In short
Podcast Summary: The 1600 - Episode: Taylor Lorenz Rejects the Moral Panic Over Tech Bans for Kids
Overview In this episode of *The 1600*, Carlo Versano engages in a thought-provoking discussion with tech journalist Taylor Lorenz about the complexities surrounding social media bans for children, perceptions of "wokeism," and the implications of AI on society. The conversation reveals Lorenz's insights on modern tech culture, free speech, and the nuances of regulating technology in an age of rapid change.
---
Key Topics Discussed
- Introduction to Taylor Lorenz
- Background:
- Independent tech journalist recognized for her work on internet culture.
- Founder of UserMag and author of *Extremely Online: The Untold Story of Fame, Influence, and Power on the Internet*.
- Social Media Bans for Kids
- Current Trends:
- Discussion on recent social media bans for children in Australia and the implications of age verification measures.
- Concerns about the erosion of anonymity on the internet and the potential for government surveillance.
- Arguments Against Bans:
- Inadequacy of Age Verification: Age verification often requires personal identification, which can lead to privacy issues.
- Stigmatization of Young Users: These laws may disproportionately impact marginalized groups who depend on anonymity.
- The Concept of "Wokeism"
- Lorenz's Perspective:
- Critique of the term "woke" as a catch-all for progressive ideals, suggesting it has lost meaning and become a political weapon.
- Examination of how conservative media have created caricatures of "woke" culture.
- Cultural Shift:
- Analyzes how the resistance to "woke" culture has evolved, particularly post-Trump election.
- Suggests that the performative aspect of anti-woke culture has led to disillusionment.
- Technology and Engagement Farming
- AI and Social Media:
- Discussion on the shift towards AI-generated content and its impact on user experience.
- Criticism of social media platforms’ algorithms prioritizing engagement over meaningful content.
- Rise of Nihilism:
- Analysis of how engagement farming leads to shallow content and a culture of outrage.
- Impacts on Gen Z
- Cultural Nostalgia:
- Exploration of Gen Z's fascination with 2016 as a pivotal year in politics, technology, and culture.
- Social Media Usage:
- Lorenz argues that moderate use of social media can be beneficial for youth, allowing them to connect and organize.
- Regulatory Challenges
- Concerns Over Data Privacy:
- Importance of comprehensive data privacy reforms instead of blanket bans or surveillance measures.
- Calls for responsible regulation that prioritizes user privacy and safety over authoritarian mechanisms.
- The Future of AI
- Workforce Displacement and Regulation:
- Reflection on the potential impacts of AI on job markets and the need for responsible tech governance.
- Critique of Tech Elite:
- Lorenz highlights the disconnect between tech billionaires and societal implications, emphasizing their hyper-tech ideology.
- Partisan Dynamics
- Critique of Democratic Party:
- Discussion on how both political parties are failing to address real concerns regarding technology and censorship.
- Acknowledgment of the authoritarian tendencies present in both parties regarding technology governance.
---
Key Takeaways
- Social Media Regulation: Instead of outright bans, nuanced approaches that focus on education and parental control are necessary to prepare children for technology use.
- Understanding "Wokeism": The term has been weaponized in political discourse and is often used to mischaracterize social justice movements.
- AI's Role: While AI presents opportunities, it also poses risks to employment and social structures. Responsible regulation is crucial.
- Data Privacy: Advocating for stronger data privacy measures is essential in protecting citizens' rights and freedoms in the digital age.
- Bipartisan Shortcomings: Both major political parties are criticized for inadequate responses to the challenges posed by technology and social media.
---
Conclusion This episode of *The 1600* offers vital insights into the intersection of technology, culture, and politics. Taylor Lorenz's perspectives challenge commonly held beliefs about censorship and the role of technology in society, encouraging listeners to think critically about the implications of regulation and the future of communication.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VODefining Woke: Perspectives and Critiques
0:46 to 2:54
Discussion on the concept of 'woke' and its implications in today's culture.
“And of course, you can always still reach me.”
The Rise and Fall of Wokeism
2:55 to 5:08
Exploration of the decline of woke culture and its impact on society.
“But I think it's sort of, it has become sort of like the catch-all phrase for, you know, a sort of progressivism, you know, rooted in social justice, I suppose.”
Engagement Farming and Its Consequences
5:09 to 6:59
Analyzing the tactics of engagement farming in online discourse.
“I still make fun of my parents for having that mug in their cupboard.”
Gen Z's Connection to Nostalgia
7:00 to 9:16
Understanding Gen Z's fascination with the era of 2016 and its implications.
“emanating from this kind of like the manosphere.”
The Evolution of Social Media Use
9:17 to 14:02
Discussion on how social media platforms have changed and user experiences.
“And I don't have, you know, there's no morality behind it.”
The Shift in Social Media Dynamics
14:02 to 14:50
Learn how social media is evolving from social interaction to entertainment.
“And I talked about how like the social part of the internet and the media part of the internet will split.”
Australia's Social Media Ban Overview
14:55 to 16:43
Understand the implications of Australia's social media ban for minors.
“But staying on this topic of sort of like Gen Z and, you know, the social media landscape.”
Concerns About Government Surveillance
16:44 to 18:24
Explore how social media bans may lead to increased government surveillance.
“This was actually one of Joe Biden's and the Democrats sort of favorite things that they want to do is remove all anonymity from the Web, which is deranged and also extra deranged to do it under a Trump presidency.”
Impact of Censorship on Information Access
18:25 to 20:10
Discuss the types of content being censored under new regulations in the UK.
