In short
Bob Woodward’s extended discussion of new evidence tied to Jeffrey Epstein and Donald Trump, plus broader themes about journalism, evidence, and political accountability.
Guest backgrounds
Bob Woodward is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative reporter and Washington Post journalist; author of 20+ bestselling books across 10 presidencies. He co-reported Watergate with Carl Bernstein, helping drive Nixon’s resignation.
Key claims
First-hand documents/notes have “automatic validity” for audiences. The newly released Epstein “birthday book” (from the Epstein estate, subpoenaed) suggests Trump had awareness, fascination, and possible participation in phases of Epstein’s abuse, though it’s not definitive proof of crimes. Woodward argues Trump’s lawsuits/denials function as leverage and showmanship. He praises the New York Times’ JP Morgan reporting as “dogged” evidence-based investigation. He links Trump’s language about “scum,” “garbage,” and “hate” to retribution and vengeance, comparing Trump’s style to Nixon’s downfall. He warns that billionaire control and editorial meddling can weaken journalism’s independence.
Notable examples
Trump’s “scum out of government” quote; Woodward’s Mar-a-Lago interviews with Trump reacting to “hate” videos; Trump’s “I like Putin” remarks; Watergate/Nixon tapes; NYT JP Morgan “looked the other way” reporting; discussion of January 6th history and Republican efforts to rewrite it.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOInvestigating Trump's Connection to Epstein
0:00 to 0:19
Bob Woodward discusses new evidence regarding Trump and Epstein's relationship and its implications.
“Ever notice how life's best stories don't happen in your living room?”
Investigating Trump's Connection to Epstein
1:52 to 4:39
Bob Woodward discusses new evidence regarding Trump and Epstein's relationship and its implications.
“I want to start with investigative reporting and new evidence.”
The Impact of Trump’s Lawsuits
4:39 to 7:27
Analyzing the significance of Trump's lawsuits and their political implications.
“You were also sued by Trump at one point.”
Deep Investigative Journalism
7:27 to 9:14
Bob Woodward emphasizes the importance of in-depth investigative reporting amidst conspiracy theories.
“Morgan, what did they know, and when did they know it, and what did they do?”
Comparing Nixon and Trump
9:14 to 11:16
Discussion on the parallels between Nixon's and Trump's styles of governance and public perception.
“I mean, take it, but then you're putting yourself out and say, you know, it's going to be worth waiting for.”
Trump’s Use of Hate in Politics
11:16 to 14:00
Exploration of how Trump uses hatred as a political tool, drawing parallels with historical figures.
“I mean, it's the undertow, and on the surface, some of it's pretty racy and sexist.”
Trump's Manipulation of Imagery
14:00 to 16:50
Exploring how Trump uses visual media to evoke emotions like hate.
“The first video is of Bernie Sanders, the Democratic progressive senator from Vermont.”
Comparing Trump and Nixon
16:50 to 21:00
Discussing the parallels and contrasts between Trump's and Nixon's behaviors.
“And Trump is, again, producing and directing.”
Trump's Foreign Policy and Relationship with Putin
21:00 to 24:40
Examining Trump's perspective on Putin and the implications for U.S. foreign policy.
“And there is this debate in the intelligence community about is Trump—has he been taken in by Putin?”
Historical Context and Press Responsibility
24:40 to 28:01
Analyzing the impact of historical events on current politics and the media's role.
“A very controversial thing that many people have just sort of moved on from.”
Show all 22 chapters
The Power of the Press
28:01 to 28:54
Discussing the press's awareness of its own power and responsibilities.
“Do you think that that standard has been sliding some, that the press has been kind of thrashing about in an effort to capitalize on another Watergate and finding more shadow than scandal often?”
The Distinction Between Print and TV Journalism
28:54 to 30:40
Exploring the differences in responsibilities and challenges between print and live TV journalism.
“Well, I apologize for my— You said the press isn't always collectively fully aware of its power, and with that comes a responsibility and sometimes perhaps a caution that's not there, which should be.”
Caution in Reporting and the Challenge of Pomposity
30:40 to 33:16
Examining the importance of caution in reporting and the pitfalls of pomposity.
“And we try in real time to tell the viewer, we don't know yet whether it's one or two active shooters.”
All the President's Men and Its Impact on Journalism
33:16 to 35:45
Reflecting on the film's portrayal of journalism and its implications for the industry.
“because you were both portrayed, you and Carl, by such big actors, especially in that time.”
Lessons Learned from Watergate
35:45 to 38:04
Understanding the critical lessons learned during the Watergate scandal and its implications.
“But we had a very good source who's the treasurer for the Nixon campaign, Hugh Sloan.”
The Political Landscape of the Supreme Court
38:04 to 40:48
Analyzing the current political dynamics of the Supreme Court and its historic shifts.
“This was This was not just a shenanigan.”
