Is Donald Trump Capable of Ego Death? w/ Anthony Scaramucci

29 Sep 2026 · 52 min · 27 chapters

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In short

Anthony Scaramucci argues that America’s polarization and Trump’s rise stem from three “catastrophic” policy choices after the Cold War: (1) privileging China in 1990s trade (unchecked predatory pricing, labor offshoring, wage stagnation), (2) abandoning PAYGO fiscal guardrails and funding long wars via deficits/credit, and (3) misallocating 2008 bailout money toward banks instead of relief for households. He also claims Trump’s behavior reflects a self-reinforcing “bubble,” possible foreign-policy alignment with Putin’s goals, and a tactical use of distractions rather than accountability. He discusses “ego death” in relation to Trump, plus AI: not doomerism, but regulation and consumer protections.

Guests

Anthony Scaramucci, former Trump White House communications director; longtime Wall Street capital allocator/hedge-fund background; host of The Rest is Politics U.S. with Caddy Kay (BBC); author of All the Wrong Moves.

Key claims/examples

WTO 1999 protests were “prophetic” (union leaders, Ralph Nader, hard hats). Lincoln’s labor-vs-capital framing; capital gains/borrowing enabling low taxes. Iraq/Afghanistan as deficit drivers; inflation as regressive “tax.” Occupy Wall Street and Tea Party as related anger. AI could be dangerous but can be made safer (e.g., “quantum resistance” analogy).

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Introducing Anthony Scaramucci

0:45 to 2:20

Host Carlo Versano introduces Anthony Scaramucci and discusses his background and new book.

“Also, you're the podcaster with the best view in America.”

Reflections on the WTO Protests

2:20 to 5:54

Discussion of the 1999 WTO protests and Scaramucci's evolving perspective on globalization.

“It's funny because this is you had sort of like a similar experience that I did.”

Analyzing Economic Polarization

5:54 to 8:52

Scaramucci explains the rise of economic polarization and its historical context in America.

“If you look at the deal that we did with them.”

The Impact of Global Trade

8:52 to 10:46

The conversation explores the implications of global trade decisions and their effects on American labor.

“So the 25th anniversary was a week or two ago.”

Labor vs. Capital in Today's Economy

10:46 to 14:00

Scaramucci discusses the imbalance between labor and capital in the current economic system.

“You mentioned in the book this quote that Abraham Lincoln gave in his first message to Congress in 1861 that – I forget what the exact quote is, but his basic point is like labor is superior to capital.”

Reflections on Wealth and Community

14:00 to 15:00

Exploring the relationship between personal wealth and community well-being.

“But I'm telling you, those ideas are better for the society.”

The Evolving American Dream

15:00 to 16:00

Discussing how perceptions of the American Dream have shifted over time.

“I'm trying to explain in the book how we got there.”

Understanding Economic Inequality

16:00 to 17:00

Analyzing the causes of economic disparity and its societal impacts.

“The people at the top are making unlimited amounts of money.”

AI and the Job Market: A Cautionary Perspective

17:00 to 18:10

Examining the effects of AI on employment and the economy.

“Well, and I think that a lot of the angst around AI right now is a lot of young people feeling like they're getting locked out of the job market.”

The Dual Nature of Technology's Impact

18:10 to 19:40

Discussing the benefits and risks of technological advancement, particularly AI.

“So I – we've got it under control by some miracle.”
Show all 27 chapters

Public Trust in Technology and Regulation

19:40 to 21:20

Exploring public skepticism towards tech companies and the need for regulations.

“And I think they look at some of these guys and they're like, you just sold us this bag of goods on social.”

Economic Policy Decisions and Their Fallout

21:20 to 24:20

Evaluating the long-term consequences of significant economic decisions made by policymakers.

“Well, you're making me feel a little bit better.”

Bush Administration's Economic Choices

24:20 to 27:00

Analyzing the economic decisions during the Bush administration and their implications.

“You personalize my capital losses and my risks in capitalism.”

Historical Lessons for Today's Leadership

27:00 to 28:00

Discussing the importance of learning from past leadership mistakes.

“Well, it's – He could have said we have to fight these wars, but we're going to redo the taxes.”

Trump's Poll Numbers and Economic Impact

28:00 to 29:20

Discussion on Trump's low poll numbers and the economic consequences of his decisions.

“So you finished the book in like February, right?”

Trump's Mindset and Beliefs

29:20 to 31:00

Exploration of Trump's self-perception and the influence of his inner circle.

“Natalie, my girlfriend, showed me on an iPad some bad things that were said about me by MSNOW, CNN and Politico.”

Media Relations and Trump's Tactics

31:00 to 32:30

Analysis of Trump's relationship with the media and his strategic distractions.

“You see, I think the distraction from the fact that Ro Khanna and Thomas Massey have the 218 votes to get the remaining three million, three and a half million Epstein files made public.”

Foreign Policy and Putin's Influence

32:30 to 34:10

Discussion on Trump's foreign policy decisions and their alignment with Putin's interests.

“Everyone's looking at the tablet of the terrorist.”

Analyzing Trump's Decision-Making

34:10 to 35:50

Insights into Trump's decision-making process and potential motivations behind his actions.

“If you hear clippity-clop and the window's open, you hear clippity-clop.”

Impact of Trump on His Supporters

35:50 to 37:30

Exploration of how Trump's actions are affecting his supporters and their views.

“And that long coveted Nobel Peace Prize is going to be yours.”

Trump's Longevity and Political Future

37:30 to 39:10

Discussion on Trump's health and political future amid changing public perceptions.

“The theories that he's going to try and do like Ben is out there talking about doing that for attention.”

The Political Duopoly and Future Changes

39:10 to 40:50

Analysis of the current political landscape and the potential for party evolution.

“He'll be eating french fries at McDonald's the whole way.”

Ross Perot's Influence on Modern Politics

40:50 to 42:00

Exploration of Ross Perot's impact on political discourse and party dynamics.

“Once you get it, you don't want to give it up.”

Political Discontent and Perspectives

42:00 to 44:10

Explore the current dissatisfaction with American politics and insights into voter sentiments.

“Is America going in the right direction?”

The Global Perspective on Trump

44:10 to 46:12

Discuss the reactions of international audiences towards Trump's presidency.

“Let's try to fix it without the partisan rancor.”

Midterms and Predictions

46:12 to 48:25

Predictions about the upcoming midterm elections and potential impacts on Trump's presidency.

“He would have, but he doesn't want the Senate investigations on top of the House for investigations.”

Ego Death and Trump's Character

48:25 to 50:20

Investigate the concept of ego death in relation to Trump's personality traits and leadership style.