“When the UK's Online Safety Act went into effect last year, the first content that we saw removed from the web, because, you know, you mentioned earlier, oh, it's like adult sites.”
Parental Concerns About Social Media
20:11 to 21:49
Examine the conflicting views on social media's impact on children.
“So, no, I mean, I just want to say something to address something that you just said about, you know, being worried for your kids.”
Show all 21 chapters
The Case for Data Privacy Reform
21:50 to 23:30
Learn about the necessity for comprehensive data privacy laws.
“I think that my skepticism just comes so much from I just don't trust these companies.”
Critique of Gambling Industry Regulation
23:31 to 25:52
Analyze the moral panic surrounding social media compared to gambling apps.
“harvest biometric data on children and then use that to target them in predatory ads and use that to target them with exploitative content.”
Political Landscape and Internet Censorship
25:53 to 27:16
Investigate the lack of serious discussion about internet censorship in politics.
“So it's just like, do you really care about the health of kids?”
Debate on Phone Usage in Schools
27:17 to 28:00
Explore the effectiveness and implications of phone bans in schools.
“They will say every hundred times, every single time.”
Lessons from the Beeper Ban
28:00 to 29:59
Exploring the consequences of past technology bans in schools and their implications today.
“OK, laws that are written off beeper ban laws in the 90s are not the way to do that.”
The Realities of Smartphone Bans
30:00 to 32:28
Discussing the impact of smartphone bans on students and the importance of context in school policies.
“So when you have these stupid bands, and I'll tell you all again, like why they're bad in a different reason.”
Moral Panic and Legislative Responses
32:29 to 35:09
Analyzing the moral panic surrounding phone bans and the legislative responses that may not address the root issues.
“I guess what I would just say, we don't have to stay on this for too long.”
AI's Impact on the Workforce
35:10 to 37:36
Addressing concerns about AI and its potential to displace jobs, along with the reality of tech advancement.
“I mean, I have my you know, I have a niece and nephew who are in high school now.”
The Ideology of Tech Billionaires
37:37 to 40:01
Exploring the beliefs and ideologies of tech billionaires and their impact on society and humanity.
“I would rather talk to somebody, you know, in some customer service, you know, hellhole warehouse somewhere overseas.”
Political Response to AI Regulation
40:02 to 42:00
Examining the political landscape regarding AI regulation and the implications for everyday citizens.
“these belief systems like Sam Bankman-Fried, some of these other people had where it's all about long term future.”
Critique of Political Parties and Their Impact
42:00 to 42:18
Learn about the speaker's disillusionment with both major political parties and their failures to serve working people.
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:28Some people love her. Some people love to hate her. shovel snow today, or hopefully you can just sit on your couch and snuggle up and listen to this conversation. Before we get to part one of my conversation with Taylor, just wanted to remind everybody, if you're watching us on YouTube, please give us a like, give us a rating if you're watching us on the podcast platforms. Every like helps, every comment helps. And of course, you can always still reach me. My email address is at the bottom of my daily column in the 1600 every morning. But yeah, so today we're talking to Taylor Lorenz. If you don't know who Taylor Lorenz is, you probably don't spend a lot of time on the internet and God bless you for that.
1:03It's a hellscape out there and that's no offense to Taylor, of course. But yeah, so Taylor is an independent tech journalist. She's really probably one of the preeminent tech journalists working right now. She's the founder of UserMag, which is a great sub stack I would recommend everyone subscribe to, host of the Power User podcast and the author of Extremely Online, the Untold Story of Fame, Influence and Power on the Internet. And she's with me now today. Taylor, thank you so much for joining us. Thanks for having me. Really appreciate it. So I, you know, we were just talking off camera. There's not a particular story that I brought you on to talk about.
1:37There's just kind of a lot going on, needless to say. And I kind of wanted to just sort of get your take on a lot of things. Starting with, I read an interesting conversation that you had with the conservative activist slash journalist Chris Ruffo. And he called you the defining journalist of the woke era, which I thought was kind of funny. Did you take that as a compliment? It's so funny. The crazy ways that people come up with to describe me. I mean, I'm a millennial journalist that's well known. I wouldn't say I'm particularly like woke, I guess. I mean, I have like strong beliefs in social justice, like I would say, but I'm also very, you know, kind of libertarian on a lot of my beliefs in terms of free speech and civil liberties and stuff like that.
2:27So, yeah, I don't know. But I guess thanks. Shout out to Chris for, you know, whatever that means. Well, it's funny because to me, he's sort of the defining journalist of the anti-woke era. So I think it probably was a compliment. He does some interesting work, lots of which I don't agree with. But that's a topic for another time. And I do want to I want get your thoughts on civil liberties and, you know, internet censorship, but I want to stay on this topic of, you know, woke or wokeism, which is, you know, a word I detest. But I think it's sort of, it has become sort of like the catch-all phrase for, you know, a sort of progressivism, you know, rooted in social justice, I suppose.
3:11It seems like, I think everybody would kind of agree that we're sort of well past, you know, peak woke, such as it were, right? And I mean, You know, Trump being reelected was kind of the nail on the coffin. The resistance is a shell of itself, if there even really is a resistance anymore. Why did, you know, why did it flame out? Why did wokeism sort of flame out like it did? Yeah, I did a long sort of deep dive video on this topic on my YouTube last year about sort of this death of wokeism or the resistance or whatever, and how people sort of refer to actually 2020 as peak woke. I would argue that while, you know, of course, I think that Trump's second election was kind of maybe the nail in the coffin of a specific type of sort of quote unquote wokeism.