Media Industry Strain and External Influences
40:48 to 42:00
Discussing the pressures on the media industry from corporate and individual influences.
“No, I mean, it's very important here, and people are writing, broadcasting that the Supreme Court has become kind of a rubber stamp.”
Media Independence and Billionaire Influence
42:00 to 45:08
Explore how billionaire ownership is affecting journalism and media integrity.
“They say, oh, so-and-so is in the bag with the Republicans or the Democrats.”
The Importance of Strong Editorial Leadership
45:08 to 47:28
Discuss the crucial role of independent editors in maintaining journalistic integrity.
“I'd rather say you own the Washington Post.”
Lessons from Journalism's History
47:28 to 49:49
Learn about the historical context and lessons journalists can draw from past events.
“and what you said, the lessons of hard work and humility.”
The Role of the President in Serving the Public
49:49 to 52:05
Examine the responsibilities of the president towards the populace and governance.
“The thing people underestimate or underappreciate about President Donald Trump is that he has captured the presidency twice.”
Optimism for America's Future
52:05 to 53:27
Discover the elements that can foster hope and optimism in America today.
“find that next stage of good, not just for a party or a group, but for all the people.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Ever notice how life's best stories don't happen in your living room? They happen on the open road, out on the water, or parked under the stars. At Progressive, they get that you want to focus on the experience, not worry about the what-ifs. That's why they offer quality insurance designed for your ride, whether that's a boat, RV, or motorcycle. Adventure with confidence. Visit Progressive.com and see how easy it is to protect your favorite way to get away. Progressive Casualty Insurance Company and Affiliates. Not available in D.C. Prices vary based on how you buy. Watch Disclosure Day at home now with exclusive bonus features.
0:33If you found out we weren't alone, if someone showed you, proved it to you, would that frighten you? Well, now the truth belongs to 7 billion people in an original event film directed by Steven Spielberg from a screenplay by David Koepp starring Emily Blunt, Josh O 'Connor, Colin Firth, Eve Hewson, and Coleman Domingo. Find Disclosure Day on major digital platforms now with no subscription required, also in theaters. We're in an era where we hear a lot about facts, what's true, who to believe, what is real journalism. And we turn now to an actual icon of traditional factual journalism. The Pulitzer Prize winning reporter Bob Woodward is the author of over 20 bestselling books spanning 10 presidencies.
1:20and he usually gets to his sources, talking to presidents, the people around them, including President Trump, countless times. Of course, his reporting with Carl Bernstein helped uncover the Watergate scandal that ultimately led President Nixon to resign. His most recent book, War, follows the literal and political wars facing the U.S. over the last four years. It's out now, and he is, of course, at work on another book, which we'll hear about. Joining us now, Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter, Washington Post journalist, author Bob Woodward. Thanks for being here. Thank you. Great to have you. We have so much to get to.
1:52I want to start with investigative reporting and new evidence. We have this rather salacious birthday book from Jeffrey Epstein. This is something that President Trump denied submitting a card to, but now from the Epstein estate, which is quite a source, it has been released under subpoena to the Congress and now to the public. What is the import, in your view, of getting the hard evidence like this? What does it tell us? There's nothing better than a first-hand source or a document or contemporaneous notes, something that has an automatic validity with readers and viewers. And so this is compelling and is a mess for Trump.
2:41And what I know about it is not a whole lot, But it sure looks like a lot of young women were abused in a way that is so appalling, so awful, so leveraging the seniority and the masculine identity, which Epstein was a practitioner of, I guess. I mean, he's now dead for six years, so he can't be interviewed. But this, my heart, quite frankly, goes out to the women who were abused in this way in such a massive, ugly way. Really ugly way. And what the birthday book, which is new, shows was a high degree of awareness by multiple people, including Donald Trump, what has been called the body or lecherous references, the drawing.
3:51legally, and we have it here, it doesn't mean Donald Trump committed crimes with Epstein, but as evidence, it means he shows an awareness of some of what Epstein was doing, as do other entries. Not just an awareness, a fascination with it, and a kind of participation in some of it. Now, No, it's not yet conclusive, but if you're looking at this as a reporter, you say, wow, Trump is, as they say in poker, all in on many of these phases that are now known and documented. And you've done this type of reporting with so many different politicians, going at people in both parties. You were also sued by Trump at one point.
4:42he sued the Wall Street Journal saying there was no card. Now, as opposed to last week, we have the card from the Epstein estate. What should that tell us about how to assess these types of denials and even lawsuits from him and politicians who play this game? Well, in the case of the lawsuit against me, the judges dismissed it and given Trump an opportunity, as he should, or as lawyers to come back and raise new questions. And that's what happens. But that's been dismissed. And it's about the publication of Trump's voice. In interviews I did that Trump did voluntarily, acknowledged it was being recorded, acknowledged it was on the record.