“Who do you think gets the press secretary after the midterms?”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00Good day from Newsweek headquarters at the top of the World Trade Center in New York City on a beautiful fall September day here. I am Carlo Versano. This country was stone cold dead. This is the 1600. It is UN week here in New York City, which, you know, most New Yorkers hate. They despise it because it's impossible to get around and everything's booked, yada, yada. I actually I love it. It's the only only time of the year where you can legitimately like run into a head of state on walking down Fifth Avenue. Feels like you're living in the center of the world. But anyway, my guest today is not a head of state, at least not yet.

0:35Anthony Scaramucci is here back with us in the cut, making his return appearance to the pod. Anthony, good to see you, man. Carlo, I'm happy to be back. I mean, I had a lot of fun with you last time I was in this beautiful studio. We had a great time. Also, you're the podcaster with the best view in America. It's true. The view here is a north-facing view of Central Park and Empire State Building is some of the most beautiful architecture in the city. It really is. Thank you. And yeah, it doesn't get old, right? I mean, that view really doesn't get old. Anthony, if you don't know him, which I think would be unlikely if you're listening to this, he, of course, briefly served as White House communications director under Trump One.

1:11He now hosts the uber popular podcast, The Rest is Politics U.S., with the great Caddy Kay of the BBC. He's got a new book out called All the Wrong Moves. We've got it here in studio. It's a great book. It's about the catastrophic decisions that we've frankly talked about here on the podcast and in the newsletter that have been made over the course of several decades by both parties that Anthony argues led to the rise of Trump and this, frankly, nightmare that we're all living through right now. Also, my favorite New York Italian who I don't share a name with. All right. Well, I love that. OK, I it's interesting.

1:44My favorite Italian is my mother. OK, but you're coming up the list. OK. Are you Sicilian? No. You are, though, right? Naples. Naples. Yeah. So my family's from Avelino, which is near Naples. We're considered Napolitans. Yeah, exactly. But my father's family's from Umbria, which is slightly north of Toronto. Yeah, that's where I did my study abroad. Perugia. Perugia. Yeah, that's so funny. That's where I did my study abroad. Have you ever been there? Yeah, many times. Beautiful. Beautiful little town. Yeah, beautiful. St. Francis. Yeah, yeah. Okay. Let's start with the book, Anthony. The book opens with your recollection.

2:20It's funny because this is you had sort of like a similar experience that I did. You were watching the the 1999 WTO protests back. When was that? Twenty five, twenty six years ago in Seattle. And I say I mentioned that because I recently interviewed the filmmakers behind this documentary WTO 99, which was sort of like a found footage documentary about those protests. And I had this experience watching it. But it's sort of like the experience that you had watching it that you write about in the book because you talk about how when it happened in the moment, like many people, you sort of looked at that as like these are just some like naive hippies.

2:56They're just some kids protesting against globalization, blah, blah, blah. They don't really get it. And now you look back on it and you see them as prophetic really, right? Yeah. Well, listen, I want to just say it's a big honor to be on here. I got a lot of things wrong in my life, which I do chronicle. If this was a book about all my wrong moves, it would have been a phone book. It would have been this big. But I tried to pick a couple of these. When I do public speaking or I'm on a podcast or I'm traveling the world, people send me, what happened? What happened to America? How do we get so polarized?

3:28How do we end up with such anger-based populism in the body politic? And I tried to analyze that based on my upbringing, my analytical skills as a Wall Street capital allocator for 38 years. my failed experience as a White House communications director, but my 30 years in presidential political politics as a fundraiser and sort of somebody that I would consider, you know, me self-described insider to that process. So to me, I want to stipulate that global trade, we need it. I am a free trader. I do believe in the global integration of an economic society to make things fairer, more prosperous.

4:05But you have to make things at the employer level, the difference between capital and labor, you have to make that an equipoise. So what happened is when we brought China in, and remember, they didn't have permanent member status. Their goal was to come in as a permanent member. That protest was for the vote. They were voting on whether or not they were going to become a permanent member. And the people up there said, don't make them a permanent member. They're going to use predatory pricing. They're going to team up with their government to lower prices on goods and services because they're going to get a government subsidy into those private enterprises.

4:41And I remember thinking, oh, no, they're not going to do that. They're going to integrate into the global society. And they're going to be eventually open politically. I write about what Clinton said and what the different speeches that were involved. And then there were hundreds of corporate publicly traded CEOs that dissented on Washington to implore Washington to let China in. And just to remind everybody, we all thought on Wall Street that that market was going to be open to all of us. We just found a 1.3 billion person market for us to sell our goods and services. So there I am as a smug, self-absorbed, 35-year-old Wall Street hedge funder sneering and laughing at the protesters.

5:25And I started out the book. I was wrong. They got it right. They saw something that was about to happen that I didn't predict. The market didn't open. There was predatory pricing. Lots of companies dislodged their labor, moved them into Mexico or parts of Asia. And we saw middle class wages stagnating. I think that was our big mistake. One last point on the Chinese. They should be in the World Trade Organization, but they should have been checked as their economy was growing. So they had emerging market status. If you look at the deal that we did with them. Right. And as they became the size of the UK or they begin the size of Germany, they should have been treated like Germany.

6:05But they had a lot of protective features in that that we let them take advantage of. The other thing I remember watching the WTO 99 protests now is, you know, part of them, part of it is, you know, hippies and sort of like the Occupy Wall Street crowd. But it's not all that. Right. There's when you look back on it, a lot of it is union guys. Right. Hard hats. Labor leaders. Labor leaders. Ralph Nader was up there. Ralph Nader, yeah. Still alive, Ralph. And it's funny because you just sort of mentioned this, but you're not coming at this as sort of like an anti-globalist or an anti-capitalist, right?

6:35Not at all. You're not in the TSA, right? You're a Republican hedge funder. You live in the Hamptons. You drive a Lamborghini. You're part of the bipartisan elite. I'm a bougie, nouveau riche guy. Right. But I started in a blue-collar neighborhood. I was able to ascend to Wall Street and live a very good part of the American dream. So I'm trying to tell people that the family that I grew up in was economically aspirational. My father had a decent, decent wage. He was in construction, right? He was. We had a single family house. Yeah. Did we have a budget? Certainly. But I never grew up poor. I never dishonored my dad or my mom's work effort to say that I grew up poor.

7:10Never did that. We believed. We've taken those families, those economically aspirational families, and we've made them economically desperately desperational over 35 years. And I try to explain to people how that happened. And I think the most resonating message of the book, at least the one I'm trying to convey, is nobody did it on purpose. There's no malevolence. These are good people working in President Clinton's administration, President Clinton himself. There were good people that made decisions around the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. You and I are standing or sitting on sacred ground down here.

