The Right Is Rethinking MAGA. The Left Is Rethinking ‘Woke.’

22 Aug 2026 · 43 min · 22 chapters

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In short

The episode argues both parties are redefining themselves after midterms: Republicans are split over a post-Trump future (authoritarian-statist vs pre-Trump limited-government conservatism), while Democrats face internal conflict over “woke” and whether to distance from “woke one” cultural excesses.

Guests

Michelle Cottle (NYT Opinion national politics host). David French (conservative writer; discusses GOP factions and J.D. Vance/Brian Kemp). Jamel Bowie (younger commentator; focuses on “woke” terminology origins and progressive strategy).

Key claims

Trump didn’t replace GOP ideology; he “nuked” it and left “whatever Trump wants.” Vance offers a coherent but statist, authoritarian, faith-driven project; Vance’s opportunism may hurt electability in 2028. Kemp is portrayed as the most viable general-election candidate and a check on statism. On the left, “woke” is rooted in Black vernacular, but “woke one” became symbolic outbidding and social-media pile-ons; inflation, not anti-woke backlash, is said to explain 2024.

Notable examples

J.D. Vance’s “friend-enemy” politics; Kemp upholding Georgia’s 2020 election and governing seriously (“Mississippi miracle”/state-level governance). AOC “woke one” viral clip; campus grassroots censorship (2014–2015); black-square symbolism; DEI polling; Democrats’ “pack the Supreme Court” as an “easy applause line.”

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

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The Future of the GOP Post-Trump

0:00 to 0:25

Discussion about the identity crisis within the Republican Party.

“After my session and talking to my therapist and really feeling seen and heard for the first time, I just felt like a weight just was lifted off of my shoulders.”

The Future of the GOP Post-Trump

0:51 to 1:40

Discussion about the identity crisis within the Republican Party.

“And what we've seen so far is that both parties are wrestling with who represents their future.”

J.D. Vance's Vision for the GOP

1:40 to 3:05

An analysis of J.D. Vance's authoritarian approach to conservatism.

“So start us off by talking about what the vice president's vision would be for a post-Trump GOP, but then also how that compares to some of the other top contenders.”

Brian Kemp's Conservative Challenge

3:05 to 6:28

Exploring Brian Kemp's stance as a traditional conservative against Trumpism.

“So what that's done is it's left kind of punted the argument over the identity of the GOP until that time in which Donald Trump's desires will not be front and center.”

Vance's Political Transformation

6:28 to 8:54

Examining how J.D. Vance has shifted his political stance over time.

“Vance presents himself as someone who is a deep thinker and has this coherent vision of what he wants the American nation to be.”

Potential Candidates for 2028

8:54 to 13:20

Discussion on who may run for presidency in the 2028 election from the GOP.

“If I were Brian Kemp and I thought 2028 was going to look anything like this year, I'd sit it out.”

Current Republican Electorate Sentiment

13:20 to 14:00

Analyzing voter sentiment within the Republican electorate ahead of the midterms.

“I think we could expect some people like Ted Cruz to run, maybe Hawley to run.”

The Trump Family's Financial Success

14:00 to 15:10

Discussion on the financial benefits the Trump family gains from political connections.

“The Trump family has been doing very, very, very well financially by being in the Oval Office.”

Republican Primary Dynamics

15:10 to 17:50

Analysis of the current state of the Republican electorate and Trump's influence.

“So something is happening here where the grip is in some places and at some points is slipping.”

A Call to Subscribe

17:50 to 18:31

Encouragement for listeners to subscribe to The Times for more content.

“I think team sports in politics in Washington has just made it such that it's not about governing or about competence so much.”
Show all 22 chapters

Democratic Wins and Wokeism

18:31 to 20:05

Overview of the recent win by the left wing in Florida and the emerging woke controversy.

“You can now explore the Times for free without paywalls during your first month on the New York Times app.”

Understanding Woke Culture

20:05 to 23:11

Exploration of the term 'woke' and its historical context and evolution.

“be aware of the ways that this society is not built for you.”

Critique of Cultural Revolution Claims

23:11 to 24:46

Examination of the claims regarding the excesses of woke culture and their societal impact.

“It is not accurate to describe this as anything like a cultural revolution.”

Consequences of Woke Culture

24:46 to 28:01

Discussion on the implications of the backlash against woke culture and its political ramifications.

“who were like told they were the problem, just generally speaking.”

The Impact of Wokeness on Politics

28:01 to 29:13

Explore how the concept of wokeness has influenced political outcomes, particularly in the 2020 elections.

“I might be subject to public shame campaigns.”

Personal Experiences with Public Shaming

29:14 to 31:00

Discussion on personal experiences with public shaming and the broader implications of social media's role.

“And now I say I don't I say that specifically about Donald Trump.”

Critique of Wokeness and Its Effects

31:01 to 33:20

Analyzing the shortcomings of wokeness and its failure to produce tangible social change.