5:37So it's very much a clear case, and I think the judge understands this. But again, you never know what's going to happen in a court case. But with Trump suing The Wall Street Journal over something that's now been highly corroborated, how do we take that lawsuit? It's all for show? Well, there's a lot. I mean, Trump definitely thinks that if you sue somebody, and it's not just his supporters, But I think there's, ah, well, somebody's suing, there's at least a question. And it is a way to gain the appearance or the reality of leverage. And then we see some lawsuits. I mean, you know this as a lawyer, that in lawsuits, sometimes it's good at answering questions, And sometimes it's terrible because it gets settled or it goes off on some side issue and so forth.
6:40So this will play out. The other reporting this week from The New York Times is deep investigative work, interviews, documents, some material that had been under seal to show that this big bank, J.P. Morgan, really did look the other way. while these crimes were occurring and had some of its bankers allegedly involved in some of the very business Epstein was up to, which is a conflict, if not worse. I wonder what you think we should do with this kind of reporting in a time where people... Well, we should appraise it. Yeah. Go ahead. It's a masterpiece. I've read it twice, I think, of that kind of in-depth reporting, and it takes a new angle.
7:34J.P. Morgan, what did they know, and when did they know it, and what did they do? I salute The New York Times, because that clearly took a great deal of effort and investigative chops and experience and probably editors, or I'm sure editors, what about this, what about that, go back to so-and-so. And how is that different from the world we're in where everyone has an opinion or a conspiracy theory about Epstein versus that kind of dogged reporting? Well, we need more dogged reporting. And, you know, old theme, and I'll repeat, there's nothing like a firsthand witness, Somebody who is a reporter can sit with and say, what happened?
8:25When was it? Do you have any notes? Are there any documents? What do you think this means? The last question is always, who else knows about this? What's their phone number? How can I get in touch with them? Have you spoken with them? And again, the variable in all of this is time. As somebody who's worked for the Post for over 50 years and done, what, 23 books, I have the luxury of time. No one says you have to turn it in now, even a book. If I say I need new time, more time, the publisher, Jonathan Carpet, my publisher, Simon & Schuster, yes. I mean, take it, but then you're putting yourself out and say, you know, it's going to be worth waiting for.
9:28You mentioned that you had the president on tape, and that was agreed to, and that was part of the dispute. I want to pull from some of that, as we've done before, because it's this evidence of how he was thinking then in the White House in the first term. Some things he was thwarted. Now he's back, and we've seen what the second term feels like. Here he was saying, when asked about achievements, what he wanted to do to people in government. Take a listen. I will consider this one of my greatest achievements, getting the scum out of government. And it's scum. It's the lowest form of human garbage, these people.
10:04And I don't mean FBI people. I mean top people in the FBI. What do you hear there? And is that part of his agenda today? Well, I mean, it's retribution. It's for abusion. It's vengeance now. And people who have investigated him or people who have crossed him, he will say things like that and make judgments. But that's his style, and he thinks it's worked for him. And is it worse, by which I mean, is it testing or crossing legal and governing lines more in the second term than the first, when he did seem held back by some? Well, people say that, and there's some evidence of that. I don't know if you can make a full comparison.
10:55But, you know, let's see. I mean, in the Epstein case, you know, it came up a couple of months ago, and now all of a sudden there is this avalanche of new evidence, including drawings and allegedly Trump's signature and a kind of—it's the old boys' club meeting and talking about girls. I mean, it's the undertow, and on the surface, some of it's pretty racy and sexist. Sure. And there's been sex trafficking crimes convicted there. When you hear that language, because he's on the phone with you, that was 2019. He sounded more raw in the call than in, say, a press conference at the time, the scum, the garbage.
11:49And you were recounting from your notes how, at times, hate was a theme. And you were down in Mar-a-Lago in your reporting. Tell me about that. Yeah, I mean, this is—I'm sorry, I gathered some background on this, which is—you have to understand it. And I make inevitably, and I think based on evidence, a comparison between Nixon and Trump. And if you go back and you look at Nixon the day he resigned, he said, I mean, this is, you know, two years after Watergate. And he was held accountable by the system, the media and the investigators. And Nixon said, always remember, there are those who hate you, but those who hate you don't win unless you hate them, and then you destroy yourself.
12:52What an amazing point. I mean, hate is the piston. Hate is what really destroyed him. And you see his downfall in all of this. Now, if you fast—so this is 1972 to 1974. Fast forward to 2020. Now, this is 45 years later. I'm down in Mar-a-Lago interviewing Trump, President Trump in the last year of his first presidency. And in this interview, Trump has his media person, Dan Scavino. Do you know him at all? Yeah, he did a lot of Internet, social media. Now he's still at the White House this time. That's right. He's kind of the chief Trump media aide. And he got out his laptop to show me some videos.