3:59Biden's election was also like the death of woke. I think that, you know, what we saw when a lot of people think of like woke culture, they think of progressivism through the lens of conservative reactionary YouTube content or conservative reactionary Twitter content. They're often, you know, when you say picture like a social justice warrior, a picture of somebody that's woke, they often picture, you know, people that are caricatures that they've seen in the conservative media. So, you know, I think it's interesting how the right was so effectively able to create this kind of like boogeyman. But I think part of the reason that people lost faith with like that brand of progressivism is because it was always completely hypocritical and surface level.
4:44If you look at the quote unquote like resistance. Very performative. So performative. Like it was, you know, the like pink pussy hats or whatever. But then, yeah, you know, voting for ICE or whatever. You know, it was just like a lot of like hypocritical things of people sort of purporting to care about social justice, especially a lot of like privileged white people, right? Like purporting to care about social justice, but not actually really doing anything other than buying, you know, like a Ruth Bader Ginsburg resistance T-shirt. Notorious RBG. I still make fun of my parents for having that mug in their cupboard.
5:18um it's i've heard a lot of people talk about this this idea of like sort of the woke right sort of springing out of you know the manosphere and it's it's interesting right so you have like i think the you know the way that i sort of saw it was after charlie kirk was tragically killed you know you had this this push on the right coming from people like jd vance it wasn't just sort of like you know online trolls basically saying like you should tattle on your neighbors if they're out there, you know, you should cancel people who are, you know, reveling in the death of this guy. And look, I thought that that whole thing was gross with people coming out and sort of like dancing on his grave.
5:54I think that's gross when anyone does it. But, you know, you've also got people who are now complaining online on the right about like who's on SNL or like complaining about Bad Bunny being at the Super Bowl. Which they've always done. They've always like outwoked the woke, like all of these things that the far right kind of likes to ascribe to liberals as annoying as like centrist liberals can be. And like, you know, there's a lot of things that I don't love about, like mainstream kind of like liberal culture. It can be corny, like the Hamilton era, the Hillary Clinton era. Like it feels very cringe now, right?
6:29Yes. And it was it was, again, so contradictory and hypocritical and nonsense. But the right has has been professional victims for over a decade. You know, this is like their favorite pastime is to cancel people online. So to the point that they actually, I think, have set themselves up well because they they were so sort of aggrieved by not having more influence in traditional media and traditional Hollywood that they built their own kind of like media echo, you know, chamber just to kind of validate their own beliefs. Yeah. And there's just there's just such loser energy emanating from this kind of like the manosphere.
7:03I guess another term I despise, but everybody uses. You know, I'm sure you saw, I mean, you saw the video last week of Nick Fuentes and Clavicular, who's a name. I don't want to even know. I don't know who that is. I don't want to know who that is. And a bunch of these, you know, Andrew Tate, a bunch of these losers. And they're, you know, they're at this nightclub, this like lame nightclub at Miami and they're, you know, playing the Kanye Hale Hitler song. It was just like, talk about cringe. I mean, it's, it feels like, it's like the mirror image, but worse because these guys are just outwardly racist also, right?
7:32Yeah. I mean, they're just engagement farming. Like, I don't even think they care that much about racism other than understanding it as a means to generate attention and controversy. Like, they don't hold any sort of beliefs. I mean, Clavicular, who you just mentioned, has been consistently pro-Gavin Newsom. He went on Michael Knowles' podcast to defend Gavin Newsom. And he posted about it again just yesterday, calling JD a fat, ugly slob and saying Gavin Newsom mogs him. It's basically his favorite politician. It's based on nothing. Basically because Gavin Newsom's handsome. That's his thing.
8:06Exactly. And this is a 19-year-old looks maxer who only cares about physical aesthetics. But I just want people to understand how shallow and loosely held these beliefs really are. When they're doing this stuff, they're just their engagement farming. No, I think that's a good point. I've watched a fair amount of Nick Fuentes since the Charlie Kirk assassination. And, you know, when I watch him, I mean, obviously he says really offensive stuff, right? He says disgusting things. Hitler was cool, you know, plenty of stuff like that. I get the sense when I watch him that he doesn't mean any of that, that it is just about not even just trolling.
8:41But I guess what you're saying, that definition is the right one. It is engagement farming, right? It's this belief that you have to be attention matters more than anything else in the attention economy, right? Yeah, there is a researcher, academic guy named Aiden Walker, who's amazing. He has a subset called How to Do Things with Memes. And he wrote this great piece about what he calls a content maxing. And it's essentially, yeah, about how the right has adopted these engagement farming tactics and how it's, it's some of it's trolling, but a lot of it is literally just like, what can I say to get the most attention online?
9:16That is what I will do and say. And I don't have, you know, there's no morality behind it. Like they don't believe in anything. It's very nihilistic. Very nihilistic. It is. Let's talk about Gen Z for a minute. So, you know, we're both millennials. Yeah. Elderly. Elderly millennials. Exactly. Geriatric millennials. Geriatric. I consider you something of a Gen Z whisperer, though. God. Just because you know, that's a compliment. I mean, you do really great reporting. I feel like you sort of have the finger, your finger on the pulse of this generation in a way a lot of other journalists our age and older just don't.
9:56And it's a fascinating generation, right? I mean, I don't, I still sort of have a hard time understanding, you know, what to make of young people today. I mean, in some ways, it's like it almost feels like they're in another like they're living in like another world. I'm not articulating myself very well. But the question that I had for you specific to this was you did a piece on your sub stack. It was great. It was called 2016 Nostalgia Slop is Taking Over. And it was it was just an article, an essay about why Gen Z has become so obsessed with 2016, which was 10 years ago. And, you know, again, as somebody who lived through that era, that was not a particularly that was not a nostalgic time for me or for anybody, I think.