“I'm just not certain that one can say, you know, this thing that we call woke was responsible for all of this.”

Cultural Politics vs. Material Issues

33:21 to 36:24

Examining how cultural politics overshadow material issues within progressive strategies.

“is, you know, the people who are looking for change, they attack the people who they think are the problem.”

The Nature of Woke 2.0

36:25 to 37:58

Understanding the emergence of 'Woke 2.0' and its implications for political discourse.

“Well, one thing I'm interested in is calling woke one crazy pretty much assumes there's a woke two on the horizon.”

Recommendations for Further Reading and Viewing

37:59 to 42:02

Hosts share their recommendations for books and shows that offer insightful perspectives on current events.

“OK, we're going to we're going to switch to lighter fare.”

Multimedia Recommendations for Understanding Roy Cohn

42:02 to 42:37

Discover insightful multimedia recommendations to deepen your understanding of Roy Cohn's impact.

“It is not going to serve as a doorstop in the house, but it is a compelling read.”

Closing Thoughts and Future Discussions

42:38 to 43:02

Reflect on the conversation and consider potential future discussions on 'woke'.

“Although I do think we're going to have to like do a return to woke part two, something in the future.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00Michelle Cottle:A BetterHelp ad.

0:01Jamelle Bouie:After my session and talking to my therapist and really feeling seen and heard for the first time, I just felt like a weight just was lifted off of my shoulders. And I felt like it was a good match from the first time we talked. I could tell people from lived experience that they should try therapy. I could really be myself again. And I have this continued support with BetterHelp.

0:23Michelle Cottle:Wherever you are, that's where BetterHelp begins. Visit BetterHelp.com slash New York Times to get started.

0:30Jamelle Bouie:Paid testimonials. Results may vary. If you're watching this or listening to it, you're politics sicko too, hate to tell you.

0:41David French:I am Michelle Cottle. I cover national politics for New York Times Opinion. This week I'm here with my co-conspirators, David French and Jamel Bowie. And we are all with the rest of America coming up on the end of the midterm primary season in just a few weeks. and what a ride it has been. And what we've seen so far is that both parties are wrestling with who represents their future. So before we figure out who inherits the conservative mantle from Donald Trump, the GOP is going to have to decide what conservatism is going forward, while the Dems need to decide who they are and what they stand for.

1:22David French:So I want to dive in first, because they are in charge with the Republican Party. David, there's going to be a new president-elect in 2028. J.D. Vance really wants to be that guy, and he is considered a top contender. So start us off by talking about what the vice president's vision would be for a post-Trump GOP, but then also how that compares to some of the other top contenders. I want to get a sense of the competing factions we're looking at. Yeah.

1:54Michelle Cottle:So before we can talk about the factions, we kind of got to set the stage about sort of what is the Republican Party now. And a lot of people, so for example, in the J.D. Vance faction, want to say that the Republican Party has just changed fundamentally, ideologically, almost down to its DNA level, to a sort of much more authoritarian statist project that J.D. Vance represents. And then a lot of other people, such as, say, a Brian Kemp out of Georgia, would say, no, the GOP is still a party and has millions and millions and millions of voters who are still sort of old school normie Republicans.

2:30Michelle Cottle:They are more interested in limited government. They're more interested in the classic three legs of the Reagan stool, limited government, strong national defense with international alliances, social conservatism, and that the status authoritarianism of J.D. Vance, that's not who we really are. And the problem is what Trump did is not really replace one GOP ideology with another. It's like he took the GOP ideology that existed around 2015, nuked it from orbit and sort of then turned the glowing ruins into nothing but his impulses and desires. So conservatism over time became, well, whatever Donald Trump wants to do.

3:10Michelle Cottle:So what that's done is it's left kind of punted the argument over the identity of the GOP until that time in which Donald Trump's desires will not be front and center. And J.D. Vance really is the only one stepping forward with a truly coherent ideological project. and if you've been tracking him over the years, he very much has a friend-enemy distinction about how politics are done. My friends are to be rewarded. My enemies are to be punished. And it's very statist. It's very authoritarian. And it's very much rejects traditional sort of GOP push towards more economic freedom. And what he essentially says is economic freedom is personified by like a Milton Friedman.

3:56Michelle Cottle:And I wrote about this for my newsletter. That is for a more Christian country. That is for a country where the citizens are sort of more Christian, more self-disciplined, like they were in, don't laugh, guys, the 1980s. The 1980s. So Friedmanism might have worked. Now, Jamel, you're a little younger than us, but Michelle, I know you remember the 1980s, that festival of Christianity. That's what I think of it as, a time of... Nothing but revival, sweeping the land, you know, wild stuff. But reality, there is an actual philosophical argument here. And the actual philosophical argument is, in essence, you know, for lack of a better terms, is we had freedom.