13:58OK, so you're there with the president at his place, Mar-a-Lago. So you listen. The first video is of Bernie Sanders, the Democratic progressive senator from Vermont. You know, I mean, he's an outspoken anti-Trumper. But it's just a picture of him and not him speaking or Trump speaking. And there's just background music. It's very strange. And Trump is there right behind me. And he looks at Bernie and he says, hate. See the hate. See the hate. And, you know, Bernie Sanders was sitting there quite calmly. I was baffled. And then Trump, again, he's orchestrating all of this. He's producer. He's director.
14:53And I'm listening. There's a video of Senator Elizabeth Warren, the progressive Democrat from Massachusetts there. And, again, Trump's right here and looked at this and looked at what she was just her picture, not something that really communicates a lot. It's kind of because there's the background. And Trump, his voice with the deep conviction that sometimes you hear, hate, hate. So he's getting a rise out of this imagery. He's saying that they're the haters, but he's feeling some sort of strong energy about it. Well, he is. And he sees hate when it's, you know, the videos are kind of passive.
15:47Then Kamala Harris comes on. And again, he's right behind me and he points at this video that he's asked Govino to put up. Hate, hate. And I thought, what the hell is going on? And it's still a mystery to me. I mean, obviously, he feels some hate. No question about that. But he sees in others this hate. And, you know, and then you look at things Trump has said. You know, there is the famous, I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn't lose any votes. I mean, who in American life or American politics would say that? But then he goes on. I mean, in one of his giving, he's giving a speech and there's some ruckus around there.
16:50And this is 2017. And the police are arresting people. And Trump is, again, producing and directing. He said, please don't be too nice. Mm-hmm. Then there's another gathering, and Trump says about the Montana governor who assaulted a reporter, said, any guy that can do a body slam, he is my type. You know, so there's— Right. And you talk about being aware, involved in glorifying what Epstein did, that type of crime against minors. You talk about rampant violence here. that there's a theme of him condoning. Yeah, and a scene when it isn't necessarily there. I mean, he says, and he said this often, there has to be retribution, that he really believes now retribution is a form of vengeance, isn't it?
17:57I mean, he says it, and now we know he is practicing it. Let me press you on the comparison to Nixon, because on his way out the door, Nixon is still saying, whether he acted that way or not, he's saying, don't give in to the hate. By contrast, you're showing evidence about Trump giving into it and having a team around him that wants to almost work him up. Yes, but Nixon's resigning. Yeah. As I recall, Trump never. I mean, one of the things, an interview in 1989, Carl Bernstein and I did with Trump. Trump laid out some of his—and this is—he's not in politics. He's a New York real estate entrepreneur at this time.
18:47And one of his doctrines, he says, don't fold. Never fold. Never give in. and we see that practiced in this presidency. Absolutely. And we just saw him join together with Putin again, but not seem to get anything out of it for the United States or our interests in the region, best we can tell. And when you talked to him, you raised the question of this relationship, and he did sound somewhat gullible while you raise sort of the foreign policy implications. Take a listen. Putin respects me, and I respect Putin. I think Putin likes me. I think I like him. So do you want Putin to be afraid of you?
19:39I want Putin to respect our country. And what would he respect? Well, you know, first of all, you know, it's sort of interesting. He said very good things about me. He said Trump is brilliant, and Trump is going to be the new leader and all that. And some of these clowns said, you should repudiate Putin. I said, why would I repute him? But what does Putin respect the former KGB lieutenant colonel? Force, power. I think he respects strength. OK. Go ahead. Isn't it so nice to be able to interview him that way, where I can try to prepare my questions? And there are follow-ups maybe you can think of.
20:20I certainly, looking at it and listening, I can think of more questions I should have asked. But there's some—I mean, the line, I like Putin. I think he likes me. What does that mean? Well, we have intelligence experts, veterans in both parties who say that other leaders, KGB experienced or not, do try to manipulate in foreign policy. That's part of it. And as effective as Trump has been about certain things, in his conversation with you and in general, he sounds almost unaware of that. He just says, they like me, they're bringing me gifts. I mean, he sounds almost naive, although we know in many respects he's not.
21:04No, but on this, he might be. And there is this debate in the intelligence community about is Trump—has he been taken in by Putin? because the Trump-Putin relationship is one of the most important in the world, and having reported on it for years, it's not clear. There are elements of, I like him, he likes me, and then there are elements of, hey, he's got to stop some of these things. Now, if you look at the history of this, which, again, I have the luxury of time to do, what happened in Ukraine. And 2021, Putin issued a manifesto about Ukraine. And he said Ukraine really is and always has been part of Russia.