10:43What why are they so into this? I think what's so interesting, actually, when I was going back and researching, you know, to write about this and do like a video on it, is that 2016 was this pivotal moment. Obviously, we had the Trump election and Brexit. And I would say post 2016, really 2017, when Trump took office on, it was sort of just chaos online. But 2016 was actually also the year that we got algorithmic feeds for the first time. So Instagram was previously ranked chronologically. Twitter until mid-2016 was ranked chronologically. I didn't realize that. Yes, it's later than you think, right?
11:18It's kind of wild. Because Facebook was much earlier. Facebook did newsfeed back when I was, I think, in college. And that was kind of like the beginning of the algorithm, right? But yes. So Facebook, right. Facebook had sort of the original algorithm because they ranked the newsfeed algorithm. But Facebook also went through a radical change in 2016, if you remember, when they started to prioritize meaningful connections, which meant that they sort of started to basically they radically altered their algorithm, ultimately in a way that actually gave rise to like a lot of extremism and misinformation and bad stuff.
11:50But I think that that's it's just so funny to go back and think about what Facebook was like before 2016, what Instagram was like before 2016, Twitter, etc. They were very different platforms. And so I think that year was so pivotal, not just in like culture and politics, but also in tech. And so you started to see the institution basically of all of these tech platforms. And I think a lot of people, they miss those more fun, optimistic days when you'd go on Instagram and just be able to catch up with your friends. You weren't being sold stuff. No, we had Cory Doctorow on who coined the term the institution of the Internet, which I mean, just a brilliant guy and a brilliant idea.
12:26It's funny now when you because when you go on the Internet, you forget that there was a time not that long ago when it wasn't the algorithm didn't really sort of ruin everything. Right. I mean, I remember Instagram, you know, when it came out in the beginning, it really was sort of like the next step of Facebook. It was about, you know, following your friends. And, you know, maybe there were some sort of like proto influencers out there. Now, I mean, I can't even open that app anymore. I've, you know, I've stopped following people, everybody except for my wife. And I don't like I don't like anything because I just don't I don't trust that that algorithm.
13:00Is that I mean, is that like an OK Boomer thing of me or am I on to something? No, I think you're feeling what so many users are feeling, which is just fatigue. I mean, we saw for the first time ever last year, social media use as a category actually declined. People are spending less time on these platforms as the user experience degrades, as they're, you know, shoved more, more ads are shoved in their feeds. And also now we're dealing with the rise of AI slop, which is taking over Instagram, but also YouTube, et cetera. So it's just really hard to find useful, meaningful content from people that you know and care about.
13:33What do you use to keep up with your friend? Not in like when you're not working, when you want to see, you know, when you want to try and keep up with your friends, family. Yeah. It's so funny. I was thinking about this recently because I do think that my use has mirrored a lot of the broader trends in the sense that I spend an enormous amount of time in group chats now and on Discord. And I used to spend so much more time in the open web. And I think it's just so full of content now. I wrote this piece actually in 2017 or 2018. That was a prediction for Neiman Lab. They do these annual predictions.
14:04And I talked about how like the social part of the internet and the media part of the internet will split. And this is something that actually Evan Spiegel of Snapchat and a couple other like tech people were started to talk about around this time. And I have to say, I do think it's come to fruition where increasingly we're seeing these social platforms dominated by sort of professional content. And this is based, this also is sort of backed up by the fact that they're all launching television apps. They want to become like competitors to Netflix, you know, and that's how Instagram kind of sees its future is competing with YouTube, not text, allowing you to text your friends.
14:39And so I think we're having social experiences separate from the social media experiences, which are becoming entertainment experiences. It's funny. It's all, it's all right. It's all sort of collapsing in on itself. Everybody wants to be YouTube. YouTube wants to be TV. TV wants to be, I don't know what. But staying on this topic of sort of like Gen Z and, you know, the social media landscape. So Australia. So they came out with this. They're sort of the first out of the gate with this social media ban, which I believe started at the beginning of this year. So correct me if I'm wrong here, but the way I understand it is if you're at least the way it's supposed to work.
15:15If you're under 16, you're basically you cannot use the social web. Now, first of all, how how is this actually work in practice? It has something to do with age verification, which I know some states are doing here with pornography websites. Oh, no, they're not. Is it different? Tell me. Yeah. So first of all, I think people need to understand that age verification is identity verification. They can't know how old you are until they know who you are because there's no reliable way to. We don't actually all age at the same rate. You know, it's not like when you're 17, you know, and 300 days old, you look radically different than when you're 18 or whatever.
15:52You know, so so you have to verify your identity. So these bans, which are based on absolutely nothing, no science, it's all about removing anonymity from the Web. And that's what it is. So it's not just that millions of young people suddenly can't access the web and crucial information, but it's also about removing millions of other people who might not want to, who might just want to access the web or access information without giving up their government identity. and having that government, you know, having basically their government identity attached to every single piece of content that they consume online, which can then be used against them in a court of law for like a terrorism case or, you know, other speech laws and stuff, which Australia is also trying to pass.
16:37So these are really, really dangerous. We're seeing the rise of mass surveillance. We're seeing this level of surveillance happen here. As you mentioned, there are 25 states right now that have identity verification laws on the books or are in progress of putting them on the books. This was actually one of Joe Biden's and the Democrats sort of favorite things that they want to do is remove all anonymity from the Web, which is deranged and also extra deranged to do it under a Trump presidency. Like all of it's deranged. Well, especially, yeah, because the MAGA's whole thing has been, you know, we've been victimized going back to that, you know, the pathology of victimization on the right.