4:43Michelle Cottle:There was an argument when freedom might have made sense, when we had strong institutional Christian barriers to libertine behavior. but now we're kind of going to hell. And so we need a firmer hand. There has to be a firmer economic hand. And he's volunteering to be that economic hand. He has volunteered his tribute, Michelle. He has volunteered his tribute. And that firm economic hand is a very powerful cultural component to it. It's sort of designed to order and shape an economy with far less emphasis on, for example, both parents working. And I think if anyone is sort of stepping forward early on to take that on, it would be a Brian Kemp of Georgia, who has a little bit of that kind of Trumpian swagger to him in some ways, but he's ideologically a pre-Trump conservative and is a unicorn in the Republican Party.

5:38Michelle Cottle:He has confronted Donald Trump and survived. He confronted Trump after the 2020 election. He faced a primary after the 2020 election, where he upheld the Georgia election results. He won convincingly. So he's one of the few. He's one of the few that actually has an independent voice. He's already starting to raise it to object to some of this move towards more statism, more authoritarianism. And that's going to be the lay of the land. You're going to see an attempted comeback by people who are more in my line of the ideological conservative world. That's never all the way coming back, but the battle lines are drawn.

6:17Michelle Cottle:And a lot is going to depend on how popular Trump is after the midterms. Who does he try to anoint as his successor? But I think we can see where this is headed.

6:27Jamelle Bouie:I think that's a pretty good lay of the land by David. I'll just comment real quick on Vance. Vance presents himself as someone who is a deep thinker and has this coherent vision of what he wants the American nation to be. And David's right. It is statist and authoritarian. It seems to have explicit contempt for longstanding and traditional American values. See how he talks about the Declaration of Independence. See how he talks about notions of creedal nationalism. But the point I want to make, and our colleague Tom Edsel made this several weeks ago, is that not 10 years ago, not 10 years ago, J.D.

7:07Jamelle Bouie:Vance was a Trump critic, right? Like not five years ago, J.D. Vance was a conservative Republican who was like Trump curious, but like not entirely on board, right? This is a guy who will transform and contort himself into whatever form he thinks is necessary to advance himself politically. I think, I think the record shows that the only thing J.D. Vance actually believes in is what can get J.D. Vance closer to the presidency. And so I would just say that whatever form he takes in 2028 is going to be like highly responsive to the particulars of what's going on in the Republican Party in 2028.

7:49Jamelle Bouie:And this to me is actually his weakness. One of the interesting things about Vance as a figure in public opinion is that the more people get to know him, the more they don't like him very much. Obviously, I don't like the guy. But if I put on my objective little FDR hat and talk about it and think about it, what I think is that that sense that this is someone who can't even feign belief in anything than his own will to power, it turns people off. People notice it. People know when someone is just saying whatever they need to say to you to win. And in a heavily favorable partisan environment, that's fine.

8:31Jamelle Bouie:But in what are likely to be the 2028 conditions, which are maybe a sluggish economy, maybe even an economy in downturn, potentially international chaos, then J.D. Vance is not favored to win a general election. And I'm not sure his bag of tricks is going to be all that useful. And the last thing I'll say is if conditions do look that bad, I agree with David that like Brian Kemp is probably the single best in terms of like just can this guy win a general election candidate on the board, like unquestionably. If I were Brian Kemp and I thought 2028 was going to look anything like this year, I'd sit it out.

9:15Jamelle Bouie:Let Vance and Rubio get the poison chalice and go down and fire. And then I come back four years as this emissary from the pre-Trump GOP.

9:27David French:Vance, I have always thought, lacks the charisma or fundamental likability to take over the Trump mantle, which is a cult of personality. he strikes me a little bit like Ron DeSantis who everybody was so fired up about because oh my god he's the smarter non-crazy Trump yeah but that smile and that just general creepiness on the

9:52Jamelle Bouie:trail was never gonna go you know not to interrupt but there is that famous picture from 2022 I think of like DeSantis and Biden in like the same frame and Biden's like chatting it up with this guy looking really kind of Biden-y and DeSantis looks like Charlie Brown and it's like yeah that guy That guy can't win a primary.

10:09David French:He'd need like a serious glow up. Just some basic lessons on how to look human. But everybody's going to pile in. Who do you see maybe as having the potential to pick up the Trump mantle, but not have J.D. Vance's crippling charisma problems?

10:33Michelle Cottle:That's a great question. I mean, look, before we just write off J.D. Vance as having a crippling charisma problem, I think he has more charisma than Ron DeSantis. Low bar, low bar. But I also think that J.D. Vance—

10:47Jamelle Bouie:I can run faster than a baby, you know?

10:51Michelle Cottle:I think J.D. Vance is more shrewd in some ways in that he's also, like Ron DeSantis, too, online. But unlike Ron DeSantis, I think he speaks the language of faith more fluently than DeSantis does. And critically, I think he's better at whipping up religious fervor against his enemies. And if you've carefully looked at the numbers from 2024, I mean, a couple of numbers stand out. One is white evangelical votes in favor of Trump. If you've got up to 30 percent of the country that's going to go for you by this more than 80 % rate. You have to fight Cratchit's claw to get 40, only 40 % of the rest.