7:43Of course. 25 years ago, we had this horrific tragedy that we both remember. And so there were mistakes made. We can have very smart people who make decisions and they're expecting a certain outcome and they get the complete opposite outcome. And in the three cases that I write about in the book, that's what happened. And again, it's not a partisan polemic. It's not tribal. It's a historical, economic and political observation of the country after the fall of the Berlin Wall, where we were pretty smug. We're like, hey, we've got this figured out. Right. Silver. End of history. Exactly. Francis Fukuyama.

8:21End of history. We've got this figured out. And let me tell you something. Everybody's coming our way. The liberalism, the democratic capitalism, the free market basis, everybody is going to import our system. And there's a little bit of arrogance in that crept in. And then we started making some faulty decisions. I would quibble with one thing, which is that I think the Iraq decision was more malevolent than you probably think. I was watching – you just mentioned 9-11, right? So the 25th anniversary was a week or two ago. I don't know about you, but there was something about this anniversary that felt like much heavier than it has in a while.

8:59I don't know if it's just because it was like a big number, quarter century. Was that because Osama bin Laden is winning? Is that why it felt heavier? Because I wrote an op-ed on the day and I got a lot of criticism for it. But you got to tell the truth. Yeah. Osama bin Laden said, I'm going to hit you guys. You're going to wildly overreact. You're going to come and spill your blood and treasure in my homeland. We don't care. We're playing for the next life. Right. And you're going to take away your civil liberties, which we did with the Patriot Act. And we blew eight trillion dollars in the Middle East.

9:30It could have been spent on education and infrastructure and the environment. So when you're sitting there in the 25th anniversary of 9-11 and the deficit started at the beginning of Bush's term, firm George W. Bush at 5.8 trillion. Yeah. And we had pay-as-you-go legislation that had us printing a budget surplus before Bush got into office. He cuts taxes twice, goes to war twice. You kill 10 ,000 Americans, millions of Middle Easterners, and we print – look at the numbers. You go from 5.8 trillion – Yeah, what are we at now? 40? 40. We're about to hit 41 trillion. Right. And I think Trump is responsible for like a third of that or something.

10:08It's like, it's unbelievable. And now we're doing it again. But but by the way, and again, I'm critical of the president, but I want to be fair to him in the final respect. You or I could be president. Yeah. And nothing stopping that train. No, of course. And that's the truth. Because look at look at the Biden numbers. Right. You know, we have the party is capable of of doing what needs to be done on this right now or not. But we were we were doing it in the 1990s. We put that legislation together that corralled the spending. It would take us 15 years to pull out of this thing. Right. But we have three-minute soundbites on television or on a podcast like this.

10:41You may get 20 minutes, but that's it. Right. And no one's working on a 15-year plan. No. Well, ain't that the truth? You mentioned in the book this quote that Abraham Lincoln gave in his first message to Congress in 1861 that – I forget what the exact quote is, but his basic point is like labor is superior to capital. Well, it's not – I mean not only are labor and capital not equal in our current system, right? Capital is taxed at a lesser rate than labor. Isn't that sort of like the skeleton key to understanding so many of the problems that you talk about? Like we don't value work. We value capital.

11:17So here's the thing. I just – I want to explain how that happened. Let's say I make$100. You tax me at 50 percent, but let's say I save 25 of it. I've already been taxed on the money. So if I go to put it into the capital markets, that's the form of saving. I'm the ant, not the grasshopper. Okay. And so now I'm going to make money off of my savings. The idea was you would give me a lower tax rate on those gains because I've already been taxed at this level. But the perversion that's going on now is because the way we've created things, you can get founders of companies that can make a billion dollars, never pay any taxes.

11:51They just borrow the money off of their margin account. So we would have to fix that. But I just want to explain where that came from. But what Lincoln was trying to say – and Lincoln is the man by the way. I mean I have a book on my nightstand. It's Lincoln's original writings, his speeches, a diary entry, the Douglas-Lincoln debates. But what Lincoln was trying to say, the capital is more important than labor because capital, while it's important, labor feeds the system. If you have disposable income as someone that's in the labor part of the society, you spend that money at Target and Walmart and it filters through the system.

12:30And so the higher flywheel of disposable income is the engine of capitalism, is the engine of capital. Is this the trickle down, the Reaganomics? Well, it's the reverse of it. OK. It's actually what you're saying. OK, right, right, right, right. Trickle down would be I'm cutting taxes for capital. Right. And then capital invested into the businesses. You see what I'm trying to say? But Lincoln was trying to say something that I try to write in the book. When you have an equi-poise between capital and labor, you have real living middle class wage rises. When you have it where it is now, the capital is making tremendous amounts of money.

13:05I don't mind that, but you've got to give something to the little guy. You don't give something to the little guy. You're going to leave them out. They're going to get upset. They're going to come after you. They're going to come after you with a tiki torch and a pitchfork. You want democratic socialism, which I do not want. They'll come and they'll say, hey, look, we're going to take – you earned too much money. We're taking it from you. Right, because there is – because nobody has given them, the DSA people, the socialists, a better solution. So of course that's what's going to happen. But Teddy Roosevelt had it.

13:32Remember, he was a Republican and he was the father of progressivism. He broke up the trust. He told Rockefeller he couldn't have 2.5 percent of the GDP of the United States. He's very sorry. Are you going to do that? He enforced the building code system so that the tenements where the immigrants were living weren't collapsing on each other. And he pushed an idea that you could have a fair deal for people and you could create aspirational living standards in the country. For some reason, we have grown different and we have grown indifferent and we've grown apathetic to those ideas. But I'm telling you, those ideas are better for the society.

14:06I don't want to be – you're right. I'm rich and bougie. Nothing wrong with that. My wife would be really – You make your money. I'm using the word. She's like, never use the word rich. It sounds garish. But I've made some money. The family has some level of financial independence. We didn't start that way. But what I don't want to have happen is I don't want to be living in a bob-wired security compound while my fellow neighbors are suffering. I would rather have less money and know that my neighbors are doing well so that the crime rates are lower and their kids feel like they can get ahead. And they get their kids to the starting block the way you gave me a starting block.

14:40Yeah. I was behind the rich kid. I was behind the kid that was driving the BMW on my college campus. No problem. Right. But I had a shot. And you felt in the moment that you had a shot. No question. Say, I'll be driving the BMW one day. And we still have the American dream lives. I'm not a dour guy. I'm not a pessimist. It lives. But we've made it unnecessarily harder for a large group of people. I'm trying to explain in the book how we got there. And then here's some things we could do or think about to make it better for people. It's funny because I think we had somewhat similar upbringings.