22:06And one of his pieces of evidence is, it goes back to the ninth century, What American politician can say part of the basis for this is what happened in the 9th century? But here Putin is unfurling this. And if you look at what's happened in Ukraine, it's been manifest, clear, that Putin thinks it belongs to Russia and he's going to take it. And the little element of it goes back to the 9th century. I remember reading and thinking, wow, that's—you know, he's making as forceful an argument as he can. And the year of that was 2021. Do you think the United States got anything out of the Putin summit?
23:05Because he got to be on the world stage at a time where he has, of course, been really viewed as an outlaw or an alleged war criminal. Trump, of course, famously vowed things that didn't happen, like a ceasefire. But did the U.S. get anything out of it? And does Trump then just move past that in your experience? He just sort of ignores the fact that he failed the objectives he'd previewed? Well, he's capable of that. But what's important, what's really going on is, I mean, that war has gotten worse, much, much more violent. Russia really attacking Ukraine in a brutal way, attacking civilians, attacking apartment houses.
23:52I mean, that's the kind of war you don't want in your country. Yeah. I also wanted to ask you about the power of history. We sometimes hear the term living history. Watergate is seen as a high watermark where you're reporting other independent accounts and ultimately what a co-equal branch did in the Watergate committee helped reveal facts in not real time, perhaps, but close to it. The January 6th committee was given high marks by many for doing that and expanding our understanding of what led up to that terrible day. The DOJ, of course, prosecuted many people. Donald Trump won, came in and issued the widest pardons for crimes against the U.S.
24:39in modern history. A very controversial thing that many people have just sort of moved on from. Now it's not enough. They should. Go ahead and then I'll show you something. I know because that's very significant. That's a reward for service. There's a headline I'm sure you've seen. Beyond even the pardoning of the people who stormed the Capitol, you have Republicans establish a new committee, which they say will investigate the January 6th attack. Politico reports the latest chapter in the Republican effort to rewrite the history of events at the Capitol. And I just wanted to get your view on that, because the high-water mark can be a factual investigation.
25:17The January 6th committee was bipartisan. It just wasn't people who supported Trump and opposed him. Some of the Republicans who were on there, famously Liz Cheney, were conservative Republicans who were critical of Trump for Jan 6th. What do you think of the danger or the problem if the government, rather than trying to uncover facts, gets involved in rewriting the history of propaganda? But the element that is so different in the case of Nixon, and it was Catherine Graham who was the publisher-owner of The Washington Post, after Nixon resigned, said to Ben Bradley, the editor, you know, we were fortunate enough to have a president that we were investigating who was mad enough to tape himself.
26:08In other words, Nixon provided the devastating evidence about his criminality. We don't, at least at this point, know whether Trump is taping himself. Maybe he is. We're treated to surprises every day in this era. But can you think of any other time where a government public fact-finding would be trying to erase the facts in the same way that he erased the convictions? Yeah, well, it's all about the quality of evidence, I think. And do they have firsthand—I suspect and hope in the coming years we're going to learn more about what really went on in the White House. I don't know whether Trump has a secret taping system.
27:05I suspect probably he does not. But if he does, we may be beneficiaries of much more firsthand information here. The flip side is that some people look at the Watergate era as catalyzing a posture for the press where everyone wanted to be Woodward and Bernstein, even if they didn't have the goods or they wanted to go on the attack first. We dug up, because we like to get into it here, you and Tom Brokaw, 1978. Wow. Discussing that temptation, perhaps. And as we know, there are plenty of people on the Internet who are critical of traditional journalism and say, oh, it's also negative, or it just is critical first.
27:59So let's take a look at this. This is from 1978. Do you think that that standard has been sliding some, that the press has been kind of thrashing about in an effort to capitalize on another Watergate and finding more shadow than scandal often? I don't think the press collectively is aware of or fully aware of the power that it has or we have. And I think with that comes a responsibility and a caution that perhaps is not there that should be. Ever measured, Bob Woodward, does that apply today as well? Well, I mean, I'm sorry. I noticed that my hair was not gray at that time. First things first.
28:43Those were the days. Yeah, first things. I mean, wow. That was a long time ago. I'm sorry your question. Well, you said— Because I was—I'm sorry. You were mesmerized. Well, I apologize for my— You said the press isn't always collectively fully aware of its power, and with that comes a responsibility and sometimes perhaps a caution that's not there, which should be. Yes, I think that's exactly right. And again, this goes to being the beneficiary of having time. Each night you do your show, you sit here and you can't say to the director and the producer, oh, well, let's hold all that and I'll do it tomorrow and do nothing.
29:32But in daily journalism, you have to produce for having the license The Washington Post has given me to take time and publisher Simon & Schuster to write books. I can always say I need more time. And time against the problem is the golden variable here. It's interesting you say that, because I'll share, you know, I was talking to someone recently about how in print, when it's not ready, it shouldn't be published. And sometimes, as you said, the writer says, I don't have it. I need more. Sometimes the editor says, I don't think you have it. But having done both types of journalism, when we're doing print writing, you have that checkpoint.