11:33Michelle Cottle:So J.D. Vance has a very, very intentional message to this community. He is very much wrapping it around faith. And I think the next, to answer the actual question, Michelle, look, you're seeing battle lines being drawn internally within the conservative sort of the MAGA movement between Rubio and Vance. and it's entirely possible that Rubio, that this could be the contest. But to Jamel's point, I'm also seeing a lot of people telling Rubio, run in 2032, run in 2032, because they're sort of thinking of this more like the McCain-Obama election, that this is the election where the Republicans are essentially, whether they like it or not, want to or not, or believe it or not, are going to be offering up a sacrificial lamb to a Democratic nominee.

12:24Michelle Cottle:I think that's way premature to say, but if the fundamentals continue where they are, there's some real validity to the idea that J.D. Vance may end up taking on the B team rather than the A team in 2028.

12:40Jamelle Bouie:It's funny. If I were Kemp precisely because of my relationship to Trump, I'd stay out of it. If I were Rubio, I would go for it. I think this is probably Rubio's last chance. So if I were Rubio, I'd be like, this is the iron's hot now. Because after four, like Rubio is very much of like his, he was hottest, so to speak, in the 2016 cycle. And that was a disaster for him. And he now is, you know, he might walk away from the Trump administration to be like the least compromised of the people involved. And I, you know, you can't predict who's going to rise in four years. And so I think for him specifically, 2028 is probably the best year for him.

13:25Jamelle Bouie:I think we could expect some people like Ted Cruz to run, maybe Hawley to run. Absolutely. You know, but the people I feel like would be serious national contenders, again, Kemp, Spencer Cox in Utah, I think will probably sit it out. Nikki Haley will probably sit it out, right? Like anyone who kind of has always been on the Trump skeptical side of things, I think he's going to sit it out. So there's a name not mentioned.

13:52Michelle Cottle:The Dauphin, the Prince of Wales, Donald Trump Jr. Oh, Trump Jr. Yeah. I have heard no real rumblings in this direction, but it would not surprise me at all for this reason. The Trump family has been doing very, very, very well financially by being in the Oval Office. And so, you know, if a Trump is not in the White House, the gravy train is almost certainly going to end, at least to the degree that exists right now. So, you know, I would not be shocked if he enters the fray.

14:28David French:So, like, obviously, until we even see what happens in the midterms, we don't have a real sense of how tired people are or how much they're looking to punish the president's party. From the primary results so far, are you getting any sense of where the Republican electorate is, David? I mean, whether they're feeling still very MAGA-y or?

14:53Michelle Cottle:Well, look, it's a mixed bag, which is actually, from my standpoint of somebody who's long wanted Trump's influence to diminish in the GOP, is progress. So he has had some very notable successes, but many of his endorsed candidates have lost, especially of late. So he's about to hit a point where he's had more losses of endorsed candidates than I believe he's already passed any cycle or perhaps approaching any cycle and might be approaching like the previous couple of cycles combined. So something is happening here where the grip is in some places and at some points is slipping. But but it's still the case.

15:36Michelle Cottle:It is still the case that is extraordinarily dangerous to confront him politically on the right, which is why, you know, a lot of that post Trump answers keep circling back to Brian Kemp, somebody who has confronted Trump and has proven popular with Republican primary voters still.

15:52David French:Jamel, is there anything giving you optimism from the from the primary results on the R side?

15:57Jamelle Bouie:On the R side. I mean, not really.

16:07Jamelle Bouie:okay moving right along yeah it's not as if it's not as if no no one even even though trump even the trump endorseee is lost there's still plenty of people who represent the same kind of like you know fundamental politics of grievance disinterest and governing i mean that's that's Honestly, that's if I could get. Republicans who just cared about managing the government in a competent way, that would fill me with optimism. But like there's no there's no there's no indication that that's a priority for Republican voters. So, you know, yeah.

16:51Michelle Cottle:Well, let me let me stick up a little bit for some Republican voters here. I think at the state level, you still will see at the state level, for example, something that our colleague Nick Christoff has written about multiple times, and rightfully so, the Mississippi miracle in reading, for example, has been a product of state -level Republican innovation. Brian Kemp has been, he governs like a serious person. He has done a lot of things in Georgia that are serious governing things. the national party is a joke at this point. I mean, it's absurd. It's like watching WrestleMania sometimes. It's just absurd.

17:32Michelle Cottle:But I will say, and state after state across the country, there are still serious people doing serious things. And I look forward to the day, hopefully, when those serious people who have been doing serious things actually become part of the national conversation.

