In short
The History Hour: Episode Summary
Episode Title
Juan Carlos Becomes King of Spain and the Ending of the Bosnian War
Overview In this episode, Max Pearson presents a series of interviews from the *Witness History* program on the BBC World Service, featuring discussions about significant historical events, including the death of Spanish dictator Francisco Franco, the rise of King Juan Carlos, the migration crises in 2015, the ending of the Bosnian war through the Dayton Peace Accords, and notable moments in sports history.
Key Themes
- End of Franco’s Dictatorship and Rise of Juan Carlos
- Franco's Death (1975): The episode begins with a recount of the death of General Francisco Franco, which marked the end of 36 years of dictatorship in Spain.
- Transition to Democracy:
- Juan Carlos was appointed as Franco’s successor and became King of Spain shortly after Franco's death.
- His reign is noted for leading Spain towards a democratic government, contradicting expectations that he would maintain Franco's authoritarian regime.
- Personal Accounts:
- Journalists and citizens recount their reactions and experiences during this pivotal moment, including the emotional atmosphere surrounding Franco's funeral and the hopes for a democratic future.
- Migration Crisis and Angela Merkel’s Decisions (2015)
- Context of Migration: Increased numbers of refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq sought asylum in Europe amid ongoing conflicts.
- Merkel's Bold Move: Angela Merkel's decision to suspend asylum rules for Syrian refugees in August 2015, allowing them to apply for asylum in Germany, was a turning point in European migration policy.
- Reactions:
- Aydan Özoğuz, a key political figure, reflects on the internal and external pressures Germany faced during this crisis.
- Ending the Bosnian War: The Dayton Peace Accords (1995)
- Context of the War: The Bosnian War resulted in significant loss of life and displacement of populations.
- Negotiation Highlights: Milan Milutinović, a key negotiator, describes the intense and critical final hours of the negotiations that led to the signing of the Dayton Accords.
- Impact of the Accords:
- Established peace by dividing Bosnia into two entities and included provisions for the movement of people throughout the region.
- Sporting Witness: The 2005 Ashes Series
- Cricket Controversy: Gary Pratt, a substitute fielder, recounts the moment he ran out Australian captain Ricky Ponting, a pivotal event in the Ashes series.
- Cultural Significance: The rivalry between England and Australia in cricket reflects broader cultural and national sentiments.
- Cold War Diplomacy: Geneva Summit (1985)
- Reagan and Gorbachev: The meeting between US President Ronald Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev marked a significant thaw in Cold War tensions.
- Discussion Points:
- Issues like nuclear arms, human rights, and regional conflicts were addressed, laying groundwork for future agreements.
Contributors
- José Antonio Martínez Soler: Journalist providing insights from the era of Franco.
- King Juan Carlos: Former King of Spain (archival recordings).
- Aydan Özoğuz: Social Democrat politician discussing the migration crisis.
- Milan Milutinović: Key negotiator on the Dayton Peace Accords.
- Gary Pratt: Substitute fielder in the 2005 Ashes series.
- Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev: Archival voices from the Geneva summit.
Conclusion The episode provides a rich tapestry of historical narratives, capturing the complexities of transitions, the impact of individual decisions in leadership, and the enduring legacies of these significant events. Through personal accounts and expert reflections, listeners gain a deeper understanding of the profound changes that shaped modern Spain, Europe, and the international landscape during the late 20th century.
For more information and first-hand stories, listeners are encouraged to explore additional episodes and resources from *Witness History* on the BBC.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00This BBC podcast is supported by ads outside the UK. I am Nina Khrushcheva, the great-granddaughter of Nikita Khrushchev, the leader of the Soviet Union in 1962. And I'm Max Kennedy, the nephew of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. We explore what was a terrifying moment in history. The story of the Cuban Missile Crisis. How close the world came to nuclear war. And what they had to do to pull it back from the brink. The bomb, Kennedy and Khrushchev. All episodes available now, wherever you get your BBC podcasts. If there was a big red button that would just demolish the internet, I would smash that button with my forehead.
0:45From the BBC, this is The Interface, the show that explores how tech is rewiring your week and your world. This isn't about quarterly earnings or about tech reviews. It's about what technology is actually doing to your work, your politics, your everyday life, and all the bizarre ways people are using the internet. Listen on BBC.com or wherever you get your podcasts.
1:28lost my appetite. Moments captured which last for a lifetime. Scientists have made the atomic bomb. That sort of flash set on fire the birds and they all fell down without their feathers on. The way was clear for Hitler to realize all his demonic plans. Stories from people with first-hand accounts of events that have shaped our world. At the end Kissinger called me into his office and he said he did a good job. I left the office with tears in my eyes. She called me and told me I'm doing Studio 54. She had already become a star in Paris. She came back a superstar. Listen now. Search for Witness History wherever you get your BBC podcasts.
2:22Hello and welcome to the History Hour with me, Max Pearson, featuring interviews from Witness History on the BBC World Service. This week, how Germany opened its borders to a wave of migration in 2015. Angela Merkel was, of course, talking to some people about this, also the foreign minister, but also the minister for inner affairs. But in the end, I know that none of them expected that. this. Plus the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords to end the Bosnian War. And the US President Ronald Reagan's first meeting with the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev. We don't like their system. They don't like ours.
3:00We're not out to change theirs. I do feel sometimes they're out to change ours. There isn't any reason why we can't coexist in the world. That's all coming up later. But first, we're going to look at a specific moment in the history of Spain. General Francisco Franco died in November 1975, ending 36 years of his dictatorship. The general had been in power since 1939, after winning the country's bloody civil war. In 2015, Luis Hidalgo spoke to José Antonio Martinez Soler, a young journalist at the time of Franco's death, about the end of an era. And I was at the door of the hospital, La Paz, that night, as many nights before, because General Franco, the dictator, was dying, dying, dying, but never died.
3:47So that night, I went after my work to the door of the hospital with some other journalists. We were waiting the big news of the last 40 years in Spain, the death of the dictator. And at two o 'clock in the morning, I was so tired already, and I went home to sleep. And early in the morning, I received a phone call from a colleague saying, he died, he died, he died. So, well, I called my wife, we give a big embrace, and we jump like dancing. Well, the dictator is gone. That was my first reaction. Someone else at the hospital that night was Don Eduardo Fontías Cosaos. He and his family had fled Spain in the 1930s during the Civil War, and they'd settled in Germany.