15:13I mean it was similar in the sense that we both grew up in suburban New York City, single family income, right? Like your mom didn't work. My mom – I mean that's not fair. My mom was part-time. My mom worked on the weekends as a makeup artist. But yes, the primary breadwinner was my dad. Same with my pop. He worked for the city, not construction. But we never felt poor like you were saying. Yeah, it was a good upbringing. It was a good upbringing. And I just feel like so many of our problems now are you don't have that sense that you can't assume that your life is going to be better than your parents was the way that we sort of could.

15:46Right. Well, not only that, when it's pulled. Right. 70 percent of the Americans in that income try to say it's not going to happen. Right. When it's pulled. And there's the anger. So they're like, wait a minute, you're leaving my family out. Oh, wait a minute. There's a two tiered system. The people at the top are making unlimited amounts of money. The president is obviously doing stuff with his family that I think is overly ridiculous. Yeah, we'll get into that, right. That level of corruption also makes people think that there's a two-tiered system and there's not a glass ceiling, but there's a concrete ceiling over their heads and they can't bust through it.

16:18And so you have to make sure that there's economic fairness, economic opportunity, and you have to pay the section of the economy where they're not tied to assets a decent amount of money so that people in the family think, hey, man, I'm making it. My father was like a hard worker. Right. He did well. He did better than his father. Right. He grew up poor. But he was like, hey, this is the American dream. Go work. Yeah, bust your hump. Bust your hump. And, you know, we both know, which is why I enjoy coming on your show, is that nothing that is worth anything comes without hard work. Sure. Said differently, you have to work your ass off and the things that are worth it require that level of work.

17:05But you got to be able to work. You got to have the opportunity. Right. Exactly. Well, and I think that a lot of the angst around AI right now is a lot of young people feeling like they're getting locked out of the job market. They did everything right. Right. They learned to code. They went to college. They did everything that we told them to do. And now they're coming into a job market that feels like it's just locking them out, right? Yeah, or you're going to get a job, but it's going to be half the wages that they could have gotten. Or there's redundancy now because you can use these large language models and you can put up 50 agents to do the work that used to take 50 people.

17:41And all that's true, but I'm an entrepreneur. And I believe what will happen is parts of the economy will transition to other things the same way when the horse and buggy went by the wayside and the horseless carriage showed up or the telephone. So you're not an AI doomer. I'm not an AI doomer. I am an AI cautionary tale person. You have had atomic weapons in this world since 1945. Sure. The advent of the maturation of the Manhattan plant. So I – we've got it under control by some miracle. I think AI could be apocalyptic. I think AI could be dangerous. But I also think from my understanding of it, we can create large language models that can help us rebut the bad actors.

18:31Yeah. Said differently, think about quantum computing. If we get to quantum computing, they'll crack every encryption. But then you'll have to match it with quantum resistance. And so if we can do that combination in an AI format, I think we'll be safe. I think you have to raise the warning levels. And if it's necessary to slow things down to make sure these protections are in place, we should certainly do that. But I don't think AI idles the population. The population doesn't get idle. Every time we've had a big wave of technology, things change. And by the way, it wasn't that long ago, 150 years ago, we had a six-day work week.

19:09Now we have a five-day work week. Maybe with AI we have a four-day or a three-day work week. They've been saying that forever though. I'm still working five days a week at least. I am too, but maybe that will change and maybe you'll have more leisure time. Yeah. And guess what? There will be a bigger leisure economy. Right. And there will be people working on making sure your leisure is going well for you. And that could be a very big shift in the economy. I think – no, I'm generally in agreement with you. I guess I think the fear that a lot of people have is just they don't trust these guys, the tech – The sort of oligarchs, right?

19:40And I think they look at some of these guys and they're like, you just sold us this bag of goods on social. The social media was going to connect the world. It was going to make everything better. And it's done the absolute opposite of that in like basically every way. Like everybody is more miserable, more polarized. Well, because we know something about ourselves, OK? When we are doing a comparative analysis with other people and when you're living an unfiltered life, which we all are. Yeah. And you're examining and making a comparison between your unfiltered life with somebody's filtered life.

20:14You feel FOMO. You feel regret. You feel anxiety. You feel – this is part of our primordial wiring that we feel this stuff. The jealousy instinct comes from survival. No, exactly. But these guys – but they gamified that, right? And they were able to monetize it. And I think that's what people say. Well, if they did that with social media after telling us that it was going to be this great thing and it wasn't, But why do we expect these same people are going to have our best interests in mind with this next technological revolution? I think it's a big risk, which is why you're going to have to have regulation and you're going to have to have some type of bipartisan, at least in our country, bipartisan oversight of the models.

20:52And you're going to have to have some consumer protections on those models. I think it's a big risk. I see that, but I'm confident because the incentives are lined up that they will all obey and abide to whatever those guidelines are because that's the only way they're going to – look, you got a choice. Don't want to obey the guidelines. You want to send us into an apocalypse? Right. Then your company is not going to make a lot of money in an apocalypse. Well, that's sort of my hope too. Is that right? It's not good for them. Your economic interest is to avoid the apocalypse as much as it was to avoid a nuclear strike.

21:23Yeah, exactly. All right. Well, you're making me feel a little bit better. Back to the book. So it's framed around these big three economic decisions that you call catastrophic. The first being what we just talked about, our decision in the 90s to privilege China in trade. Tell me the other two in brief. We sort of hit on one of them. And don't give away the book, obviously. Yeah, no, but I mean it's important to tell people. So we had PAYGO. That's the name of the legislation. You look up on Google. We had restrictions on the Congress in terms of the guardrails of what they could spend, A result of which when the economy boomed, the economic growth exceeded the tax spending growth.

22:00Right. OK. And that caused us to flip into surplus. And so we were sitting at the beginning of 2000. So the CBO said from 2000 to 2010, we're going to print$5 trillion of surplus. We're going to be able to pay down our national debt. Yeah. But when the war – but when Bush won, he wanted to cut those taxes. So he did. But then the war started. He cut the taxes in March. The war started in October. And then all of a sudden the line starts separating. Now, Bush did say and Cheney did say that those wars would last weeks, if not months. But they lasted two decades. Yeah. And that's where the real separation started.

22:39And I'm just saying, step one, you're stagnating the wages by allowing China to come in unchecked. Step two, you're putting wars on the credit card, which sends the trajectory of the deficit to the moon, which is inflationary. Right. Right. Deficit spending is unfunded tax liability. And so you have to pay the piper. Our politicians are weak-kneed. They chose to pay through inflation. That's the most pernicious and most regressive tax. Sure. So now you hit the person, you stagnated their wages, and then whatever wages they were making, you devalued them. Right, right. OK, and then the third piece, which is equally infuriating, you gave a trillion dollars to the banks.