17:49David French:this is why I'm always biased toward governor candidates running for president, in part because I think team sports in politics in Washington has just made it such that it's not about governing or about competence so much. And I'm always like, if you're a governor, you've got a better story. You tend to have a better record of getting stuff done. You actually have to deliver for your constituents, but that's on both teams. So, you know, but that's just my personal bias. Okay. So before we pivot, before we pivot to the Dems, I feel it's, I got to do a PSA here. If you're not a subscriber, we have some news for you.

18:31David French:You can now explore the Times for free without paywalls during your first month on the New York Times app. You'll get access to the entire back catalog of our fantastic show, along with the rest of the Times' fantastic podcasts. So with that, let's move on to the Democrats. This Tuesday in Florida, the left wing of the party scored another win when State Representative Angie Nixon, a Democratic socialist, defeated her moderate opponent, Alexander Bindman, in the Senate primary. He had a lot more money than she did, the backing of the establishment. But while the party's left wing is surging in some places like New York and Michigan, it's also struggled in others.

19:14And now there's also this kind of

Read the full transcript

19:17David French:kerfuffle among progressives with this new reassessment of wokeism, which has sprung up in part because there's this viral clip making the rounds of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez distancing experiencing herself from what has been dubbed woke one. So Jamal, for people less tragically online than we are, you want to just give us a quick explanation of this woke one controversy?

19:47Jamelle Bouie:Sure. Before I do, I do want to say two things just to establish them right now and kind of to say where I stand on some of this stuff. The first thing is woke is a term that comes from African-American vernacular. It has its origins in the 1930s and it has traditionally meant something along the lines of, be aware of the ways that this society is not built for you. Be aware of the ways that you may face disadvantage and oppression in the society. Again, this is a term that emerges in black vernacular in the 1930s. and that is as far as i'm concerned what the term means and the you are exactly one of about 20 people who think that's what i know i mean i i think a lot of historical i always love the

20:41David French:historical reference but that ain't where it's gone i think a lot of black americans would agree

20:46Jamelle Bouie:with me on this point i'll say that i think among commentators sure not very many people agree with

20:52David French:me among the people for whom the term no no no you can't pull that as a split between commentators yes i yes i'm half of america has decided what woke is and it's among black americans it still means what i just said so but beyond the commentators and there's plenty of folks who have decided something very different i just want to put that out there that's the first thing

21:15Jamelle Bouie:I want to say. The second thing is that irrespective of what you think of all this, all of this stuff emerged in response to actual problems in the society. I want to make that clear, right? This emerges because people saw real injustice and had a strong reaction to it. Okay. So what is Alexandra Cotter-Cortez talking about? I think I read her as talking about a response to kind of like the hyper-academic, jargony, you know, in the case of Francesca Hong, maybe we shouldn't have Thanksgiving, like that kind of stuff that you saw. I would say you saw principally online, the kind of outbidding, people trying to outbid each other in their cultural radicalism in this 2020, 2021 period.

22:08Jamelle Bouie:I think that's what she's referring to when she says woke one. And to the extent that that is, you know, a thing, I think it's entirely appropriate to say, yeah, don't that stuff is silly. Right. There's a lot of litigation right now of what the 2020 2021 period was to begin with. and I would describe the two sides as well-meaning but some a lot of silly stuff happened versus there was like a mini cultural revolution that happened that harmed real people uh and

22:48David French:people who got pushed out of jobs of course right that's what I mean that harmed real people

22:53Jamelle Bouie:and I I'm gonna I'm gonna see you didn't ask me to editorialize but I will editorialize a little bit. I think that were there people who got unfairly pushed out of jobs? Yes. I still think, even with that, that we need to be careful about describing this. Not even need to be careful. It is not accurate to describe this as anything like a cultural revolution. But even when you look at people who received unfair treatment, you have to ask yourself as well, were their lives irreparably harmed here? And as unfair as some of the treatment was, we're not, this wasn't a HUAC. There wasn't a HUAC. There wasn't a blacklist.

23:37David French:And by HUAC, you mean the House Un-American Activities Committee?

23:41Jamelle Bouie:Yes. And I, you know, I have a real frustration with the way that no one can seem to talk about this with any kind of, not context, but like perspective here. And I have a real frustration, you know, with this conversation in this moment when, you know, the current government was literally sending people to foreign prisons. You know, Americans are literally being deported from the country, legal permanent residents. And so to, from like, from where I sit now, to observe this conversation about the excesses of wokeness while there's a government that that has murdered people on the street and isn't even investigating the deaths there is no investigation the death of renee good by the federal government that's that's a thing that's happening you know my guess is that

24:35David French:you then completely reject the idea that we wound up with this wretched administration in part because the backlash to the excesses of woke, especially alienating young men who were like told they were the problem, just generally speaking.

24:54Jamelle Bouie:I completely reject that for like simple reasons of like linear time that like this administration was elected in 2024. At peak woke, when like Nancy Pelosi was wearing Kente cloth, Democrats won a trifecta, right? At the aftermath -

25:10David French:idea of a delay.