4:29Now Eduardo had returned, wanting to see for himself that the caudillo, the strong man of Spain, was gone.
4:43It was a typical Madrid night for that time of year, very cold and wintry. There was hardly anyone there. Suddenly we saw lots of unusual activity. There were people going in and out of the hospital, and then we saw a coffin going in, and that's when we knew for sure that he was dead. I felt that was the moment when a period of Spanish history was ending, for good. But the official news of Franco's death came from the Prime Minister at the time, Arias Navarro, with that phrase that's now famous, people of Spain, Franco is dead.
5:30I took my car and I went quickly from my home to the printing plan because we prepared a special edition of the weekly magazine. It was called Doblon. The printing was working, printing all my copies of the magazine. So happy. But when we sent the ten copies that were mandatory to the police, to the censorship, the Ministry of Information, I got a phone call saying, your magazine cannot be distributed. The police is in the printing plant and confiscate all the edition, all the copies. They'd taken offence at a reference to Franco's wife, now widow. José Antonio had to do something quickly to get his magazine released.
6:12A friend had contacts with Franco's nephew. Within hours of the general's death, a meeting had been arranged. So I had lunch with the nephew of the dictator, Nicolás Franco. And he and another friend recommended to me to send a letter to the prince of Spain, who now is the king. But in those days he was the acting chief of the state. Well, so I write a letter, first letter in my life to a royal person. I didn't know how to do that. So I write, Señor, we are young people, Democrats. We want the best future for Spain in freedom and blah, blah, blah. But we are very disappointed that the day that the dictator died, our magazine was confiscated by the police.
6:55We sent this letter through some friends next to the family of the prince. and a few hours later I got a phone call from the assistant to the minister of information okay Jose can you come to the ministry right away I didn't know if I was going to jail I have no idea so they put me into the office of the minister and he received me like saying well son he told me so don't go so fast. The caudillo, the generalissimo, he just died last night. Wait a little. You are going to rule this country, he told me. You and your generation, he meant. You are going to rule this country and you have to be patient.
7:39Now, go to your print plant, you have the permission to distribute your magazine. So that was the first feeling, the day Franco died, that Spain could be a democracy. Two days later, Prince Juan Carlos was sworn in as the King of Spain, while General Franco's body lay in state at the Royal Palace in Madrid, the Palacio de Oriente.
8:13Thousands and thousands of people waited to follow past and see the body. I don't know, maybe 300 ,000, 400 ,000 people waiting in these long queues. It took hours and hours to reach the body, just so they could say a final farewell to General Franco, the Caudilio of Spain, for all those years. And I was among them. I was there. I saw Franco twice in my life. Once, when I was a schoolboy, he came to Saragossa, where I lived. and the other time I saw him was in the Palacio de Oriente when he was dead. And a lot of people were crying as they walked past the coffin. A lot of them gave military salutes or shouted, Viva España, Viva Franco, long live Spain, long live Franco.
9:03The days and weeks that followed General Franco's death were ones of great uncertainty. Remember, I have a reaction of enormous responsibility, saying don't make a mistake. We should be very patient, responsible, and not threatening the rightists to provoke a coup d 'etat or to provoke another civil war. So most people, we want to be very moderate in those days. So I remember when the prince became the king, and the new king gave a good speech saying that will be the monarchy of everybody. I mean, the winner and the loser of the civil war. First time in 40 years that somebody is talking about all the Spaniards, because during 40 years, only the winner were ruling the country.
9:54The loser were prosecuted and with no rights, etc. So I had the feeling that it will be a new era, but we behaved as journalists very, very moderate, and we were really scared. And José Antonio was right to be scared. Franco was dead, but his influence lived on. That same November 1975, José Antonio had begun investigating claims that the new head of the Guardia Civil, Spain's powerful police, was purging liberals. Three months after Franco died, he published, with terrifying consequences. When we published this, the 2nd of March, I was kidnapped by a paramilitary group with machine guns. They burned my face, took me to the mountain.
10:41I was tortured during the whole day. They want to know the source of information. And I say, well, I don't know. In fact, I didn't know my source because it was through phone and with a fake name. So even if I want to tell the real source, I couldn't. I don't know if I was a brave journalist or not because I didn't know. So they break, I mean, some bones. They burned my face. And they did a kind of shooting, you know, like an execution. I was saying, one, two, three, but they didn't chat me. And they left me after eight hours of interrogation and torture in the up of the mountain. And I went down, took some ice and water to wash my face.
11:23It was all blood all over. And then I went to the hospital. I will never forget that day. Shortly afterwards, José Antonio Martínez Soler and his wife fled Spain for America. and he didn't return until a year later, June 1977, arriving back on the eve of the first free general election since the Spanish Civil War, more than 40 years earlier. It was a very emotional day because putting my vote on the ballot, you know, it was like a first communion. I was so happy. Finally I gained a vote, you know, for the first time in my life. José Antonio Martínez Soler was speaking to Luis Hidalgo. As we just heard, the death of Franco in 1975 led Prince Juan Carlos to reclaim the Spanish throne.
12:10Despite being Franco's chosen successor, he defied some expectations and led the country through a transition to democracy. Jane Wilkington tells that story using excerpts from the BBC and TBE documentary Juan Carlos, King of Spain.
12:29cheering crowds acclaims spain's new king juan carlos at ceremonies marking his accession to the throne watched by millions of television viewers king juan carlos and queen sophie celebrated mass among the congregation tens of thousands of spaniards shouting long live the king turned out into madrid's sunlit streets Were you absolutely sure that you wanted the job? You never think of that. I think you are born, you know from what family you are, you know what your duty is, and when duty and patriotism comes along and when it's in the service of your country, I think that any human man who is really honest with himself, I think, would do the same thing if put in my position.
13:16That's Juan Carlos, interviewed for a 1981 TV documentary made just a few years after his accession. The journalist Jack Pizzi is asking the questions and I've been watching to find out how the new king turned a dictatorship into a democracy. Spain's last monarch, Alfonso XIII, had fled the country with his family in 1931, as support grew for the republican cause. And after the Spanish Civil War, a new leader emerged, Francisco Franco. Madrid, the heroic capital of the Spain of yesterday, has surrendered to the forces of General Franco. The gallant people of this shell-torn city have withstood the onslaught of infantry, artillery and bombers.