23:21You could have split it. You could have said, OK, here's$750 for the banks,$250 for mortgage relief, rental relief, credit card relief, some type of subsidy. But we didn't do that. You're saying after 08. After 08. And then the money goes into the banks and then 5 ,000 people in the American banking industry earn a million dollars or more in a bonus in a year where they were taxpayer subsidized. And man, if you want to get people angry, you do that while they're losing their house. Well, this was Obama's original sin. Yes. Yeah. And by the way, Obama would push back and say, well, George Bush came up with the idea.

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23:57Right. I would say, yeah, that's fine, but you'd have to implement it. Right. OK, and you and Tim Geithner, because Geithner was one of the architects of it, implemented it. And they all, if they want to be honest, they will have to admit that we made a mistake in terms of the allocation of subsidy that went into the economy after the crisis. Too much of it went into the banks. Yeah, recapitalizing Wall Street at the expense of Joe Schmo. And you socialize. So you socialize. You personalize my capital losses and my risks in capitalism. And you socialize the bankers losses. Right. OK. And so you get Occupy Wall Street.

24:35You get the Tea Party. Those two guys are funny because those are you didn't feel like it in the moment. But those are two sides of the same coin. Oh, yeah. Right. Well, that's Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. Of course. And so. So, again, look at me. Everyone says that the left leaning populism and the right leaning populism is a horseshoe. I don't see it that way. I see it as an incomplete triangle. Explain. They're a lot closer together than you would think. Go take a look at Trump's speeches and Bernie Sanders' speeches. You want to have a little fun? Right. Ask for the transcript of 10 Bernie Sanders' speeches.

25:06Ask for the transcript of 10 Donald Trump 2016 speeches. Put them both in chat GBT and say, are these similar? Backward Trump was somewhat cogent and coherent. Yeah, talking about 2016. Yeah. And you know, these guys are speaking. Right. They're singing off the same sheet music. They're they're in the same choir at the same church. And they're probably in different pews. But it's close enough where you can hear their courts. I mean, yesterday, Trump was is here in New York for the U.N. He went to Gracie Manchin, met Mom Donnie. Every time these these two guys are together, Trump looks like he legitimately likes Zorro.

25:43Overall, you know, I think he's, you know, I don't know. He looks enamored by him. Let me just leave it that way. I don't want to get myself in trouble. There's an enamoration process going on. But you get what I mean about the bailout, right? Yes, I do. So now these people are, you stagnated my wages. You inflated them so I don't have any purchasing power. And now you just told me that there's a two-tiered system and you're going to favor the fat cats. And, oh, by the way, I'm not in the tier where I'm going to get favored. So you know what? Let me throw some Molotov cocktails at this thing. Yeah.

26:15Let me get Donald Trump involved. Burn it down, man. Burn it down, baby. You know what? Burn it down because it's not helping me. Right. Not helping my family. And so let Trump be the avatar of my anger and let him smash into you and make you miserable. Just back to Bush for a minute because, again, I was going deep in the Bush archives for some stuff we were doing for the 9-11 commemoration. It's just amazing because he really had – his initial reaction like the first couple weeks after 9-11, you watch those videos of him on the pile with the bullhorn throwing out the first pitch at Yankee Stadium.

26:49It's unbelievable. He had the country in the palm of his hand. He could have 90 percent approval this time 25 years ago and he threw it all away. It's just – it's tragic. Well, it's – He could have said we have to fight these wars, but we're going to redo the taxes. He could have said, listen, we're going to have a millionaire's patriotic tax. I'm restoring the Clinton tax rates for anybody making over half a billion dollars a year. That would have saved us$4 to$5 trillion of deficit spending over a decade. He didn't do any of that. He told people to go to the shopping mall. He told people, don't worry about it.

27:25We've got this. It's going to be over in a few months. You may remember by May of 03, he starts the war in March of 03. By May of 03, he's in San Diego landing himself on the aircraft carrier saying that the mission is accomplished. It goes on for 18 more years. I mean it was like an unmitigated disaster. I think it's important for people to understand. Slow down. Let's at least address what happened. Let's explain to as many Americans as possible. This is sort of what happened. But by the way, we had things on a generally good trajectory prior to 9-11 and we can fix this. Yeah. So you finished the book in like February, right?

28:06I did. OK. So right before this cluster in Iran started, we've got Trump under 30 percent now, according to a poll I saw yesterday. Reuters has him at 32. These are Bush. These are the numbers that George Bush was dealing with after Katrina and into the sort of twilight of his. Richard Nixon, George Bush in 05. Right. So, I mean, you know, gas is approaching$5. I mean, it was$5 in New York when I filled up. Diesel,$6.50. Yeah, going to$7. The wheels of the global economy, I mean, I don't know if they're falling off, but they are hanging by a thread because of this one decision that he made. Knowing what you know about how our president's brain works.

28:42Yeah. Does he know how badly he f***ed this up? No. I don't think so. I think he's in the bubble of his own mind. I think he thinks he's a faux, lightweight Winston Churchill where he thinks he had no choice. I think he's beating the mantra that Iran must not have a nuclear weapon. Even though they had a deal in place to prevent them from having one, he ripped it up and now he's beating the mantra. So you think he believes it? I do. I think he has enough people around him that are in a cocoon that let him believe whatever he wants and reinforces that belief. Let me just give you an example. I'm going to ban the press.

29:21Natalie, my girlfriend, showed me on an iPad some bad things that were said about me by MSNOW, CNN and Politico. So they're bad. Yeah, right. I'm kicking them out of the people's house, he says. Yeah. OK, there's nobody in the room. This is, whoa, whoa, Mr. President, you can't do that. Right. Because the other— Also, it's just a bad look. First of all, it's an incredibly bad look. You look like a poor sport. You look like a whining baby. And then the other problem is you're going to evacuate all the press. Which is now what's happening. They're not going – they're going to be in consolidation.

29:51And they have to be. And Fox News, which actually leans towards you, has to boycott you. Yeah. They have no choice. Any more than MSNOW would be boycotting you if a – Right. Because they're all part of the pool. What are they going to do? They have to – first of all, their entire economic basis is on the First Amendment. You're challenging the First Amendment. No, I'm not. They're saying bad things about me, which are lies, and I've done great things. But they're entitled to say that. They're entitled to have that opinion. I can take a sip of this glass and not like the water. And if I don't like the water, you can't say to me, well, you're arrested.

