn't get involved until the last minute to get Biden out in 24, at least to our knowledge, for the reporting we know. And then he endorsed Kamala Harris, who was like probably one of the worst presidential candidates in recent history. It's interesting.

41:31David Sirota:There was a very – people forget this. It was very brief. There was a story right after Biden dropped out in which Obama was, it was reportedly, Obama was like trying to stir the pot for an open convention where the candidates would actually, there would be a bunch of candidates. They would like pressure test them. I remember that, yeah. Right. And that was quickly squashed down. And I remember thinking like, you know, I think Obama's right. like i like i if he if that's where he was that there look it's a bad situation like the democrats should have some kind of contest between the candidates and that idea was sort of crushed down and i think it's like in microcosm a kind of very familiar behavior by obama right like float a decent idea right propose a decent idea and then like oh it's it's going to be a little bit hard like i'm then i'm going to back off i'm not i'm not going to do that right like i would have liked to see i mean if obama had thundered in and been like there should be an open convention you know yeah i think people would have listened absolutely they would have listened he still has the he still has the party in the palm of his hand and he didn't do anything right so he like but but i think it's actually it's it's it's almost worse that he like kind of floated a good idea and then was like yeah but i'm not i'm not really gonna like i'm not gonna i'm not gonna like trouble myself with like fighting for it right no he's got he's got documentaries to produce whatever It is that he does now.

42:59Be very hard on him for obvious reasons. But what was I going to say? I lost my train of thought here.

43:06David Sirota:I mean, look, to be clear, I do have some good things to say about Obama. Like I do. I'm not like a – like, look, I think he ran a brilliant 2008 campaign. I think he had a vicious and understandably so primary with Hillary Clinton. and he taught Democrats in that campaign how to really fight in primaries. And I think it was – some people say, oh, it was too negative. I actually thought it was admirable. Here was a guy who was willing to really fight for the nomination and provide a model for how to run a really good cutthroat campaign. Against an entrenched establishment like the Clintons or the Bushes.

43:44Absolutely.

43:44David Sirota:Absolutely. And I just think like where is that Obama to the Obama who became president? and today's Obama. Like, you want to show those clips to Obama and be like, this was you as an underdog fighter. Where did that go? Yeah, where's the fire? Where's the fire in the belly, man? I don't know where it is. I mean, one thing it seems to me, like, again, this New Yorker piece goes on. He does a lot of complaining about how, you know, he's forced into this now. Michelle hates it that he has to, like, what? I talk to a New Yorker reporter every once in a while. Like, I don't even really know. One thing he could do, So why doesn't he get Ken Martin out at the DNC?

44:25I mean the DNC is a disaster. They have no money. The entire job of the DNC is to raise money. And this guy Ken Martin, in addition to sort of just like looking like a weasel, doesn't raise money. Couldn't Obama get somebody better in there? Obama's good at raising money.

44:40David Sirota:There are so many things Obama could do. And I just think, I think the tragedy of Obama, certainly his post-presidency, is that he clearly desires and enjoys attention for its own sake. He does not seem to desire attention to really do anything. He wants to be a celebrity. I didn't think that criticism of him in 2008, that was, by the way, the big criticism, John McCain's kind of criticism in that campaign was Obama is a celebrity. I'm John McCain. I'm the real deal. And I think we're now seeing that Obama clearly now, at least now, wants to be a celebrity which is different than being a political leader or even a political power broker.

45:32David Sirota:He wants to be a celebrity. And by the way, one other thing. I always find it interesting that one of Obama's rhetorical tics, and it's not even a tic, it's like a strategy, is for Obama to comment as if he's a bystander. He will comment like, if you read how he talks, he'll talk about his presidency. There was this problem and there was that problem and it could have been done this way or that way. And you're like, if only somebody like this guy was in the job of the most powerful office in the – it's like this weird third-party disassociation with the fact that he was actually the guy in power.

46:17I mean I remember this relatively recently. He was speaking at some book event or something, and he was heckled by I think like a Gaza protester or whatever. And his response was like, I don't know why you're yelling at me. I'm not the president of the United States.

46:31David Sirota:It's like, yeah, you have a giant platform. You still have political agency. Stop pretending. Any utterance that you make is international headlines, and yet you're using that platform to pretend you have no agency. Yeah, that you're just some guy. It's ridiculous. No, it really is. I mean, look, we talked about this, but again, because we have a very liberal audience. A lot of them are going to be very annoyed at me for having this conversation with you because, to your point earlier, Obama remains the most beloved figure in the Democratic coalition. You know, we mentioned the 60 percent overall approval that he mentioned.

47:09He has 96 percent of favorability among Democrats. That was according to Gallup last year. What do you say to the people for whom this entire conversation we're having is simply unacceptable for Democrats to be having? And I hear this in my emails all the time. They say, look, why are you criticizing Obama? Why are you criticizing the Democrats? You know, Donald Trump is literally like ripping the copper out of the walls of the White House right now. Can't you focus on him?

47:31David Sirota:Yeah, I get that feedback sometimes as well. And my answer is this. The reason to try to understand what happened in the Obama presidency, the reason to try to understand specifically the not only mistakes, the betrayals of the Obama presidency is in service of making sure those betrayals are not repeated. it again, which is in service of making sure we do not have another Obama to Trump cycle in the future. If you cannot, I mean, it really is the old cliche. Those who ignore history are doomed to repeat it. And while history does not repeat, it does rhyme. And I think it is not just to like set, like you're not trying to settle scores or just be cathartic and make yourself feel better to try to understand what went wrong in the past.