14:02Now government resistance has ended. It was the start of a 36-year rule of violence and repression. But Franco did not abolish the monarchy. Instead, he brought the young Juan Carlos out of exile and back to Spain. It appeared the general had his eye on a possible successor. I was born in a foreign country in Italy. Then I went to study in Switzerland. Then I came here only with nine years old, my own country. I came like a normal boy, but of course, knowing that I was the grandson of King Alfonso XIII, then I knew my background and the background of my family. Later, Juan Carlos would serve in Spain's army, navy and air force, and marry Sofia, a Greek princess.
14:45This was the man who Franco believed would one day continue his authoritarian, anti-democratic and deeply conservative regime. Juan Carlos has been groomed by the Spanish dictator as his successor for several years. He is always at Franco's right-hand side on state occasions. In 1969, I became Prince of Spain, named by Franco. For Franco, now aged 76, has at last decided to name his successor, an heir to the vacant Spanish throne. Franco's choice is Prince Juan Carlos of Bourbon, the 31-year-old grandson of Spain's last king, Alfonso XIII. Then I realised that someday I could become king. And in his official oath as heir, Juan Carlos swore loyalty to Franco's national movement.
15:33In all those years when you were here under General Franco, how did you get on with him? I must tell you very well. It was a very familiar way of talking to each other and of course he was much older than I was and he used to treat me a little bit like his grandson probably and in the beginning he didn't pay much attention but he was very nice with me and when I married then he was also very nice with the Queen. Batuan Carlos exposes himself to the accusation that he will be no more than a puppet monarch with the present authoritarian system of government firmly in control. Did you discuss the future of Spain together?
16:11Not much but once I asked him and I said why don't you tell me a little bit how you manage the things and how you deal with the different problems and he looked at me and he laughed a little bit and he said why I said well because I'm interested and I'm willing to learn and I want to know how you do it and he said to me it's not interesting for you because when you will have to do it you will have to do it completely in another way that I do it I mean many people will say it's not true and I tell you it's true and this was a real experience for me which I never paid attention and probably only paid attention when I became king.
16:45At five o 'clock this morning, the Spanish Prime Minister went on television to break the news of Franco's death. The general will be buried in the Valley of the Fallen. It's a memorial place to all those who died in the civil war that brought him to power. It was the 20th of November, 1975. Two days later, the new ruler was sworn in as king.
17:17But there were early signs that this leader would not, after all, be following in Franco's footsteps. Since becoming king, one of Juan Carlos' first acts of mercy was to release many prisoners from Spanish jails. Some prisoners awaiting sentence of death have also been saved from execution. In the years that followed, Juan Carlos would appoint a reforming prime minister, encourage the revival of political parties, including the communists, and give amnesty to political prisoners. And then, in 1977, Spain held its first free democratic elections for 41 years. Franco's legacy was being dismantled.
17:59Everyone, or nearly everyone, acknowledges the key role played by the king to move from a dictatorship to a liberal democracy is certainly a test of nerve. And no one has shown a cooler nerve than the king. And the elections have passed off quietly without incident. When I became king, I saw that the people and the Spanish people wanted to go towards democracy. And then my own point of view and their point of view coincide. And then I started to move ahead. And I only made, let's say, the first moves. all the rest was done by the governments. But you admit that you made fundamental moves at the beginning to set things in the direction of democracy?
18:41Well, yes, if you call it like that, yes. The transition wasn't always peaceful. In some parts of Spain, left poverty stricken, after years under Franco, protest and violence erupted. There were three bombs today in Spain. One small one was defused near the home of the communist leader, Santiago Carrillo. two bombs actually exploded outside banks in the north. And they were really the last reminders of the tense atmosphere, including rumours of attempts at a military coup. I think when one has to navigate through difficult waters, one has to do it with the heart, knowing very well what one wants, what the aim is, and where one wants to go.
19:20And if that one can call it an enterprise, in my case I think it's very easy because that enterprise is called Spain. But what of the oath of loyalty Juan Carlos had sworn to Franco in 1969. What's happened since then doesn't seem to square with that. I have been told that a few times but I tell you I was very very sure what I was doing. It was a promise and I accepted those institutions and those laws of that moment under Franco and when I became king the evolution started from those laws because they were done in such a way that they were provided with some mechanism legal mechanism to get more and more towards democratization.
20:03And people now on the far left say that you're too far to the right, people on the far right say that you're too far to the left, that you've betrayed Franco. How do you see yourself? As I haven't done it and as I'm sure about it, then they can say whatever they like. This is looking ahead a long way, I hope. How would you like to be remembered? How would you like to be remembered? I'm being very honest and being myself. I would like to be remembered perhaps as a king who tried to make his duty. Juan Carlos reigned for 39 years before abdicating in favour of his son Felipe. His reputation had been tarnished by links to a corruption investigation and a controversial elephant hunting trip that he took during Spain's financial crisis.
20:47Jane Wilkinson tracing Spain's transition from Franco's dictatorship to democracy in the 1970s. Mercedes Penalba Sotorio is a senior lecturer in modern European history at Manchester Metropolitan University in England, specialising in Spanish history and is with us now. There's a bit of an oddity here, isn't there? Because given that Franco came to power on the back of the Republican cause in the Civil War, why did he want a royal, Prince Carlos, to be his successor? Actually, if you think about who has been supporting Franco during the Civil War and after, it becomes less of an oddity. So Franco has been supported very much by monarchists.
21:26And then you have another big sector, which is the Catholics, the political Catholics, who also look upon the monarchy favorably. Franco was in many ways a very traditional dictator in the sense that maybe before 1945, maybe he toyed with the idea of institutionalizing his regime for after his death. But certainly after 1945, he doesn't, right? Spain is isolated because of his connections to fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. So actually, for Franco's Spain and for Franco himself, establishing that Spain is going to eventually move towards a monarchy with his consent serves to prove internationally that his regime is different.
22:08Did Franco misjudge or underestimate Juan Carlos in the sense of the speed with which he did move Spain towards democracy? I don't think so. I think Franco was always very aware that Juan Carlos would eventually have to face a different situation in his own situation. Juan Carlos himself says in this episode, right, that when he tried to see how Franco was doing things. Franco said, well, why would you will do things your way, right? He knew at different benches how to play his cards. And I think he would have understood that Juan Carlos would face a different context and he might do things differently.