25:12Jamelle Bouie:I reject the idea of a delay. Yeah. I think that if you look at the 2024 election and you ask yourself, why did Trump, why did Trump win? The very obvious answer is he won because inflation was high and people didn't like it. And people backfield a lot of cultural reasons. They wanted to read the election as a big cultural backlash against woke. But then if that were the case, why is it that in March of 2025, when they're polling on DEI, public support for DEI still remains pretty high? Like, why is it that all of the public opinion indicators that you would expect to demonstrate a mass public backlash against woke aren't there, but people are mad about inflation and that directly tracks the president's declining approval, right?

26:00Jamelle Bouie:Like, The actual both timeline and what we're witnessing suggests that, no, 2024 wasn't a big backlash against some woke cultural revolution. It was a narrow election because of inflation. It was 1980 more than anything else.

26:18David French:David, I'm going to get you in here. The one thing I just wanted to say, the Democratic brand is toxic in part because they're seen as weak, woke and whiny. Talking to voters, especially outside of urban enclaves, you get this like they don't care about me. They care about their individual bespoke identities and their, you know, that sort of thing. So that's a piece of it. But David, like you've been sitting there patient long enough. Please.

26:48Michelle Cottle:I think, you know, look, I date woke one much earlier. So, for example, if you look at what was happening on campus, there was actually a pretty clear, sharp break by around 2014, 2015, when the nature of censorship on campus, which is something that I'd been working on for a very long time, switched from predominantly top down, where it might be a dean of students or an administration silencing people. By around 2014, 2015, we began to see a huge wave of essentially what you might call grassroots censorship on campus, where there were attempts to hound people out of their jobs, to get people fired.

27:29Michelle Cottle:And one thing that I want to really emphasize about this, look, we don't have to go to something like the Cultural Revolution, where lots and lots and lots of people died, to talk about how horrific it was to be in the epicenter of some of these firestorms, where everything was taken in the worst possible faith. And then it began to radiate and move from there into a position where lots of just regular folks felt like, I may lose my public reputation. I may lose my job. I might be subject to public shame campaigns. When I'm not, I'm just not going along with some things that were actually, part of woke was both a lot of intolerance and ambitious intolerance tied to a lot of weirdness and strangeness, like weird language changes, very trendy things like putting your Instagram square all black, you know, weird things like this, you know, that didn't do much of anything in the real world, but were supposedly quite symbolic of your in-group inclusion.

28:36Michelle Cottle:And I think the idea that this didn't kind of permeate America over time. Because I think that I hear what Jamel says about 2020. I do hear that. I also think the outcome in 2020 might have been different. 2020, remember, was a lot closer than people expected that it would be. The outcome may have been different had primary voters in the Democratic Party gone with one of the more woke candidates in 2020. They went with kind of the least woke guy in the field, which was Joe Biden, the most normie Democrat in the field, which was Joe Biden. I agree with Jim L also that inflation is the big thing.

29:13Michelle Cottle:And I think, though, however, Donald Trump, I don't think Donald Trump is back in office without this. And now I say I don't I say that specifically about Donald Trump. I think other Republicans could have probably won based on inflation alone. But I think Trump, with all of that history, all of that toxicity, one of the things that he rode was this wave. And look, listeners know I am unsparing in my criticism of this administration, unsparing, okay, to say everything that I said does not excuse one millimeter of Trump injustice, not one bit of it. But I think we do a disservice when we try to minimize what happened in actual people's lives is horrific.

30:05Michelle Cottle:It was horrific what was done to people again and again and again throughout that process. And at some point, I know that some folks were well-meaning, but some folks were just vicious and gleeful and vindictive. I mean, I was there. I experienced some of it in coming to me. I knew exactly what it was like. And yeah, it wasn't fatal, but it was horrible. And something could be horrible without being fatal or creating your, or incarcerating you.

30:33Jamelle Bouie:Can I, can I, can I make, ask a question, well, make a point and ask a question. The, the point I make is that I agree internet pylons of that sort are terrible. I don't want to diminish the real psychic personal damage that does to people. I think where I disagree is to treat it as the particular product of like an ideological formation that we can call woke. and more the function of social media. And I say that because, and this is a question to you, David, you experienced a woke pile-on, but you also experienced, if I'm not wrong, like a right-wing pile-on, like an extraordinarily ugly and racist and quite dangerous right-wing pile-on, right?

31:27Jamelle Bouie:Oh, yes. I would just say that the fact that you experienced both of those things, and there was no wokeness happening amongst right-wingers, to me, that is not evidence, but potentially a data point in favor of the view that what we're talking about here are the way that social media platforms, through the fact that they anonymize people, and they can incentivize the kind of pile on behavior that can happen from any particular set of ideological perspectives, right? I'm just not certain that one can say, you know, this thing that we call woke was responsible for all of this.