48:25David Sirota:If liberals cannot understand what delivered Donald Trump to the presidency, then liberals will likely participate in those same things that will create another, possibly even worse, future Donald Trump presidency. So to my mind, to make it more specific, the reason to understand how turning hope and change into more of the same Wall Street policies, prop up the healthcare industry policies, don't limit the power of big tech policies. The reason to understand why doing that after so many expectations were raised, why that would lead to Donald Trump, understanding that, internalizing that, is a way to understand how to prevent that cycle from repeating.

49:18David Sirota:And my hope is, again, that in learning those lessons, we learn, it was, frankly, it was a lesson of FDR who warned about this. In 1938, I'm paraphrasing here, FDR said people in other countries did not give up democracy because they hated liberty and freedom. They gave up democracy because they got tired of seeing a dysfunctional government effectively betraying its campaign promises, and they ultimately decided to vote to get something to eat. The point being, in FDR's comments there, were if you campaign for power, achieve power, and do not deliver, you are creating the conditions for, back in his time, fascism.

50:00David Sirota:Like, there will be a backlash. And I think, like, that gaining power is not to be gained for its own sake. Power is not like an Oscar trophy. Power is to be used to deliver or people will get angry. And if there's another, like, so what I want all of this to be used for is that in the Democratic primary in 2028, and if there's a Democratic administration, I don't think it's a good thing if liberals are like, hey, it's fine if these candidates aren't making big promises to deliver. Hey, it's fine if candidates who make big promises to deliver get into power and don't then tell us they couldn't really deliver or aren't really trying to deliver.

50:43David Sirota:That is not only not fine in the moment, it will create the conditions for another Trump style backlash that could be even worse. Yeah. And I mean, if you look at some of the voices on the far right, especially among the younger generation, they make Donald Trump look like Gandhi almost. Right. And let me use one other metaphor that people seem to get. If the Republicans are, to liberals, the Harlem Globetrotters of evil, you are not doing your side any favor by just cheering on the Washington generals in a game that the Washington generals have essentially agreed to lose every time over and over.

51:26David Sirota:The way to actually prevent the Harlem Globetrotters of evil from winning is to demand changes to the roster, demand changes to the plays, demand changes to the ownership so that you're not putting on the court an opponent that is trying to lose or will inevitably lose. You're not doing any favors to your party by not having these fights. having these fights. And by the way, a good reminder, the person who proved this to bring it really full circle is Barack Obama. When Barack Obama ran for president, he was told by lots of liberals early on, lots of consultants, if you vigorously challenge Hillary Clinton for the nomination and bring up criticism of Hillary Clinton supporting the bankruptcy bill and being too Wall Street compliant and supporting NAFTA, etc., etc.

52:23David Sirota:If you do that, you will weaken the party. You will make it harder to win against the Bush Republicans. You're doing the Republicans' favors, Barack Obama. He rightly ignored that, understanding that, one, he could win, but also understanding that a party that is willing to have these fights will emerge with stronger candidates, stronger nominees and a more robust political project than a party whose rank-and-file members decide they want to suppress that kind of discourse. David, it's a perfect place to leave it. Before I do let you go, just tell us a little bit about what the levers, if there's anything cool you guys are working on.

53:07I'm particularly interested in what's going on with the latest edition of Master Plan, which is your great podcast. Thank you.

53:13David Sirota:Master Plan is our seasonal podcast. It comes out about once every year. It is a series that takes a look at a current problem in the present and how it was created over many, many decades. Our first season was about the secret 50-year plot to legalize corruption. You may think you know that story. Trust me, you do not, because we reported all sorts of things that had never been reported. Our second season right now is being released right now. It's called Master Plan Season 2, The Kingmakers. It's about the plot to turn the presidency into a monarchy, which I know there's a very familiar for lots of people right now.

53:50David Sirota:It's on the minds of lots of people. It includes a look at presidents of both parties. And again, an example of how these situations that we're living in, they did not just happen overnight. They were created deliberately by a specific set of people with a specific set of plans and a specific set of goals. So you can find that just search Master Plan in your podcast app. You will find it there. that's great and then the book of course is called master plan the hidden plot to legalize corruption in america we'll link to all of this stuff um and definitely check out lever news it's it's one of my one of my top reads every morning david soroto thank you so much my friend thank you thanks so much for having me i appreciate it great conversation and uh yeah barack obama if you're listening which i doubt you are still love to have you on still love to have you on but keep keep pushing okay all right sorry about the nuggets david and uh see you soon man thanks man

From the publisher

The Lever's David Sirota joins Carlo to reexamine one of Democrats' most beloved presidents, Barack Obama. On the eve of his Chicago presidential center opening, David and Carlo chronicle how Obama's failure to fulfill his mandate led to the rise of Donald Trump and fascism.


The Lever: https://www.levernews.com/

Master Plan podcast: https://the.levernews.com/master-plan/


00:00:00 – Intro

00:02:13 – Obama's squandered mandate and broken promises

00:03:26 – Wall Street bailouts and donor capture

00:05:27 – ACA: Heritage Foundation plan, not real reform

00:07:04 – Obama's insurance industry excuse

00:10:25 – Sandy Hook and the bully pulpit failure

00:15:17 – What Trump teaches about presidential power

00:18:04 – Biden vs. Obama: who used power better?

00:21:39 – Donor capture vs. cash corruption explained

00:26:14 – How Obama set the stage for Trump

00:46:28 – Why criticizing Obama matters for the future

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