30:24And with TV, right, live TV news, we're going on the air. If you're sick, someone else will replace you, but we're going on the air either way. And so the responsibility then becomes, how do you talk about something if it hasn't been fully confirmed? Classic breaking news example is in the first moments of a shooting, we don't expect to know a lot. And we try in real time to tell the viewer, we don't know yet whether it's one or two active shooters. Or the authorities said this, that's preliminary. We try to really be clear about what we don't know. But unlike the article, we're still out there.
31:00And then the Internet, of course, has made it even faster. Your thoughts? Yeah. I mean, and again, this idea of caution is really important. I remember after Nixon resigned, Catherine Graham, the owner, publisher, again, wrote Carl Bernstein and myself a letter, but it wasn't on stationery. It was just a yellow legal sheet of paper. and it said, dear Carl and Bob, Nixon's gone. Don't start thinking too highly of yourselves. And then she said, let me give you some advice. And then she pulled out all the stops and she said, beware the demon pomposity. Great advice to all of us. All of us as humans.
31:53And the demon pomposity. And especially in this town. Yeah, well, and I think in any town. I mean, I just think it doesn't work and it can be very self-defeating. And I love that and keep a copy of it on the wall in my office. You do. You still have it. Yes, because the demon pomposity is out there. and one of the things that I think it takes a while to understand, people don't like that. Readers, viewers, if you come on and you're not, I think you're very restrained, but if you come on and you sound pompous, it doesn't work. It can really nullify and crucify, really, what you do. You're absolutely right.
32:48Especially because we're dealing with information, people have different expertise and access to information. So to say, oh, you might know more about this means you know more than everyone is always going to be false. Someone is going to know more about other things, you know. As for the pomposity, it's a perfect lead-in to a great film that might have gotten other journalists high on their horses, because you were both portrayed, you and Carl, by such big actors, especially in that time. Let's take a look at All the President's Men. I don't think you're saying what you mean. I know exactly what I mean.
33:30Not here. I can't tell from this whether Hunt works for Coulson or Coulson works for Hunt. May I have it? You can tell me the conclusions, aren't you? Yes. I'm not looking for a fight. I'm not looking for a fight either. If you're going to do it, do it right. You're my nurse. If you're going to hype it, hype it with the facts. I don't mind what you did. I don't mind the way you did. Did your life change at all after the movie? And I know the point about not being taken in by it all, but it also must have been kind of an interesting thrill. Well, I think it's something that, again, knew Catherine Graham's advice, beware the demon pomposity.
Read the full transcript
34:07And I remember seeing that movie with Elsa and my young daughter, and I think she was about six, and I'm sitting next to her and we're watching it, and she's kind of uneasy in the chair the whole time. And at the end, I asked Diana what she thought. And because she's from Washington, she talks to us. She says, A, the guy playing you doesn't look at all like you. B, boring, boring, boring. Wow. Yeah, she knew how to stick it to Dan. Well, as you and I know, and I say this with all good humor, there aren't a lot of movies about the process of journalism for good reason. real journalism is a lot of reading and checking and digging, and that doesn't make for some great film.
35:06I mean, it's sitting in a room double-checking facts and footnotes doesn't usually make for a movie. They found a way, of course, to get into it, to make it a story. Yeah, well, of course, the All the President's Men movie goes through the bulk of it until we made a mistake. We said that the testimony to the grand jury about Nixon's number one aide Haldeman and that it implicated him. And it turns out we were wrong. And, of course, the lesson we learned there, one of them was keep checking. But we had a very good source who's the treasurer for the Nixon campaign, Hugh Sloan. And after we ran the story and it was denied, we talked to Sloan and said, Sloan, I mean, you said that Haldeman controlled the secret fund that funded Watergate and some of the other undercover activities and said yes.
36:14But at the grand jury, no one asked. I mean, that's a stab. And when we corrected it, but the fact was true, but the attribution was wrong. Right, and you're making a subtle and important distinction, which is something could be true. There could be corroboration for that claim. But whether the investigative process had presented it that way was different. And at that time, while you were a fair and objective reporter, there were plenty of people in the country who already decided and thought Nixon did something wrong. Well, and the other way around also. And who defended him, silent majority.
36:58But whether people thought he did something wrong was not the biggest reporting issue. You were reporting on whether this investigation and this process was going to actually change his presidency, right? You know, this is the joy, again, of having time. And on Watergate, I've had more than 50 years. And one of the things I just realized, this was some actual months ago, is the mistake Nixon made and his people that the break-in to the Democratic headquarters was a felony. It was a crime. And as we know, there are lots of shenanigans that go on in Washington that are investigated but are not certified crimes.