17:13But they I mean, you could argue that they have, you know, some of these people have been censored by, you know, Facebook during COVID and they're sort of like disparate examples. But you would think that there would be more of a pushback against the stuff on the right. It's really it's really important to understand the difference between MAGA conservatives and traditional conservatives. If you talk to traditional like Republican classic conservatives, you're right. They want a limited government. They don't they don't they don't support this stuff. This is why, like, you know, Rand Paul and these libertarians, like they're very against it.
17:45But the majority of the MAGA movement is not traditionally conservative. They're authoritarian and they actually love. They're big government. Yes, they want big government to do it. You know, they want to expand our police force, expand everything. They want to expand surveillance specifically. So they're very pro these authoritarian policies and the Democrats as well. I think because the Democrats have been so unsuccessful on the Internet, they have decided to side with, you know, push these extreme far right authoritarian tech policies, which are very dangerous. And none of this help. You know, we know that this actually endangers children and not just that.
18:20I wrote a piece for The Guardian last year. I'll just say this quickly because we have similar stuff happening in the UK now. When the UK's Online Safety Act went into effect last year, the first content that we saw removed from the web, because, you know, you mentioned earlier, oh, it's like adult sites. Most people think that's porn or something. No, no, no, no, no. It just means content that's not acceptable for minors. So we're seeing reproductive justice content, any information about abortion censored off the web. Some of the earliest content censored off the web, and I mean for adults as well as children, anybody that doesn't want to verify their identity, was actually information about war crimes.
18:55It was the subreddit dedicated to documenting and investigating war crimes. We saw masses of police violence videos removed under these policies, arguments that it's not safe for children. So we've seen how the governments across the West are using these laws that are nonsense. You know, they're selling bullshit to parents, basically being like, oh, you know, protect Johnny from social media. But, you know, by enacting this mass surveillance state that we're actually going to use against our own citizens and, you know, immigrants and stuff like that. And so it's your work has actually really changed my mind on some of this stuff, because I really struggle with this because I'm so I'm a parent.
19:31I've got a four year old daughter. I worry deeply about the impact of not just social media, but sort of like the Internet and screens writ large. Right. On her and on her her generation, as well as on, you know, the slightly older generation. But, again, I don't think the answer to this cannot just be mass censorship and digital surveillance. Right. I mean, first of all, it seems like it's a First Amendment. I wouldn't even pass First Amendment here. Oh, no, it can. At least how they're doing it in Australia. Right. Well, it very much can. It very much can. Because we've seen, again, under the Democrats specifically, we've seen this erosion of protections for free speech.
20:10Right. We had the age verification case that was brought before the Supreme Court, you know, that we that was that went very badly for people that care about privacy. So. So, no, I mean, I just want to say something to address something that you just said about, you know, being worried for your kids. I totally understand parents concerns. I hope that they will be comforted by the fact that every single piece of major legitimate research we have on this topic actually shows that social media use, moderate social media use, is helpful to children compared to another two other huge studies just came out this week showing this again, that actually it does not harm children to be on social media.
20:46Now, actually, it's using social media in moderate amounts is actually more healthy than not using social media at all for children, because these are communication tools at the end of the day. These are the tools that children use to go make plans to hang out with friends. Now is excessive like unhealthy use? Sure. Just the way that, you know, if your child was sitting in his bedroom, you know, 16 hours a day. Watching TV. Yeah, like blasting. Right. Like that's unhealthy. OK, that's just broad based unhealthy behavior. But this idea that social media is bad is just it's like sort of destroying the minds of the youth is bad.
21:20If you want healthier social media platforms, that said, say we buy into all the moral panic. Right. Say we say, oh, yeah, it is destroying the kids' minds, which it's not. But say we do believe that. And I think to some extent it is bad and, you know, it's predatory in terms of the advertising. We should pass comprehensive data privacy reform that removes the profit. I was going to ask you about that. Yep. incentives from social media so that we don't have these engagement based algorithms that are optimizing for outrage. Like we don't have to have social media that looks like that. We can crack down on big tech, but that's not what surveillance laws do.
21:49They reward big tech. Well, that's a very important point. And right. I think that right. I think that my skepticism just comes so much from I just don't trust these companies. Right. I don't trust Mark Zuckerberg. I obviously don't trust Elon Musk. I don't trust whoever owns TikTok at the moment. Masseri at Instagram. I just don't trust any of these people because, you know, again, They're corporate stooges, frankly, and they have a profit motive, right? These are public companies with shareholders. And I don't believe that, you know, what they are doing for – I don't believe that their interests are aligned with our interests or our children's interests.
22:22But I agree with you that, like, the cat is out of the bag. It's not, you know, banning Instagram or TikTok. It's just a non-starter at this point. It wouldn't even work. But so talk to me more about comprehensive data privacy reform. Like, what would that what would that look like in practice if we had an administration that was serious about it? Yeah. I mean, we unfortunately don't have any data privacy protections in America, essentially, which is terrifying. And I think a lot of people are learning this the hard way now with ICE, the Department of Homeland Security, and what Doge did with all of our personal data.
22:53You know, because we don't have any data privacy and because now we're actually mandating that these companies collect even more biometric data, companies can use that data to, you know, do surveillance pricing on us. And when we go to look up on Walmart or something, a price of something, we're shown a higher price. We're given higher insurance rates. You are denied a job because an AI algorithm that harvested a mass amount of your data from social media companies, you know, decided that you were maybe not reliable in some way. There's so many bad things that we suffer because we don't have data privacy.