22:42But Juan Carlos himself in his memoirs, which are being published now, he actually has said, Franco never asked me to carry on his regime. What he asked me to do was to maintain the unity of Spain. How fast it was? Yes, it was very fast. You're right. The king was important, but it wasn't fast just because of the king. It was fast because there were reformist groups within Francismo and because the opposition groups actually accepted a negotiation with those reformists. So it's not just due to Juan Carlos, which is key, but it's this whole context that explains the celerity of the transition. And back to that seminal moment, the death of Franco, Given the nature of his dictatorship, which was characterized by suspicion and repression, how surprising was it that so many thousands turned out for his funeral and to see his body lying in state with apparent grief?
23:35Well, I think there's a mixture in there, right? First, you cannot really tell what some people's tears are coming from or are due to, right? So some people were genuinely grieving. Some people think that from the 1950s, living standards actually get better in Spain. If they're not gay, if they're not political, if they're not fighting for workers' rights, if you don't do any of this, you could have a pretty quiet life between the 50s and the 70s, right? Then you have people who genuinely supported him throughout because they embraced the order that he brought against what they interpreted as the chaos of the republic.
24:15And then you have to counter the other part of it, people who knew that this was a historic moment and they wanted to see it. And of course, people who went there to see him to check that he was actually dead. And just looking further afield, by the time of Franco's death in 75, what were Spain's relations internationally like, given that Franco had sided with fascists in Germany and Italy? Spain is isolated after the Second World War. And in the early 50s, things had started changing. In 53, Spain signed economic and defence agreements with the United States, which is pretty important. And then in 55, they rejoined the UN, but they are never allowed to join the early organizations of what will become the European Union or NATO.
25:00The problem is in 73, Luis Carrero Blanco, who was the prime minister at the time and Franco's right-hand man, he gets assassinated. He's assassinated by the vast terrorist organization, ETA. And this changes things. This brings back in full force the repression. So it brings back the same international isolation they had had in the 40s. And it doesn't change until Juan Carlos becomes king and then things start moving towards democracy. That's Mercedes Penelba Sotorio, Senior Lecturer in Modern European History at Manchester Metropolitan. I am Nina Khrushcheva, the great-granddaughter of Nikita Khrushchev, the leader of the Soviet Union in 1962.
25:43And I'm Max Kennedy, the nephew of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. We explore what was a terrifying moment in history. The story of the Cuban Missile Crisis. How close the world came to nuclear war. And what they had to do to pull it back from the brink. The bomb, Kennedy and Khrushchev. All episodes available now, wherever you get your BBC podcasts. If there was a big red button that would just demolish the internet, I would smash that button with my forehead. From the BBC, this is The Interface, the show that explores how tech is rewiring your week and your world. This isn't about quarterly earnings or about tech reviews.
26:25It's about what technology is actually doing to your work, your politics, your everyday life, and all the bizarre ways people are using the internet. Listen on bbc.com or wherever you get your podcasts.
26:44Still to come in the History Hour, the Reagan-Gorbachev-Geneva summit and how the Dayton peace accords to end the war in Bosnia nearly didn't happen. The Americans came to me and said, please, would you be so kind to wake up, Mr Milosevic? Everything's failed. There is no chance that Bosnians is going to sign. But before that, a key moment in the still unfolding story of migration to Europe. In the summer of 2015, driven by war and economic need, hundreds of thousands of people headed for a continent that had enjoyed a period of peace unprecedented in modern times. European leaders were unable to agree on how the refugees should be distributed across European Union states.
Read the full transcript
27:30Then, in August 2015, Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel did something few expected. Social Democrat Aiden Azuz, Germany's immigration and integration minister at the time, has been speaking to Josephine McDermott. The Syrian civil war is displacing millions of people, and there's ongoing violence in Afghanistan and Iraq. People are looking for new lives elsewhere and start arriving in Europe in higher numbers than usual. In 2013, we had the first movements. I said to a journalist, in the end, it will be again a big problem for all people who are migrants or have a migration background in Germany, because every time when people come with a higher number, and at that time we didn't know how high this number would be, in the end, people start to be a little bit hostile, start to reject people.
28:31and politicians start to say things like, you know, every fault is on the migrants. At that time when I said this, one person of my staff said, please don't say this again. And it was weird to me because, you know, I said, but I know this will happen. Aydan's life experience meant she was in a good position to know. She was born in Germany to Turkish parents and was the first person of Turkish origin to hold a top post in the German federal government and the first Muslim. By June 2015, hundreds of thousands of people, mainly Syrians, were being illegally smuggled across the Mediterranean. The BBC's Gabriel Gatehouse reported from a vessel rescuing migrants from overcrowded boats.
29:15Mohamed Mahmoud, a 31-year-old software engineer, has become separated from his wife and three children. They left Libya at the same time, but on a different boat. I don't know where is my wife, I don't know where is my three children. I was thinking all the way. Down below, it was very hard. It was like you cannot breathe. The coastline of Italy comes into view. It's clear this journey has been motivated by a combination of necessity and choice. The push of repression and the pull of prosperity. It's a beautiful level. Beautiful, very beautiful. Look like factories. If there is factories, actually, there is work.
30:01Most migrants were arriving in Turkey having travelled through Balkan countries, waiting there for their chance to get to Greece, the gateway to the rest of the European Union. Angela Merkel asked Aydan to go to meet the Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, with her. She invited me to come to this lunch and I just listened to them. And then Erdogan said to her, well, send me your state minister and I can take a helicopter and show her what is going on in my country and what we are doing and how many tents and whatever we have. And at that time, it was quite clear that Germany and also other countries in the EU really wanted Turkey to hold the refugees there and not let them all pass.
30:49So she went. I went to Kilis, which is a place that my father came from, which is quite at the Syrian border. To Kilis, there were so many people coming. They showed me that, you know, it was almost more people from Syria in Kilis than from Turkey. They showed me all these places, how they helped, you know, and what they did for them and how many tents they had established. But they also wanted help from the EU. The prized place to get to was Northern Europe. But European leaders were unable to agree on how the refugees should be distributed across EU states. Then something out of the blue happened.