30:33A spirit city tap, baby. That's the best water you'll get. By the way, it is delicious water. But you understand the point that I'm making with Donald Trump. See, I actually – part of me thinks that there's actually more to – that he's making a tactical decision when he does stuff like this. Because he realizes he has to look like he's exerting power. That's the only way to get his base to feel even remotely like, you know, good about voting in November. Yeah. Right. So he had. So he's going to do stuff from now until November that's going to distract from all of the problems that he has created.

31:04You see, I think the distraction from the fact that Ro Khanna and Thomas Massey have the 218 votes to get the remaining three million, three and a half million Epstein files made public. Right. He's got to distract from that. Right. He's got to distract from the$7, heading to$7 diesel. He has to distract from the fact that our bases have been blown smithereens in the Middle East. And so this is the last 48-hour news cycle. The gun has been on the bird of the reporter boycott. Exactly. And so that takes the gun off of all these other really bad things that are going on. But if you're telling me in your mind he knows that he effed up, he didn't.

31:44He doesn't know that because I can just tell by the way he's surrounded. I can tell by the way he talks about himself. And that wasn't the case when you were there, right? He had a little bit more. No, because you had seasoned guys around him. Let me tell you something. Somebody asked me such a great question in London. I was in London last week marketing the book. somebody said to me well why didn't we see trump one act like trump two and is trump worse now and i looked at them said no trump is exactly the same person he was trying to put the exact same things into place in trump one but he was blocked by normal republicans i mean gary cone famously took the do you remember when he came down with the you know from mount evil like orange Moses with the tablet, you know, and he's got that.

32:30Everyone's looking at the tablet of the terrorist. I'm not any of that. What it is. Deliberation Day. Yeah, the Liberation Day. Gary Cohn took that, put it in a paper shredder. Said, no, you're not doing that. Yeah. And the president has, you know, the attention span of a fruit fly. He moved on to something else. Right. These guys are like willing sycophants to do whatever the guy wants. There's just no guardrails. And it's imperiling the country. And a lot of things he's doing is acting against the self-interest of the country. But they're not acting against the self-interest of Putin. This is one of the greatest foreign policy successes in post-Tsarist Russian history is the election of Donald Trump.

33:08OK, you can stipulate he's not an agent of Putin. But let me tell you something. He does every single thing that Putin wants. And if you look down the checklist, he's executed. He would get an A plus. Yeah. Well, I think Putin just Putin just knows how to play him like a fiddle. Right. Or do you think there's more to it? I think there is. Again, that's my opinion. I think he's been compromised by Putin. There's no way another American president would have this behavior. So we have satellites that the Russians have moved into place. They're giving the coordinates to the Iranians and they're killing our soldiers.

33:41Right. No problem. They kill us. We kill them. What American president would say that? He's trying to destroy the Western alliance. That's something Vladimir Putin wants. He's threatening to attack a NATO nation. that's treated with us over Greenland. That's what Putin wants. You know, he's saying, suggesting he's going to withdraw 25 ,000 to 40 ,000 troops from Western Europe at a time when the bellicose of rhetoric from Putin is on the right. That's what Putin wants. So if you go down, he pulled himself out of the nuclear, intermediate nuclear pact. Okay, Putin wanted him to do that. He pulled out of it.

34:16That's what Putin wants. So I don't know. If you hear clippity-clop and the window's open, you hear clippity-clop. I hear a horse. I don't hear a zebra. You don't have to overthink this shit. Look, I get the point. Back to Iran. Why do you think he did it? Because I don't buy that he was just played by Netanyahu. I think that was maybe part of him. I think Netanyahu, based on the reporting that we have, clearly put on the hard sell and it worked. But there's more to it than that. And, like, is it just hubris? Did he just think, like, look, I got away with black bagging this guy in Venezuela. I can do the same thing in Iran.

34:50It's going to be all good. Whatever you think of President Trump, he has lived under a lucky star his whole life. Ain't that the truth? He's appointed prosecution. He's the luckiest man to ever live. And so he's figuring, I took out the Venezuelan leader. I took him and his wife, put him in a prison here in Brooklyn. And they've got the vice president of Venezuela is now ascended to the presidency. And she's popular enough with the media. And she's popular enough with the army. And she's kissing my you-know-what. and we're getting a big oil deal from her, that's objectively a win. If you're a real politic person, you can argue about going into the country and taking out a leader.

35:28But I'm just talking about a real politic thing. Okay, objectively, that's a win. Now you're fortified. And so when the Israelis are coming to tell you that you can decapitate the leadership— You can be the guy. Yeah. I'm going to be—hey, Carlo, you're going to be on the Red Sea. You're going to be signing a deal with the secular leader of Iran. Right. Great man of history. Yes. And that long coveted Nobel Peace Prize is going to be yours. Let's lock and load and bomb that you know what out of them. But remember, a CIA analyst would tell you, hey, without ground troops, you know, they've got hardened silos.

36:03They've got the stuff in mountain ranges. It's going to be very hard to dislodge the Taliban. These guys aren't living in caves. Not the Taliban. This is a sophisticated 5 ,000 year culture. Right. 90 million people. And oh, by the way, they have figured out the math on the American military. Shoot a$50 ,000 drone and you'll send up a million-dollar patriot, a$1.8 million THAAD, ha, ha, ha. And we're making those to quote Khrushchev like sausages. Yeah. Oh, my God. It's just – it's so depressing. What is the endgame with Iran? Do you think that this just follows the rest of the term? I don't think there's any endgame for President Trump.

36:40I think that this will be with him. The 48th president of the United States, whoever he or she is, will be trying to resolve that war. I suspect you're right about that. And it really is. It's just amazing because it's such – I mean I've never been a Trump supporter. But if I was, if I were, if I had ever voted for him, I would feel so personally betrayed by this. A lot of them do. And a lot of them do. Listen, I live out of – I live two miles from my mother. My cousins – I'm looking straight down the barrel. My cousins voted for Trump. They're all white, blue-collar guys and they all decided they're going to vote for Trump.

37:11And they're now sitting around saying maybe my cousin Anthony was right. You know, and by the way, a lot of people and that's why the approval ratings are going through 30 percent. No, you're right. It is breaking through the we always thought that his ceiling was sort of like not ceiling. His floor was like mid 30s. It'll never get lower than that. But now you're starting to see that happen. People are leaving. Do you buy any of the third term stuff? The theories that he's going to try and do like Ben is out there talking about doing that for attention. Right. You know, I was in Europe. They're all atheists now.

37:40You know what I told him in Europe? I said, you know why I believe in God? Why? I said, well, the reason I believe in God is that Steve Bannon is very smart. Steve Bannon is well-read. He's got a charismatic speaking style. But God made him so motherfucking ugly to save the civilization from him. So he's never run for president? Yeah, he's got a contemporary hobo, skin products by Blotch. You know, he looks like he's a stage alcoholic. I mean, this guy, I mean, I don't know who's – the fashion design is like early homeless. I mean, this guy is a freak and he was one of the worst people I met in my odyssey in life.