37:51crimes. Breaking and entering is a certified crime. That gave legs and power to the investigative authorities in the Justice Department and in the Congress and, frankly, in the press. This was This was not just a shenanigan. This was an ugly felony. Yeah. Break-in. And, of course, that was the mistake that Nixon and his people made. And they could have done and they did all kinds of other things that were just as distasteful and ugly, but never that kind of crime where you could, ah, that's a felon, other than the break-in. And the courts were a backstop. The district court dealt with the Watergate burglars.
38:51There were heavy sentences ultimately handed out. By Judge Sirica. Yeah, Judge Sirica and other prosecutors talked about how that fortified the investigative process. And ultimately, very famously, the Supreme Court ruled against Nixon. it seems we're in a bit of a different situation today. I was thinking about your book, The Brethren, which covered the Supreme Court at a different time. And you write there from your observation that those justices, quote, were horrified at the prospect of major decisions being reversed in a year's time. The court would appear to be political, its decisions less rooted in the law than in the personalities, politics of the individual justices.
39:32I wonder how you compare that to now, where the fairest way I can say it is the Senate's process for picking justices has gotten far more political and partisan than even then. Well, I mean, the president's picked justices. No, but the way the Senate has... ...has to confirm it. Yeah, the way the Senate has dealt with the process, the litmus tests, you know, what they want vis-a-vis the president has gotten, I think, more partisan on both parties. And then the Republicans, more on their side than the Democrats, have been able to effectively get more judges onto the Supreme Court, famously not going through the process for Obama.
40:14So that's what I would call a very partisan act. They didn't even hold the hearings. And then, of course, Trump got several justices on the court now. They all insist they're independent. But I'm going to put up a bunch of cases on ICE raids, on an approach to government firings Trump won, at least the early round, on removing agency heads, which previous to the second term was not something the president could do without cause, on certain types of deportations. I should mention, he's also lost many early rounds on other cases. And it's early. But your thoughts? No, I mean, it's very important here, and people are writing, broadcasting that the Supreme Court has become kind of a rubber stamp.
41:03Do you think that's happening? I think there's some truth, but I know something about the Supreme Court having written about it and followed it. And the really important character is the justice, the collective justices, I shouldn't say it's the characters. The thing they hate the most is for somebody to say they're a rubber stamp. And there will come a point, if they are a rubber stamp now, where they will declare in a very emphatic way their independence, as the Supreme Court did with, say, Nixon tapes or some other time. And they will do something different. And what issue? I mean, do you think that would be elections or we just don't know?
41:55Obviously, I don't know, but I know from—no one likes to be. I mean, it's like if you're a reporter. They say, oh, so-and-so is in the bag with the Republicans or the Democrats. No reporter, even some that are, don't like that. They want to be independent. And I think the Supreme Court, a moment will come where they will say, in order to declare our independence, and maybe for good legal reasons, they will do something that will surprise everyone. Interesting. And that's very interesting coming from you. Before we get to the end here, and I have something fun at the very end, we are speaking in a time of tremendous strain in the media industry.
42:47I put up some headlines where big companies and some billionaire individuals have more sway than ever. At Washington Post, where you've been a long time, Jeff Bezos has been making some changes. Over at CBS, we've seen a lot of controversy about Skydance taking over Paramount. Meta, which is Facebook and we don't think of as traditional journalism, reaches more people than many journalist outlets. and they made this announcement in conjunction with Trump coming back into office that they would end fact-checking. That's their term. I mean, it's not criticism. They just said, you know, we're not going to do a lot of facts around here.
43:28Amazing, wasn't it? Yeah, I mean, it's really—and then, of course, Musk, who was a billionaire who's been close to the president, then had a falling out with the president, bought one of the biggest platforms, which had—X had been a real partner in getting a lot of stories out. Now, they've changed the algorithm. have changed the political orientation. He has the legal right to do that as a publisher, of course, but it's had profound implications. The question, big picture, should people who care about journalism be concerned about this level of billionaire control and sway? Yes. Go ahead. Yeah, I mean, more than concerned.
44:04It's worrisome. But interestingly enough, just like going back to Watergate, the character of the editor really matters. Yes, the character of the owner and the publisher matters. We are lucky at The Washington Post to have an editor, Matt Murray, who I know a little bit, not well, but I've followed his work of colleagues of mine at The Post. And he is independent. He is interested in the facts. And no publisher or owner, and that includes up to this point Jeff Bezos, is going to tell him what to do. And so there is a clarion call of independence there. that I find very comforting. Not certain.
45:08I'd rather say you own the Washington Post. I'm not in the running, but thank you. Not that I know of. I don't... But what about CBS, where the 60 Minutes longtime executive in charge of the entire editorial left over the new ownership because he said there was meddling? Yes, and he was right. I've done lots of 60 Minutes interviews for six or seven books I've done, and it's never been edited or taken a political position. And what's happened here, I think, is tragic. And I feel that it's very important that the people find their legs and their strength. And the strength is never in bowing. That's a weakness.