31:31Angela Merkel opened the borders. On 21 August 2015, Germany's Federal Office for Migration and Refugees suspended the Dublin Regulation Procedures for Syrian Nationals. That basically meant that Syrians didn't have to apply for asylum in the first EU country they arrived in anymore. In effect, if they could get to Germany, they could apply for asylum there. It blindsided even some ministers. Angela Merkel was, of course, talking to some people about this, also the foreign minister, but also the minister for inner affairs. But in the end, I know that none of them expected this. They were in trouble in the places they were.
32:14They didn't really know what to do. They didn't really know where to put the people, where to bring them, how to really take care of them. My interpretation about thinking this, and this was something that we discussed also, was maybe at this time, Germany, who had started two wars in this continent, should be the country who helps in this very situation and opens its doors. We expected, to be honest, that maybe then others would follow. Do you remember being privy to conversations where there was frustration about other European countries not doing more? Of course, there was. What was really, really frustrating was that we have this EU.
33:04All the countries, they don't move towards a direction like how can we do it better together? It seems to me that every time you have a real problem, every country wants to neglect it or reject it or do it on itself. You know, always like, how can I come out of this best? And this is not what I really understand being the philosophy of a European Union. On the last day of August, the chancellor declared, wir schaffen das. We can do it, interpreted by many as extending open arms to the asylum seekers, a sentence that is politically loaded and debated to this day. I'm simply saying that Germany is a strong country, and the motivation behind our approach must be that we have already achieved so much so we can do it.
34:05We can do it, and where there are issues along the way, they must be overcome and we must work on them. I don't think that she, even in this moment when she said it, it was one sentence. You know, it was a sentence like, oh, people, come on, we can do this. It was, you know, not that sentence, which it became then later on. The world's press were at a Munich train station a few days later when people waited to greet migrants as they arrived.
34:42After two months, the Dublin regulation was reinstated. Angela Merkel didn't receive the level of support she wanted from the rest of the EU. In 2015, Germany registered more asylum seekers than any other nation in Europe, about a million, although at about 1 % of its population, less per capita than several smaller nations such as Sweden. The decisions taken continue to have a political impact, with critics arguing it's led to a rise in the far right. Angela Merkel stepped down as Chancellor in 2021. Josephine McDermott, she was speaking to Aydan Azuz, who's a serving member of the German Bundestag.
35:20That 2015 European migration crisis was just the latest iteration of the ebb and flow of populations displaced by war. Twenty years earlier, in the 1990s, as the former Yugoslavia fell apart, an estimated 100 ,000 people were killed and millions fled their homes. The war in Bosnia came to an end in 1995 with the Dayton Peace Accords. In 2010, Lucy Williamson spoke to Milan Milutinovic from the Serbian delegation about the final 24 hours of negotiations. It's November 1995. Wright-Patterson Air Base, Dayton, Ohio. For three weeks, delegations from the war-torn regions of former Yugoslavia, Bosnian, Croatian and Serb, have been trying to agree a peace deal under the fiery mediation of American negotiator Richard Holbrook.
36:11The end of the conference is approaching. An outline deal is on the table. As the clock moves towards 2am, someone is stirring inside the airbase. The Americans came to me and said, please, would you be so kind to wake up, Mr Milosevic. everything is failed. There is no chance that Bosnians is going to side. Milan Milotinovic was then the Yugoslav foreign minister, his boss Mr Milosevic, the Serbian president. The Americans occupied a strange position, leading the negotiations and militarily involved in the conflict. But weeks of living and negotiating side by side had led to a complex set of personal relationships.
36:55We know each other as friends, so to say, and for us it was really touching. You say they came to you and said, please wake up, Mr Milosevic, it's failed. Is that what you did? Not immediately, that was at 2 o 'clock, and I consulted Mr Bulatovic, who was president of Montenegro in that time, and he said to me, oh, why to wake him up? You will say him tomorrow. And after that, I start to think, you know, that this crisis is too high risk and I said, no, no, no, I'm going to wake him up to call the Americans to come back again and we shall see what shall we do. So I did it. After 15 minutes, I wake him up.
37:46Mr. Milosevic was very upset. He can't believe that such things happened. Starting to shout things that's impossible, are they crazy? We have to do that. At stake was the future of Bosnia. Cracks between its Muslim, Croat and Serb populations had splintered the region, drawing in US and NATO forces. The Dayton Plan divided Bosnia into two new entities, a Muslim-Croat federation and a Serbian republic. To stop the fighting, all sides needed to agree on how to divide up territory and political power. As the delegation scrambled behind the scenes to stop the plan unravelling, US State Department spokesman Nick Burns began to talk down the likelihood of a deal.
38:32We think that an agreement is possible. We think if the parties can work very hard together in a spirit of cooperation, that they ought to be able to do this. But it's not a foregone conclusion and I can't guarantee we're going to get there. Was Mr Holbrook a good negotiator?
39:16will be the sticky points. In the talks that you were party to, were they emotional? Yes, in some moments, of course, especially from the Bosnian Serbs. But according to Milan Milutinovic, President Milosevic decided at the 11th hour to press ahead, with or without his Bosnian and Croatian counterparts. He said in an international negotiation, when the agreement is on the table, it's open for signing, so who wants to sign, he will sign. So we can't go to Belgrade and not sign after so much effort. And so Mr Milotinovic says he was sent to tell the American Secretary of State, Warren Christopher, that the Yugoslav delegation would be signing the agreement unilaterally.
40:02I said, OK, every side could sign when they want and when they're ready. We're ready to sign. It's better that we signed. We can't go back to Belgrade without signing this. Maybe one day Croats and Bosnians are going to sign. And Mr. Warren Christopher asked me, is it true that that is possible? I said, yes, it is possible at this international practice. So he asked Mr. Milosevic whether it is possible that he persuade Mr. Tudjman to sign. and Mr Milosevic said yes I can and they made an early morning appointment let's say 7 or 8 o 'clock in the morning after one hour Mr Milosevic persuaded Mr Tudjman and he said that he's ready to sign What did Mr Milosevic say to Mr Tudjman?
41:00I don't know, I was not present on that meeting because that was a tete-a-tete meeting but of course he said our arguments because we said we shall be guilty side if we don't sign. There was massive international pressure on Croatian President Tudjman to sign the agreement, not least from the Americans, who, in a last-ditch effort to save the talks from collapse, were also homing in on the Bosnian leadership. We delivered that agreement to Mr. Christopher and he said, now it's my job. and they had very long talks with Bosnians at the end. They literally crying, saying, OK, I mean Alija Izetbegovic, and that was the end of the story because everybody was ready, let's say a few hours before, to have a commemoration, a closing session instead of celebration.