38:21Really? Oh, just a malevolent guy and would want to do great harm to the majority of the people even that live in this country. Got this sort of white supremacist dream about the country walling it off and anti-immigration and all this stupid un-American ideas. And to me, he's touting this Trump third term, but I think it's very unrealistic. Now, I will say this. If Trump was 50 and he was in good shape— He might try and try something. And his popularity was 55 percent versus negative. Right. And now in the low 30s or at the punch through 30, those numbers, he's not going to make it. No. I mean do you think—is there—I'm not saying like God forbid something happens to him, but do you think he even makes it to the end of this term?

39:04Yeah, of course. Only the good die young. He's been with us a long time. I've always said, Trump will live to be 110 years old. He's not going anywhere. He'll be eating french fries at McDonald's the whole way. No, that's always true. And just for the record, I'm not hoping for his death. Me either, but if you were like that, we'd be on the ground here. We'd be on this floor. It's like the people you know who smoke cigarettes and live to be 100 and never have cancer. Some people just have that ability. Trump is a beast. He doesn't have dementia. He has great energy and physicality for an 80-year-old.

39:41And he's starting to get a little crinkly. He's starting to wobble a little bit when he walks. But he is a beast. And if you want to underestimate him, go ahead. And there's a lot of liberals that get mad at me for saying things about his political instincts and some of his skill set. But you better analyze him objectively if you want to beat him in his movement. So the end of the book lays out this idea, which is something that we've talked about here on the show with my friend Dylan Radigan, who you know from when he was a CNBC guy. But it's this idea of the great party duopoly, right, that this is sort of – it's a uniparty at this point, right?

40:15The GOP is sort of beyond saving, at least in its current form. The Democrats are – they totally need a rebirth. I think everybody would agree. They're completely dysfunctional. Right. They're totally dysfunctional at best. We always assume this sort of like the political status quo is just what it is. But parties, parties die, right? Parties get reborn, right? The way, I mean, I wasn't around for them, but the Whigs were a party. They're not around anymore. You weren't around for them, but Chuck Grassley was. I mean, he was like George Washington's great grandfather. He would never leave the Senate.

40:44Another guy who's going to live to be 110. Yeah, these people ain't leaving. No. They're going to turn that into an elder care facility before it's over. And it's just a disgusting thing. But it's also a statement about power. Once you get it, you don't want to give it up. And so I would say to you that generally, OK, generally, I feel that we can make the changes if we understand what happened. And so what happened to create that cartel or what Dylan Rattigan is describing? Yeah. Rossboro enters the race 34 years ago, scares the daylights out of both parties. They lock down on procedures. They lock down on operations.

41:25They enhance each other's ability to gerrymander districts so they can solidify their power. Right. And they basically completely block the opportunity of a third party. Donald Trump tries to run in 2000 on the reform party. Can't do it. Bobby Kennedy Jr. 2024 third party cannot do it. And so now all of a sudden this has become the demo publicans, the republocrats. It's become a political elite that acts like a duopoly cartel. It does. And we got to break it because if you don't break it, you're not going to get the results. American people aren't happy. Go look at the polls. Is America going in the right direction?

42:0670 % of the respondents say no. Yeah. Okay. But, you know, and look at the registrations. The registrations are down for both parties and the highest vote. Independence. Yeah. Is it right? There you go. It's funny that you say that about Ross Perot because like when you – He scared the daylights out of them. And he was marketed as a weirdo freak from like another planet. Jughead ears. Yeah. Alfred E. Newman. Right. And then you go back and you listen to some of the stuff he's talking about and you're like, I don't know. He seemed like he was kind of ahead of his time. He saw things and he was like the other side of the coin of Ralph Nader on some of those things.

42:40And they didn't listen to him. Right. I want to ask you a little bit about the podcast that you do with Caddy Kay. This thing is a monster on the podcast charts. 11 million plays a month. One of the biggest shows, political shows in all of Europe. I don't know. You've become sort of like a European. You're like the Trump decoder ring for the Europeans. It could be the Jerry Lewis of Europe. The Jerry Lewis of Europe. But I mean, I think the Europeans respect is I don't take myself that seriously. I have hopefully a style about me where Europeans think I'm relatable. Well, you're a Republican who can speak to the left.

43:15Yeah, but I'm also there's left-leaning things in my personality. I want equal opportunity for the kids. I want the poor kids to have health care. I want the kids to be fed in the high school and in the elementary school. 40 % of the kids that are going to a public school K-12 tell people they're hungry. We're a rich enough country to solve for that. If that makes me left-leaning, Yeah. So be it. I want the I. Hey, you're going to starve the kid. He's going to develop ADHD. He's not going to be able to focus in school. It's a negative flywheel. Sure. You want the kid to end up in prison? Why don't you feed the kid?

43:50Yeah. And so we can learn how to read and write so you can go on and raise a family. You know, what are we doing? We're a rich enough society, you know? Well, I totally agree with that. I am. I am a relatable Republican that way. I've stayed in the Republican Party because I'd like to try to help reform it because I think it's gone off the rails. But we'll see. But I'm just saying to people, here's what happened. You want to fix it. Diagnose what happened. Let's try to fix it without the partisan rancor. What are the – your listeners from overseas – not just Europe, by the way. You're huge in Australia.

44:25Yep. Right? Yep. Go figure. Canada. Canada. What are they saying when you hear from them? Like are they just like what the hell is going on down there? They're heartbroken. Yeah. I think they're saying they're heartbroken. That's the impression I get. I think generally the Australians have a love affair with America. America has a love affair with the Australians. They have a hate affair with Donald Trump. Yeah. And they're like, what the hell happened to you guys? And are you going to recover from the stupidity? You've shot yourself in the foot twice with two Donald Trump terms, and it's set the country back, and it's hurt your brand.

44:55Are you okay? Are you okay? In the meantime, the Trump is saying, oh, this is the hottest country ever. Who's talking to him? Nobody's saying that, man. No one. Well, there was one reporter. I don't know if you remember Jake from the Punchbowl. Yeah, Sherman. He said, I'm the greatest. And many people say I'm the greatest president ever. And he's like, no, no, many people are not saying that. Remember the look on Trump's face? Yeah. He's bursting his bubble. Back to your point about he is really in his own bubble, right? He doesn't get – He's feeding himself. Is anyone in there showing him these polls?