23:30So we could have data privacy laws that protect our data that say, hey, you actually can't just harvest biometric data on children and then use that to target them in predatory ads and use that to target them with exploitative content. You know, you can't market to children. You can't sell to children. You can't harvest children's data or any adult's data. You have to protect it. You know, basically more privacy protections on the web was what it would look like. So you could use more platforms anonymously, basically giving people back the power to like kind of how it is in the real world, right?
23:59It used to be, I mean, now we have CCTV cameras everywhere, but if you just want to go and buy something from the store, like that, that purchase shouldn't follow you around for the rest of your life. Like, and then you shouldn't be getting Instagram ads for it, you know, 10 years later targeting you or whatever. There's that famous story about like how Target, you know, Target knew a woman was pregnant before her own father because. Right. Yeah. So yeah, they were like serving her ads for diapers. Right. Yeah. Yeah. And you know, what's so insidious too is that these companies know when people are vulnerable.
Read the full transcript
24:31So they'll target you with like gambling ads, you know, when you're in an emotionally vulnerable, if you went through a breakup or like they're just harvesting so much data and they're doing it all under the pretense of child safety. Like this is not protecting children and it's not protecting adults. It's just, it's building out mass surveillance on all of us that can also be used by the government. Speaking of gambling, where do you stand on the gambling thing? Is this because this feels like something that could be maybe is this a moral panic or is this actually a predatory industry? And I'm talking about, you know, the DraftKings and the FanDuel's of the world, but also these prediction markets that are now, you know, the hot new thing.
25:07Yeah, I know. And I saw actually Forbes, like the news company, is integrating a prediction market like alongside CNN is doing it now. Oh, my God, guys. Oh, my God. You know, I don't know enough about gambling. But what I would say is that, you know, it's ironic that the same people pushing this moral panic about, you know, their kid DMing some friends on Discord after school to hang out or whatever have absolutely nothing to say about these predatory gambling apps that are targeting children and knowingly targeting children. They're not seeking to ban any of that. They're not saying, oh, no gambling for under 16s.
25:46We need to do it. No, no, no. It's all the moral panic is completely manufactured around social media at the same time that we're getting mass gambling. So it's just like, do you really care about the health of kids? I don't think you do. It's just this this stuff just seems like such a slam dunk for the Democrats. And I do not understand why they don't capitalize on it, why it doesn't appear in any of, you know, any of these people who are who are probably going to run for president 28. They don't really talk about it. It's just it seems like it's on both the left and the right, like this idea of Internet censorship of data privacy.
26:15It's just like nobody cares. Well, they care. They want authoritarian control. I mean, let's not forget that the Democrats are trying to dismantle Section 230, which essentially functions as the First Amendment on the Internet. You know, I think that what we need to recognize, and this is where I'm going to sound a little libertarian maybe, but it's like governments will always skew towards authoritarianism and control. Power corrupts. People in power generally want more power. Like, you know, we have to kind of have these safeguards against people in power trying to amass power. Because especially like the type of people that run for government in America, it's like our political system is so messed up.
26:55It's a lot of egomaniacs that just want complete and total control over all speech, over all dissent, over, you know, whatever they want. And yeah, the Democrats don't, in my mind, they're very similar to Republicans in that way. No, I agree. And it's funny you say that because whenever I talk to somebody, I'm like, man, you're really smart. You're a really thoughtful thinker. Like, have you ever considered running for office? They will say every hundred times, every single time. No, no chance. Not interested. It's like that's kind of a problem that our farm system for politics doesn't have any actual thoughtful people.
27:28And it's just sort of like power hungry egomaniacs now. Yeah. I don't know what you do about that. Which is not good. Yeah. So the social media bans, I'm sort of with you there. The bell-to-bell phone bans that are gaining steam in schools across the U.S., where are you there? Because to me, this seems like an open and shut good thing that high schoolers can't be on their phones during the school day. Tell me why I'm wrong. You're trying to trigger me. First of all, there are many ways to make sure that high schoolers are not on their phones during the school day. OK, laws that are written off beeper ban laws in the 90s are not the way to do that.
28:08So, first of all, we've done this before, right? We banned beepers in the 90s. If you go back and read the news coverage in the 90s, you'll see that hundreds of students were arrested. 13 year old kid, you know, New Jersey was arrested by police hauled out of school and people ended up with permanent criminal records, ended up in juvenile detention for just carrying beepers into school. At the time, they thought that beepers were causing kids to have a mental health crisis. They were destroying kids' attention spans because they would get a beep and then, you know, have to call their parents on the landline at school or whatever.
28:40Hilarious to go back and get it. I remember those days, yeah, right. But so they, you know, so they implemented these bell-to-bell like beeper bans, okay? What was the result of it? We know that the result was devastating and never did anything. It was terrible. So now we're trying to do it all again with phones. It is actually even more idiotic with phones. Because first of all, school systems are not the same. So I'm all for specific schools. Like if you feel like this is right for your school and you can tailor the education system and you know your student body and you want to do this in this way, sure, go for it.
29:09You don't need a law to do that, by the way. But when you put these laws in place, you're sort of mandating a lot of one policy essentially for all these different types of school districts. I talked to a public school, kids and teachers at a poor public school in an urban environment in LA. Most of the people in this school, their parents work hourly jobs, service jobs, shift work. Most of the students also work shift work. These bans have caused huge problems because the parents are missing shifts. The kids are missing shifts. The entire world, whether you like it or not, happens over phones, often over text, work, medical appointments, all of these things.