41:57The war that's ravaged Bosnia for almost four years is over. This evening, a comprehensive peace agreement has been signed at Dayton in Ohio, bringing to an end the bloodiest conflict in Europe since the Second World War. The deal establishes a single state, with the Muslim Croat Federation controlling 51 % of the territory and the Serbs the remaining 49%. Sarajevo will be unified and there'll be freedom of movement throughout Bosnia. The three Balkan leaders returned as partners to the same room in which exactly three weeks ago, as adversaries, they began what seemed an improbable quest for peace.
42:29They entered one by one, taking their places at a long raised table covered by a red cloth. There were smiles of a kind and handshakes. The mood is very good between us and Americans because we overcome unexpectedly an extremely big obstacle. Let's just cheer you up and, you know, drink champagne in the evening. It's three o 'clock in the morning and we have been happy that we find the window to succeed. In many ways, there was much to celebrate. Dayton brought an end to the fighting in Bosnia and created new political structures to secure it. But the system it put in place is a complex one, forged in a time of conflict, and ethnic tensions still simmer below the surface.
43:20Lucy Williamson was speaking to Milan Milutinovic in 2010. Dayton, in 1995, represented a summit meeting with a single focused purpose. Ten years earlier, in November 1985, there was a much broader agenda when two of the world's most powerful leaders met for the first time. With Cold War tensions running high and the nuclear arms race dominating global politics, the US President Ronald Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev came together at the Geneva summit. Using archive recordings, Megan Jones explores what happened during this landmark meeting. Forty years ago, two of the world's most powerful leaders met for the first time.
44:02US President Ronald Reagan and leader of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev came together at the Geneva summit, a key moment in Cold War diplomacy. I've been working with archive material for this programme, so you'll hear different voices reading Gorbachev's translated words. It's the 19th of November, 1985. The world's media are gathered outside the Villa Fleur d 'O, a historic residence in Versoilles near Geneva in Switzerland, and the venue for the first US-Soviet summit in over six years. Both sides have stressed today that they are in realistic mood. Both of them are looking for positive results.
44:39It's just before 10 o 'clock in the morning, and an apparently bulletproof black limousine pulls up outside. Stepping out into the bitterly cold weather is Mikhail Gorbachev, the newly appointed leader of the Communist Soviet Union, or USSR, dressed in a winter coat and scarf. My colleagues and I arrived in Geneva to discuss issues that are of vital interest to the peoples of the Soviet Union, the American people, and I believe the peoples of Europe, no less, and other continents in the world. Walking down the steps to greet him wearing a suit and tie is US President Ronald Reagan, a committed Republican and anti-communist.
45:21We don't like their system. They don't like ours. We're not out to change theirs. I do feel sometimes they're out to change ours. There isn't any reason why we can't coexist in the world. They shake hands and step inside, marking the start of a diplomatic relationship that would reshape East-West relations over the coming years. The Cold War began soon after World War II, a long rivalry between the Soviet Union and the West. After the US dropped the atomic bomb in 1945, the USSR developed its own by 1949, triggering an arms race. By the early 1960s, tensions were high. President JF Kennedy called for cooperation over confrontation.
46:05It is therefore our intention to challenge the Soviet Union not to an arms race, but to a peace race. In the 1970s, relations briefly improved, a period known as detente. The US and USSR signed a treaty aimed at limiting nuclear weapons. Another agreement followed in 1979, but it stalled soon after. They called on all those in the province who have been for various reasons with anti-government terrorist groups not to lay down their arms and fight against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In response to the Soviet Union invading Afghanistan, the US imposed sanctions, withdrew the treaty and boycotted the 1980 Moscow Olympics.
46:49To ignore the facts of history and the aggressive impulses of an evil empire, to simply call the arms race a giant misunderstanding and thereby remove yourself from the struggle between right and wrong and good and evil. In 1983, Reagan announced the Strategic Defence Initiative, or SDI, a plan to destroy nuclear missiles from space. A non-nuclear strategic defence makes good sense. It's better to protect lives than to avenge them. The media called it... Star Wars. Star Wars. Star Wars. Star Wars. Star Wars. The Soviet Union saw it as a threat, as Gorbachev explains. There are weapons on Earth and beneath the sea.
47:31There are weapons in waves above our heads. You only have to look up. You can imagine so many weapons and rockets that they collide with each other overhead and send bits falling out of the sky. Gorbachev took control of the Soviet Union in March 1985 and introduced reforms called glasnost, which means openness and perestroika, which translates to restructuring. At the funeral of his predecessor, Konstantin Chinyenko, Reagan sent a letter, hand delivered by Vice President George H.W. Bush. You can be assured of my personal commitment to work with you and the rest of the Soviet leadership in serious negotiations.
48:13In that spirit, I would like to invite you to visit me in Washington at your earliest convenient opportunity. As to a venue for the meeting, I thank you for the invitation to visit Washington. but let us agree that we shall return again to the question of the place and time for the meeting. Despite their different views both sides saw the summit as a chance to open dialogue and once Geneva was chosen it could finally begin. President Reagan and First Lady Nancy Reagan arrived by Air Force One greeted by Kurt Furgler, President of the Swiss Confederation. We are honoured that our country has been chosen to be the place of your meeting.
48:52We deem it the token of trust in neutral Switzerland. I'm convinced that American-Soviet relations need a fresh start, a genuine give and take on regional conflicts, on human rights and on the reduction of arms. The private meeting began. Gorbachev wasn't impressed.
49:14The president from the very start started to speak in a kind of lecturing tone, as though I was a suspect or maybe a student. After a frosty start, it warmed up quickly. The first meeting was scheduled for just 15 minutes, but lasted an hour with only the leaders and their interpreters present. Their first agreement announced by a White House spokesman was to impose a complete news blackout until the summit is over. So it could have ended there with silence. But there are things we can talk about, as some details did emerge. They discussed nuclear weapons, human rights, regional conflicts and, reportedly, alien invasions.