32:14David French:Well, I want to jump in and say nobody's suggesting that woke is uniquely pernicious, But AOC is clearly telegraphing that the Democrats have decided that it is problematic because the reason she is doing this, it is widely acknowledged, is that gal is looking at a presidential run. Right. Right. And she knows she needs to do some damage control.

32:35Jamelle Bouie:Well, I'll say I want to I want to throw in at least just sort of like the left wing critique of of wokeness as it developed, which is that and I know at the start, I said this was responsive real problems. And what ends up what ended up happening and you mentioned the black squares, that's a good example. What ended up happening is that like there wasn't really any attempt to make any material change to those problems. Right. There wasn't any attempt to sort of like deal with the underlying the fundamental questions that are responsible for things like police violence. are responsible for things like institutionalized sexual violence.

33:08Jamelle Bouie:Instead, it was, you know, we can do some symbolic politics and get people off of our backs. And that, I think, from the left is like the failure of that moment.

33:19David French:Well, one of the things that happens in these situations is, you know, the people who are looking for change, they attack the people who they think are the problem. Those people don't care. Like Trump doesn't care. Trump's not going to do anything. A lot of the Republicans are like, yeah, come at me. And so then the people who wind up getting caught up in this are the kind of wokesters allies. And they're the ones who wind up too nervous to say anything or, you know, like everybody had to go out and buy how to be an anti-racist so that it could be seen in their house and stuff like that. So you wind up attacking your allies.

33:56Jamelle Bouie:I'll say you may have felt that way. You got to understand part of my skepticism here is that people use this language. Well, everyone had to do this thing. No, you didn't. No one forced you to do anything. I didn't put a black square on my Instagram. I didn't go out and buy a bunch of books. Like, I think I wrote a column in 2020 that was like, white fragility is a bad book, right? Like, you know, you know, there was part of my frustration is like, there's this language of like compulsion and it's like, I don't know, you know, but like the compulsion was there.

34:27David French:Like if you didn't want to take a beat down, if you didn't want to get fired in certain places, if you didn't, you know, like it's it's not like somebody was going to come shoot me if I didn't do certain things or, you know, certain politicians didn't do certain things. But it doesn't have to come to that. In parts of the right, you worry about that. Absolutely. Again, nobody's nobody's suggesting wokeism is pernicious in like some unheard of way. But what we're looking at here is a Democratic Party and a progressive, you know, a corner of progressives in the Democratic Party even are thinking that it is time to push back and separate themselves from this.

35:06David French:And my question is, like, can they do that? Is is that going to be a viable approach? Sure. I mean, just practically speaking.

35:16Jamelle Bouie:I mean, what's interesting, what's interesting, this was true in the 2020 cycle. This is true now. What's interesting is that for the most part, like Abdul Sayed wasn't running a campaign about cultural sensitivity. He's running a campaign about like you can't afford your groceries.

35:33David French:But he doesn't have a huge record that's going to, one, he hasn't won anything yet in a general election. Two, he doesn't have a huge record like, say, AOC does that they're going to throw at him. The point I'm making, though, is that there may not necessarily be anything.

35:50Jamelle Bouie:like AOC might have to might have to say, you know, some of that stuff is silly and move on. But when you look at sort of the the the the most left wing candidates then and now they tend to run on very material issues like they're not actually like part part of the and this gets to sort of like a left wing critique of wokeness. Part of the funny thing is that it's the candidates closer to the central left who don't want to offer big transformative material programs who bend towards the cultural politics. I think the people who are going to have a more difficult time maneuvering this are actually closer to the center precisely because they use that cultural moment to try to make themselves palatable to the left without actually having to give any concessions.

36:41Jamelle Bouie:That's sort of the challenge.

36:43David French:Well, one thing I'm interested in is calling woke one crazy pretty much assumes there's a woke two on the horizon. So have we a sense of what this will be? It's here.

36:55Jamelle Bouie:Woke 2 is here? Yeah, it's here. It's from the right. Okay. This whole like woke right thing, which I know got some currency a couple of months ago, I think is stupid. I'm not even going to be polite about it. I think it's very stupid. I think we can just talk about that as like right-wing ideology. Like it's its own thing with its own dynamics. But the other thing, Woke 2, I'll just say real quickly, to the extent that that's a thing, you know, woke one was a backlash to Trump. Woke two is going to be a backlash to Trump. The question is, what is the nature of that backlash going to be? I think in this iteration, the nature of the backlash is going to be less about trying to find, you know, create like a cultural space of anti-Trumpism and more about what does like political hard-nosed anti-Trumpism look like.

37:44Jamelle Bouie:And when you look at the kinds of candidates that Democrats are going for, it's those candidates that have like a very hard-nosed, We want to extirpate whatever this is from the society. I think more economic. I think more political reform. The fact that, you know, an easy applause line for a Democratic audience is we're going to pack the Supreme Court should tell you, I think, where Democratic voters are and what woke to looks like in practice.