29:47We had a situation, I think it was, I don't know where it was, Virginia or something, but the girl didn't, her smartphone was taken away. You know, just to have a diabetes monitor, glucose monitor, whatever, they're all run by smartphone apps. Like, unfortunately, our world functions through smartphones. Also, last thing, sorry, I'll say. No, please. Kids need to operate in the real world. So when you have these stupid bands, and I'll tell you all again, like why they're bad in a different reason. But like, when you have these bands, you're not preparing your kid for school. What happens when they turn 18 and they go to college and then they have unlimited access to their phone?
30:21They don't. They're completely unprepared. So I'm all for having kids not have their phones in the classroom. I'm all for schools implementing smart policies that work for their student bodies. But the differences between these school districts are vast. Some some it doesn't matter if you take away the phones because the kids all have their own iPads and lap books and everything anyway. Some they don't have anything. You know, their only wordpresses are their phones. But the last thing I'll say, the biggest problem with these bans, though, is that it's all tied up in this moral panic and they're being packaged and sold with AI surveillance software.
30:52The main reason parents are against these bans is because of school shootings, which they don't want to do anything about, of course. And so the schools are saying, don't worry, we're going to ban the cell phones to crack down, but we're rolling out this AI surveillance system. And I'm sure you just saw what happened in Baltimore where a kid was tackled to the ground because, of course, this AI surveillance system thought a Doritos bag was a gun. And by the way, you know, I'm not familiar with this. You're talking about these are these are like they're using these as like in place of like metal detectors.
31:19Yes, they have. Well, I'm sure they have metal detectors, too, as well. But yeah, so they're putting these surveillance systems all throughout schools. And some are better. Some are more responsible than others. A lot of them are harvesting massive amounts of data, including facial recognition data. And we don't know how secure that data is, where that data is going. Why are school districts the ones harvesting that? Like, I it's so obscene. Just let the kid like and not to mention that like this whole thing is based on nothing. Like what if kids are getting distracted in class, we could fund public education.
31:49We could make class sizes smaller. We could do all these things to improve the education experience. No one wants kids sitting on Instagram reels all day. That's not what they're doing primarily. But but it's but it's not doing that. And I think that these laws are often I mean, we know that in districts where these schools, these laws have been enacted, that black students are getting suspended at higher rates. the people that are enforcing these laws in a lot of school districts are just the campus resource officers, a.k.a. police officers, which we have significantly more of in school these days.
32:19So, yeah, if you just let police officers go around and basically do stop and frisk on everyone and harass anyone, oh, you might have a cell phone. I'm going to harass you. Oh, you're suspended. You might have a cell phone. And again, a lot of these kids have cell phones for legitimate reasons. So I hear you on this. I do. I guess what I would just say, we don't have to stay on this for too long. But I'm so sorry. No, no, don't don't apologize. It's good. I like being challenged on some of these things because I often am wrong. I'm just, you know, talking to other parents and talking to my friends who are teachers in the classroom.
32:55A lot of them have said sort of the opposite, which is like, look, all of these things are true, right? We should fund public education, you know, to a better degree. Class sizes should be smaller. But before we can do that, But if we can't do that, at the very least, you know, getting these kids who are having such a hard time focusing on, you know, the act of actually learning, they are able to focus when they don't have their phones on them in class. But you don't need laws to do that. Teachers can have the kids put their phones in a basket in front of class. I'm all for doing that. Like, that's the thing.
33:26You don't need these laws. You don't need the police enforcing laws. You don't need these laws that are packaged with AI surveillance systems to do all of that. Like I said, no one wants kids. Everybody wants to help kids. But teachers as well. I think they're, you know, teachers need to understand that also their personal classroom experience is not a universal experience. Like some of these schools are drastically underfunded. Some of them are over like, you know, very rich schools. Like these laws don't take into account a lot of the stuff and they're driven by moral panic. If you note how this started just recently in Australia, they're also talking about banning cell phones to and from school.
34:04The ultimate goal, as we know from listening to these activists, is actually to ban cell phones for under 16s completely and then ban cell phones for under 18, kids under 18 completely. So we also have to look at... Turning into the new cigarettes, yeah. Which has nothing to do with... We know cell phones are communication technology. It's nothing like that. And so it's just you also have to not be naive. And you have to look at the context of these laws and say, do we need a law in the books or can we just encourage teachers Can we empower teachers? Can our school district take action, you know, in a thoughtful way and empower teachers more to, you know, to help their kids?
34:38Again, like pay attention, because even if you get the kid to pay attention in the moment, are you preparing them for life? Cell phones exist as part of life, you know? Sure, sure. We want to be responsible and teach. And again, I am not for kids sitting on their phones in class. But no, you're saying that the legislative legislative answer is not the way to do it. Right. I get where you're coming from there. Parents don't need to give their kids phones. Parents can take the kids phone, you know, take the kids phone before they go to school. Like there's a lot more that I think we could be doing.
35:11And then they'll be murdered. No, I'm just. But yeah, no, it's it's tough. I mean, I have my you know, I have a niece and nephew who are in high school now. And I see it. I like it's this is a difficult subject. Right. For all of the stakeholders. But I do want to ask you about something sort of like adjacent to this, which is, you know, the A.I. debate. Just kind of, you know, it's a pretty big debate, obviously. I'm all over the map on this. You know, I was I was sort of A.I. curious. I thought that, you know, I was blown away by the first chat. GPT is everybody else. I found it to be somewhat useful in my work sometimes.