49:58They met by fireplaces, shared meals and took turns hosting. And while the talks inside the villa remained off-limits to reporters, there was still plenty for the press to cover. Already emerging as a star of the summit is Raisa Gorbachev, who began the day at a Swiss clock and watch museum and was suitably impressed. It's beautiful. Nancy Reagan was also on public relations duty, but she took the more expensive tour. After that, the Swiss gave her just about all they'd got. Broken legs, rehabilitated drug addicts and an instrument she couldn't get home, even if she wanted it. Once the public appearances were done, it was time for their own meeting.
50:40The media called that the Tea Summit. They both agreed they wanted better understanding. Perhaps they'd visit each other's countries. It was a momentous day, but according to Mrs Reagan, the start was low-key. Mrs Reagan, what did you say to your husband when he went out the door this morning for this rather historic occasion? What were your last words to him? Have a good day. Back inside the villa, the main talks continued. Over two days, Reagan and Gorbachev reportedly spent more than five hours alone. No treaty was signed, but they agreed to expand cultural exchanges and speed up arms control talks.
51:17They also issued a joint statement saying, a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. I leave Geneva today and our fireside summit determined to pursue every opportunity to build a safer world of peace and freedom. There's hard work ahead. We're ready for it. If we really want to succeed in something, then both sides are going to have to do an awful lot of work. In 1986, Reagan and Gorbachev met again in Reykjavik in Iceland. Although torts collapsed over Star Wars, they later signed a treaty to eliminate an entire category of nuclear weapons. Reagan's SDI plan was later dropped before being revived in a different form.
52:02Meanwhile, Gorbachev's reforms reshaped Soviet society. This morning in the Soviet Parliament, a handful of deputies went through the motions of formally voting the Soviet Union out of existence. It was a rather pathetic end for the Parliament, which once saw ferocious debates and Gorbachev glasnost at its best. By 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. The Cold War was over. Megan Jones recalling the 1985 Geneva summit with the help of the BBC archives, the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and other collections. On our website we have an extensive collection of first-hand stories from the history of the Soviet Union, from the Russian Revolution in 1917 through to the collapse of communism.
52:43It's really well worth diving into. It's at bbc.com slash witness history and then look for the collections tab. Finally this week's sporting witness. For this we're going to the heart of one of the many heated controversies to have surrounded the long history of the cricket test matches between England and Australia known as the Ashes. In the 2005 series in England, a substitute fielder grabbed the headlines when he ran out the Australian captain Ricky Ponting. Uma Dereswamy has been hearing from that substitute fielder. My name's Gary Pratt, I'm a substitute fielder in the 2005 Ashes. We'll hear more of Gary in a minute, but first, you need to know the basics.
53:24It's August 2005 and England are playing Australia in the Ashes at home. And in the cricket world, the Ashes are a big deal. The Ashes is still the ultimate. You grew up just observing it, admiring it, and then daring to dream. The butterflies are that much more pronounced. The stakes are that much higher. Convicts versus Mother England, I guess it goes all the way back to that. Australia would rather lose a series to any other team in the world than England. they're properly haters. So you get the idea. England hadn't won it since 1987, so were desperate to prove themselves. But Aussie swagger was real.
54:10This is my third Ashes tour now to England, and every other time I've been here, they've spoken it up 12 months out, saying that they've now got the team to beat us. Ashes is coming home, all that sort of stuff. I'm going to expect to win every Test match we play. Glenn McGrath thinks Australia are going to win 5-0. I personally don't see that, but it's life's about opinions at the moment. It's great to see.
54:38Meanwhile, Gary had been playing county cricket for Durham in North East England when he had been selected to be part of the squad as a substitute fielder, or 12th man. But what did they do? Oh dear. Well, basically, just looking after the players and making sure they have everything they need. Obviously drinks, gloves when they're batting, towels, get stuff ready for them if they need to, help them prepare the best you can, really. You've got to think that everybody that plays for England are also England fans as well. So I guess for me, it was the next best thing to be picked to play was to be still around amongst it in the dressing room and have that opportunity to be 12th man, which in itself was a great honour again.
55:19Whilst the Australians had experience in their squad, England had a lot of new players, some who'd never faced Australia, but they backed themselves to beat them. There were a lot of big characters in that dressing room and I think they mainly knew that this was their time to beat the Aussies really. Everybody was hitting the peak, playing really well. Obviously Michael Vaughan as captain, great captain, such an aura around the dressing room. He spoke and everybody listened. I think everybody had confidence in themselves and their own ability and they actually believed that they could go out there and beat them and express themselves, which they were going to have to, to win that series because obviously Australia were a fantastic team, some of them coming to the end of their careers, but yeah, it was always going to be a tough series to win.
56:02So let's get back to the action. It's day three of the fourth test and it was slightly warmer than normal for an English summer and the batting conditions were good. The two Australian batsmen, Ricky Ponting and Damian Martin, look to be in a position to chase down England's run total. Simon Jones, one of England's best bowlers in the series so far, hurts his ankle and goes off the field to get some treatment. This is Gary's moment. From a selfish point of view, you kind of want to get on the field and try and make an impact as such, just want to touch the ball and just take some of that atmosphere in.
56:38And unfortunately, obviously Simon Jones was injured. Then I got my chance to go on and field for a session, which was great. Michael Vaughan just came up and said, look, you're coming out with us for the last session. and that was as complicated as it needed to be really. Nothing more than that. It was great when somebody comes up and says, right, you're coming out there to field in the last session in an Ashes Test match. I mean, what isn't to love about it? So you just have to take it all in and really enjoy it, which I did. Now, I'll be honest. If this was a big-budget TV documentary, I would have paid for the rights for us all to hear what happened next.
57:16But it isn't, and I haven't. Instead, let's hear Gary watching it all back on his phone and describing it to me. Let's go. I'll just get this loaded up here. Oh, sorry about that. How many times do you watch it? Oh, very rarely. Really? Yeah. Oh, Gary, come on. Very rarely. I've seen it a few times. He's too modest. Yeah, so basically just a good ball from Fred and dropped into the offside, just ran round. And Damien Martin should be getting all the blame for you rather than me getting all the praise. Yeah, it was just a textbook pick up and throw really and hit the base of the stumps. I didn't really know at the time if it was 100 % out.
57:57All the lads kind of thought it was 100 % out, but until they came up on the big screen and said it was out, then that was good. Before he was run out, Ponting was on 48 and looked like he could go on to make a big score. Gary's instinctive action stopped all that and it was the turning point of the game. I mean, it was like euphoria, just the crowd went wild, the lads were wild, and yeah, it was a pretty big moment in the game, because obviously Ricky's a fantastic player, world-class player. To get him run out in a big game like that when he was set is pretty special, really. It's a massive boost for everybody.