38:10David French:OK, we're going to we're going to switch to lighter fare. It's time for recommendations. Jamel, go first.

38:18Jamelle Bouie:I've been reading the book from our colleagues, Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan, Regime Change. It's quite good. I really recommend it. And I recommend it just because even if, you know, we're all involved in this, politics sickos, and if you're watching this or listening to it, you're a politics sicko too, I hate to tell you. And even being people who follow this stuff for a living, it is quite shocking to read some of this inside reporting of what's happening in the White House. It's actually genuinely quite shocking. I'll say the things that have shocked me the most reading are just the total collapse of the information environment inside of the White House.

39:01Jamelle Bouie:There's a lot of stuff in there that's even more troubling. and troubling is a very, you know, modest way to put it. Yeah, mild way to put it. Super reassuring, Jamel. That book, you know, I'm not one for hyperbole, but that book fills me with dread, knowing just how disorganized, how much like that White House is operating. operating in a cloud of delusion.

39:37David French:Awesome. Cloud of delusion. There's the phrase for the day. David, please give me something less grim and unsettling.

39:44Michelle Cottle:Read the book.

39:45David French:It's good. Please.

39:47Michelle Cottle:Okay. Michelle, your wish is my command. I have the most heartwarming, the most uplifting, the sweetest show on television to recommend. And it's an absolute freaking hoot. It is hilarious. It is warm. It is joyful. I like it better than Ted Lasso in all of those regards. It's on Apple TV. It's called Trying. And it's about a young British couple. They can't have kids. And so they start trying. The trying is to adopt. And we're an adoptive family. It is a beautiful show for adoptive families to watch. It really does illustrate The difficulty of the process and the ups and downs and the heartaches and the triumphs.

40:31Michelle Cottle:And so it's a wonderful show. And if you really want something that is going to, quite frankly, show you what love looks like, watch Trying. It's so wonderful. Okay.

40:44David French:That's going to the top of my list. So we talked a little about the McCarthy era, which is funny because I'm going to recommend American Scoundrel, which is the soon-to-be-released bio of Roy Cohn that Kai Bird has written. I think it's out early September. It is amazing. It is very upsetting because, as viewers probably know, viewers and listeners probably know, Roy Cohn was this big political figure all through the 50s through the 80s. He was a prosecutor on the Julius and Ethel Rosenberg trial. But his influence on Donald Trump, as you read through, is just so upsetting. I mean, Cohn was this kind of monster who plowed through life just through sheer force of will, shamelessness, dishonesty.

41:47David French:it was like watching the making of the proto-Trump. And so it is the most compelling read. It's, you know, for those who will recall the Oppenheimer book, this is along those same, not quite as substantial. It is not going to serve as a doorstop in the house, but it is a compelling read. Absolutely put it on your list.

42:12Jamelle Bouie:Can I recommend two things to watch along with it? if you read it, I haven't read it, but they come to mind. There's an HBO documentary, Bully Coward Victim, the Story of Roy Cohn. That's pretty good. And then The Apprentice from a couple of years ago, it's Sebastian Stan as a young Donald Trump and what's his name? Jeremy Strong as Cohn is actually very good. So I would recommend -

42:34David French:Multimedia experience.

42:36Jamelle Bouie:Yeah.

42:37David French:All right. What's that? I think we're going to land this plane. Guys, always fun. We've solved at all. Although I do think we're going to have to like do a return to woke part two, something in the future. So just brace for that.

42:49Jamelle Bouie:I would say that we don't have to do that.

42:53David French:Jamal is a hard no.

42:55Jamelle Bouie:I would say that there are, there are, there are more important things for us to talk about, but.

43:00David French:All right, guys, have a great week. Thanks.

43:02Jamelle Bouie:Thank you, Michelle. Bye.

43:12Thank you.

From the publisher

What will the Republican Party become after President Trump? And how can the Democrats rehabilitate their toxic brand? On this episode of “The Opinions,” the Opinion political writer Michelle Cottle teams up with the columnists David French and Jamelle Bouie to dissect party strategy ahead of — and beyond — the midterm elections. Plus, Jamelle divulges the book that fills him with dread.

Thoughts? Email us at theopinions@nytimes.com.

This episode of “The Opinions” was produced by Derek Arthur. It was edited by Alison Bruzek. Mixing by Pat McCusker. Video editing by Kristen Williamson. The postproduction manager is Mike Puretz. Original music by Pat McCusker. Fact-checking by Mary Marge Locker and Kate Sinclair. Audience strategy by Kristina Samulewski and Ali Baluch. The director of Opinion Video is Jonah M. Kessel. The deputy director of Opinion Shows is Alison Bruzek. The director of Opinion Shows is Annie-Rose Strasser. Special thanks to Aaron Retica.


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