45:28Nobody. You know, he knows the polls. Yeah. He thinks the polls are ready. fake news. I want to do a little rapid fire on the midterms before I let you go. Do you think there will be an administrative culling after the election? Do you think anyone's head is going to roll? Who do you think goes first? I think Hegseth. Hegseth's got to go. I think he's going to get fired. He's the worst cabinet official we have, right? I think so. Do you think it's going to be a blue wave, blue tsunami, polling error? What are we thinking? I think it's going to be a blue wave in the House and I think they could get lucky and win the Senate, but it feels like Trump is finally pumping the money into the Senate.

46:08That's what I worry about. And I was surprised that he put this much money in the Senate. I thought he was going to keep it for himself. I thought so too. He would have, but he doesn't want the Senate investigations on top of the House for investigations. So that's why he's pumping the money. Oh, by the way, I'll predict you're on your show. He loses the House. He loses the Senate. If that happens, I predict he's going to lose the House. Yeah. It's a toss up in the Senate. But let's say he loses both. He'll immediately start parting his family members and he'll pardon himself. Yeah. Well, I mean, he's going to want to block all the potential investigations coming out of both houses.

46:39Absolutely. And he'll just and he'll say and he'll have a point. Hey, Biden did it. Right. Well, that's that they do it to each other. What about is right? Exactly. Who do you got in the New York gubernatorial? I'm curious. Is Blake been your guy? Yes. He's a Long Island guy. I've given I've given Bruce money. I like Bruce. I think he's behind in the polls because he is so far up Trump's ass that you can barely see his ankles dangling from Trump's ass. And you can't do that because Trump is hated in this city and hated in most parts of the state. And Hochul is vulnerable, but Blakeman screwed up by going too far down the Trump hole.

47:19Remember, Trump got a guy by the name of Mark Carney elected. Did you know that? Yeah. Trump got Albanese, the prime minister. You know Carney, right? He's one of my close friends, yeah. Carney and I know each other. We worked at Goldman Sachs together. Smart guy. Love Carney. And I think he might be one of the most popular heads of state in the Western world right now. He's got like a 70 % approval. He's telling you, giving you a message. You've got to stick up for yourself and your people. Yeah. Don't be an obsequious guy like Mark Rutter. Right. Trump doesn't even like it. Trump takes like screenshots of Mark Rutter's tweets or his iMessages, I should say, and puts them on Twitter.

47:53That's the thing that a lot of these guys never really understood. Somebody like Trump, he doesn't like it when you're an obsequit. He likes the Yorkers. He likes the guys who bust his balls. Right. They never understood that. This guy's got some self-respect. He's not taking my BS. Exactly. Although he doesn't seem to like Carney at all. Well, but he talks to Carney all the time. He does. Because he talks to Newsom all the time. Look, he's a keyboard warrior. He has a hard time with a conflict like this. Right. Yeah. That's what you've always said. Yeah. He's really in person. Keyboard warrior.

48:23He's calling Gavin bad names. Oh, Gavin. You and I are good, right, Gavin? OK, a couple more. Who do you think gets the press secretary after the midterms? You think that guy Jannings from CNN? No, I think he's too big of a showboat. They won't do it. It'll have to be another woman if it happens, but I predict it won't happen. I predict that he's going. I think he likes the rotating secretary. And I think he's discovered if he doesn't have a press secretary, the more airtime he gets, the better. Right. However, he's going to have to restore the credentials for those three. Otherwise, he's done.

48:56Yeah. Have you saw my Newsmax yesterday? They were cutting a ribbon for the band. There's no audio. Yeah. I mean, let me tell you something. Trump likes to hear. Yeah. That's why I think this will the media thing will resolve itself because he can't. He feeds off us. We feed off him. It's like the world's worst parasitic relationship. A hundred percent. Right. You know the concept of like of ego death where like you basically like subjective loss of self-identity you get either from meditating or taking acid. Yeah. Or you could – in that process, you could create the dark night of the soul if you heard that.

49:28Yeah, exactly. Do you think Trump is capable of ego death? No. It's not, right? No. No. He's not capable of ego death and he's also not capable of empathy or humility or compassion. Right. It would be nice if we had a president who was capable of some of those things. Well, I think you got to find – I think he's taught us something. You got to find somebody that really likes people, wants to serve the people as opposed to agronizing themselves and put themselves and their family in a position of personal wealth and power. I don't think that's working for the American people. No, and I think people are really – I think he really overshot the runway on the personal corruption and self-dealing.

50:05I think he didn't – I don't think he – I think he underestimated how regular people – how that was going to turn off regular people, right? I agree. Even some of his own voters. I'm here now and look at the poll numbers. The poll numbers are telling you that. Yeah. All right. Anthony Scaramucci, let's leave it there. I could talk to you for like a few hours on this, but you're a busy man. I love you. Thank you for helping me with the book. The book is called All the Wrong Moves. It's out now. It's a great book. Your 10th book. Is that true? Yeah. Remember, I've written a lot of trade books. Right.

50:32I wrote a book when I was in Wall Street, too. It was a little personal memoir. It was a fun book called Goodbye, Gordon Gekko. The subtitle was How to Win Your Fortune Without Losing Your Soul. I just read Ari Emanuel's book okay Roll Calls where this guy you know he's like killing and rageful and he's calling himself not a Hollywood agent but a Hollywood ragent I mean he's out of his mind but I mean that's the opposite of me you know I wrote a book about that amazing you're a prolific author I like writing I like explaining things or at least from my point of view I really enjoyed reading it Anthony Scaramucci everybody check the book out check out his podcast The Rest is Politics U.S.

51:12with Caddy K. It's great, especially if you're overseas and you're trying to understand what the heck is going on over here. The Mooch will tell you. It's going to be okay. It's going to be okay. Many people say it's going to be okay. And I didn't wear socks today because last time you knocked me from my socks. So I went loafers. I remember those socks. I remember they were very waspy, those socks. Yeah, that's what you said. They weren't true to your Italian heritage. So I got rid of them. Yeah. All right. Anthony Scaramucci, everybody. It's still waspy, by the way, but I didn't want to teach you because, you know.

51:38There's nothing wrong with being a waspy. You know, he's got hairy ankles, though, ladies and gentlemen. It's not that bad. I'm blonde. Come on. Thanks, Anthony.

From the publisher

The Mooch is back. Anthony Scaramucci joins Carlo Versano to talk about his new book, All the Wrong Moves, and the long chain of decisions that he believes led America to this political moment. In a candid conversation with Carlo Versano, the former White House communications director reflects on the rise of Donald Trump, the future of the American Dream, and why so many voters have lost faith in the system. It all leads to one final question: Is Donald Trump capable of ego death?

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Is Donald Trump Capable of Ego Death? w/ Anthony ScaramucciThe 1600 · 52 min
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