58:36He was the glue that was just holding them together, really. Obviously Ricky was walking off and there was a few choice words said with obviously disagreeing with substitute fielders. Then the guys kind of knew that it was different, there was something different about the whole situation and they'd never seen him react like that and they really thought that they got under the skin of the Aussies. So absolutely great for me, great for the guys. Obviously Ricky won't think the same but it's history now. The reason why Ricky Ponting was so incensed and shouting at the England team as he walked off was because he was run out by a substitute fielder, something the Aussies didn't agree should be used.
59:12They felt it was unfair that bowlers could come off for a rest, England would put on another fielder, in this case Gary, and once the bowler was rested, they could come back on and Gary would go back to the dressing room. Live news, live sport. This is BBC Radio 5 Live. The Aussie captain Ricky Ponting apologised for a verbal outburst in the direction of the England dressing room after he'd been run out by Durham's Gary Pratt for 48. Ponting said, My frustration was compounded by the fact that I was run out by a sub-fielder, an issue that has concerned us and one we raised before the series. But the England coach, Duncan Fletcher, has little sympathy.
59:49I mean, that's up to them how they think about it. You know, in today's game, the guys are told to drink a lot of liquid. You see them people running around in the water at some stage, you've got to go off the field. In this case, it's a classic example where Simon Jones was sitting with his leg in an ice boot to protect it. we needed someone out there and if you hit a ball straight to cover you expect to get run out if you're taking a high risk single. I do get where Ricky was coming from with regards bringing a substitute on for a baller to go and get a shower and get freshened up which was at the time within the laws of the game so nothing really could be done maybe a little bit ungentlemanly but it is what it is.
1:00:24That one occasion where it really kicked off with Ricky and obviously the whole run out situation wasn't the kind of best timing because obviously Simon was in hospital and he hasn't played since so it was a genuine injury which obviously even nowadays you can have a substitute fielder for a genuine injury. Despite his apology Ricky Ponting was fined 75 % of his match fee for the outburst. England went on to win the Ashes and as is tradition both teams gathered in the winner's dressing room at the end of the final match. Yeah there's no hard feelings whatsoever I mean it's just it's sport at the end of the day I mean I had a chat with Ricky after the series finished and just ended up sitting in his seat in the dressing room at the Oval and then we just sat there and had a beer and yeah there's no hard feeling whatsoever he just kind of smiled and shook my hand really it wasn't really I don't think you really want to bring it up that much but I was kind of sat in his seat and I just kind of asked him if I could have a couple of pairs of his boots really I don't think he came and said oh do you want these it was just like a matter of me said oh what you do with these boots and he just said oh you can take them if you want them so because all the guys always leave all the kit behind after a long tour it's not really worth to take him back home with them.
1:01:32So, yeah, I just managed to get a couple of Fruhevies boots, which was a good memento, really. They were pretty original, though, because obviously they had nice-ass boots with punter, his nickname on them, and I got them signed, and it was quite nice. Gary Pratt, who now works in a cricket shop in County Durham, was speaking to Uma Dereswamy and remembering the moment in 2005 that he arguably changed the course of Ash's Test Match cricket history. That's it for this edition of the History Hour. We'll be back with more first-hand stories from the past for you next week. So until then, this is Max Pearson.
1:02:06From all of us here, thank you for listening. Goodbye. From the pioneers. We weren't going to ask mission. We were just going to do it. And the celebrations. You feel you have, you win. I feel it. I was first. I was first. We were so proud of ourselves. And Cameron was proud of us too. I still cannot believe it. It was such an amazing feeling. It was incredible. To the humiliations. I did cry most of the half. Oh man, I'm failing. I'm failing this sport that I love. Sporting Witness takes you to the events that have shaped the sports world through the eyes of the people who were there. It's not just about the sport.
1:02:47It's about all the other things that people with disabilities learn from each other. For nine minutes, you become a fan in the stands as we take you back in time to examine memorable moments from all over the world. There's a magic during those moments that carries your soul. We were truly blessed to be a part of history. Sporting Witness. Subscribe wherever you get your BBC podcasts.
1:03:12I am Nina Khrushcheva, the great-granddaughter of Nikita Khrushchev, the leader of the Soviet Union in 1962. And I'm Max Kennedy, the nephew of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. We explore what was a terrifying moment in history. The story of the Cuban Missile Crisis. How close the world came to nuclear war. And what they had to do to pull it back from the brink. The bomb, Kennedy and Khrushchev. All episodes available now, wherever you get your BBC podcasts. If there was a big red button that would just demolish the Internet, I would smash that button with my forehead. From the BBC, this is The Interface, the show that explores how tech is rewiring your week and your world.
1:03:57This isn't about quarterly earnings or about tech reviews. It's about what technology is actually doing to your work, your politics, your everyday life. And all the bizarre ways people are using the internet. Listen on bbc.com or wherever you get your podcasts.
From the publisher
Max Pearson presents a collection of the week's Witness History interviews from the BBC World Service. Our guest is Mercedes Peñalba- Sotorrío, a senior lecturer in modern European history at Manchester Metropolitan University, England.
We start with the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 ending 36 years of dictatorship over Spain.
Then, we use archive to hear how King Juan Carlos reclaimed the Spanish throne in 1975 and led the country to a democracy. This episode was made in collaboration with BBC Archives.
We hear from a Social Democrat politician about Chancellor Angela Merkel's decision to suspend asylum rules for Syrians fleeing war in 2015.
How the Bosnian war ended with the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995.
Next, how a substitute fielder ran out the Australian captain in the fourth test of the 2005 Ashes, turning the game in England's favour.
Finally, we use archive to hear about cold war diplomacy in the Geneva summit in 1985.
Contributors:
José Antonio Martínez Soler - a journalist.
King Juan Carlos - the former King of Spain (from archive).
Aydan Özoğuz - a Social Democrat politician and former minister of state for immigration.
Milan Milutinović - a negotiator in the Dayton Peace Accords.
Gary Pratt - a fielder in the England cricket team in the 2005 Ashes series.
Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev - The former US President and former Soviet leader (from archive).
(Image: King Juan Carlos, 1975. Credit: Jacques Pavlovsky/Sygma via Getty images)