46:05The strength is saying, this is what I see. This is the evidence. This is what we're doing. And that's very clear going back to Vietnam and the Pentagon papers and Watergate. and there have been interludes of real strength demonstrated by the media. And there have been some quivers of weakness. And the people who do this and own it have a real opportunity to say this is the business we're in, not the business of catering or bowing or kowtowing to some independent authority that wants things to go a certain way. But, you know, the job is very—to old Walter Cronkite, you know, and that's the way it is.
47:07And that's the way it is, yeah. Yeah, I like that. All right, I have something fun, and then we're going to close up. but we get this special time with you, and I've said it. You're very patient. Thank you. Well, I've said it. I've enjoyed our conversations, and it's not, I don't think, overly complimenting you because the record and the history speaks for itself that we value the time with you and the lessons of journalism and what you said, the lessons of hard work and humility. We also have a little fun around here. You've seen the show. You know, we don't take ourselves too seriously. We dug up some of the pop culture Bob Woodward Watergate references.
47:43We're talking about cartoons. We're talking about sometimes it's maybe they love you. Sometimes it might just be you're the most famous reporter, print reporter, the writer's room could think of. But it's kind of fun to see. Let's take a look. This is a big story. Can you believe it? It's like we're Woodward and Berenstain. Follow the honey. I'd like to talk about a huge threat facing our nation. a new book written about me by the highly discredited Bob... Woodward. You'll be careful? Careful enough. Well, stay on it. You bet. I love this. We just had a very All the President's Men moment. Very.
48:24Moving around the newsroom like that? Well, good. He famously remarked, We are all the President's Men, giving Woodward and Bernstein their title. Had you seen all these, and do you ever get to sit back and enjoy it for a second?
48:43You know, I go back to that Catherine Graham line. I knew you were going to say that. I mean, it's on the wall. It's in my head, beware the demon pomposity. But had you seen the cartoon? Had you seen Family Guy? I've seen some of them and not all of them. And the Bernstein becoming Bearstein, a nice animal bear pun, you know, low-hanging fruit, but still fun to do. Yeah, that's fine. I mean, we're all game, right? In closing, I like to do this sometimes with you. You know, finish the sentence. Now more than ever, real journalism must... Be tough and independent. THE THING I 'VE LEARNED FROM BEING A REPORTER, BEING BOB WOODWARD NOW 50 YEARS IS?
49:37IT'S EASY TO BE WRONG, AND THE ONLY WAY, THE ONLY INSURANCE POLICY IS TIME AND SKEPTICISM AND GREAT PRODUCERS AND EDITORS WHO WILL GO, WAIT A MINUTE, WHAT THE? The thing people underestimate or underappreciate about President Donald Trump is that he has captured the presidency twice. That's a big deal. It's unexpected. And so the real question is going to be how will he be judged in history? And history can be a lot tougher than people who are living it think. And the thing a journalist has to do when you're covering a politician who constantly lies is WAKE UP AND YOUR FIRST THOUGHT NEEDS TO BE WHAT ARE THE BASTIARDS HIDING?
50:55FINAL TWO.
50:59WHAT CONCERNS ME ABOUT AMERICA RIGHT NOW IS?
51:08I MEAN, THERE ARE SO MANY CONCERNS. ONE OF THE QUESTIONS IS LEADERSHIP AND INDEPENDENCE. And who do we serve? Who do we serve? The people? I mean, I wrote something down here. What the job of the president is, once I asked Trump, and he said it's to protect the people. That's a good answer. But there's a better answer. the job of the president is to find the next stage of good for the greatest number of people in the country. I like that. A big task. Yeah. But it's possible to do. You and I could spend a day going through what's the next stage of good really for the country, not partisan, and not personality-driven.
52:05And I think that's ultimately the job of the president, find that next stage of good, not just for a party or a group, but for all the people. And you're elucidating something the founders talked a lot about, which was fighting against factionalism and partisanship and trying to create a system that would engender public service FOR ALL THE PEOPLE, FOR THE GREATEST GOOD. THAT CERTAINLY IS A DANGER SOMETIMES. THE FINAL QUESTION WAS, WHAT MAKES ME OPTIMISTIC ABOUT AMERICA RIGHT NOW IS? THE STRENGTH AND CHARACTER OF ITS PEOPLE. BOB WOODWARD, THANK YOU SO MUCH. THANK YOU. GREAT TO HAVE YOU BACK ON THE BEAT.
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From the publisher
BONUS: Pulitzer Prize–winner Bob Woodward joins MSNBC’s Ari Melber for an extended interview, discussing President Trump’s Epstein scandal, the independence of the Supreme Court in the MAGA era, Trump’s ties to Russian leader Vladimir Putin, and the influence of billionaires on the news media.
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