35:43times, I've really turned into a doomer. And I want you to tell me that I'm that I'm participating in a new moral panic now, because I just I guess my question to you is, if you're a young person, right, if you're in college, in high school, if you're coming out into the real world, you talk about, you know, being prepared for the real world. How worried should you be about, you know, sort of like workforce displacement that's happening now with artificial intelligence? I think a lot of the workforce displacement that's happening is happening because AI is being oversold. Like tech development takes a lot longer than people think.
36:20And when, you know, after ChatGPD was released in 2022, there were all these people in Silicon Valley that were like, oh, you know, growth is going to go exponentially. And then I think it was the release of the fourth or fifth model that was actually really incremental and kind of didn't meet expectations. And that literally caused some of these Silicon Valley people to be like to push back like their their predictions by like a decade. So I think this stuff is not going to happen quite as overnight as people think. That doesn't mean that you shouldn't be worried about it and that the next 10 years are going to radically like this tech will radically disrupt the labor market.
36:53I think it's just, again, it's up to us to collectively decide how we react to it and how we regulate it and how we use it ourselves. Like, I think it's really good if I was a young person and even just as an old person, I try to use AI to understand how these tools function. I'm a tech reporter, so obviously I'm going to do that. But, you know, I think the danger is actually in bosses thinking that they can do a lot more than they can. I used to work customer service at a call center. And I know a few people that still work in the call center world. And like, you know, that world is being totally replaced by AI.
37:31But it's not ready. That tech is not ready yet. And so it's actually just leading to really poor customer experiences. Oh, absolutely. I mean, when I have to talk to an AI bot, you know, when I have to call the bank or something, it's horrible. It's horrible. I would rather talk to somebody, you know, in some customer service, you know, hellhole warehouse somewhere overseas. because at least they are a human being who can like understand nuance. And I think what, you know, your point about CEOs is correct, but I think what also is happening is there's a lot of you in the corporate world, at least using AI as cover to do layoffs that they would otherwise do, you know, or just like letting their workforce, you know, consolidate through attrition and not hiring people and thinking that they can get those jobs done through these LLMs.
38:17you said something I thought was really good on one of your recent podcasts. You called some of these tech, these AI guys, including Elon Musk and Altman, some of the rest. You said that they were pro extinction of the human race. What do you mean by that? Because I sort of I get the same, you know, sense from some of these guys. I'm like, do you actually like being like I'm sure you saw Peter Thiel on talking to Ross on the New York Times podcast. And Ross asked him something like he basically asked him this question and Thiel couldn't give a straight answer about whether he was in favor of the extinction of the human race.
38:51These people are freaks. They have this insane belief systems like you have to understand that these billionaires do not live in like reality and they have a lot of weird ideology. So a lot of them believe in what's loosely called the test growl movement. It's like it's an acronym and I can't remember everything. It's like transhumanism, extra planism, accelerationism, whatever. It's all these sort of this collective, these beliefs in Silicon Valley of this hyper tech forward future where essentially humanity gives birth to artificial general intelligence. That's what they're all obsessed with.
39:26That's what they're all racing towards. right? And they believe when they talk about, you know, extending humanity, they've quite literally redefined the word humanity to mean AI, like this super intelligent AI that we're going to... And they're just all completely AI-pilled and they truly believe they all want to be the one to control, you know, artificial super intelligence, which who knows if we'll even get that in our lifetime. Like, honestly, it's like we don't even really understand human intelligence. So it's just kind of like a weird benchmark. But they, yeah, they don't care about humans.
40:00I mean, you can look at even something like effective altruism or long termism, you know, these belief systems like Sam Bankman-Fried, some of these other people had where it's all about long term future. It doesn't matter if you harm and starve, you know, millions of people on Earth today building data centers. If that's going to help people in the future, you know, that's ethically OK. And that's a very convenient belief system for billionaires who are harming tons of, you know, poor people today to have. I feel like also this is another one of the things that the Democrats have had a done a poor job.
40:34Who knows why? I mean, probably because they're in bed, some of these guys. But coming out against this, right. I mean, you know, the president issued a executive order basically saying that states can't regulate artificial intelligence. It's the federal government's job. What that what does that mean? And, you know, in reality, what that means is that if you you know, if you're some farmer in Iowa and you've got a beautiful farm and, you know, Sam Allman wants to come in and build a data center next door and ruin your drinking water. You can't do anything. Not only can you not do anything about it, the federal government could conceivably sue you over it.
41:06Doesn't this strike you as something that a Democratic Party that was in touch with, you know, actual human beings might be able to say, these AI, this AI thing is going out, you know, put aside the technology. Nobody wants this. right yeah it's mind-boggling to me but you have i mean the democrats want it themselves they're in bed with all these people you have people like jasmine crockett you know taking tons of money from mark andreessen and ben horowitz you know some of the architects of ai you have they're completely in bed with these people they don't care they don't care the democratic party is the most i mean no one hates the democrats more than me i which is hilarious when these people are like she's a woke whatever i'm like i hate the democrats more than you do but like just because right no we're very similar in that way because i in my newsletter column i go very hard on trump and then people like oh you're just another one of these you know liberal media i'm like you don't understand i hate the democrat i'm a registered democrat and i can't stand the democrats right it's like the both of these parties are disasters for you know actual you know working people people who believe in, you know, the human condition.
From the publisher
In part one of their conversation, tech journalist Taylor Lorenz joins Carlo to talk social media bans for kids, AI slop and why Democrats don't care about your free speech.
Watch this episode: https://youtu.be/5tr9HwH85XE
Check out Taylor Lorenz's coverage: https://www.youtube.com/@TaylorLorenz/videos | https://www.usermag.com
Subscribe to The 1600 newsletter: https://the-1600.beehiiv.com/
See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
