In short
Democrats’ prospects in the 2026 midterms, whether they can capitalize on anti-Trump momentum, and how to message on the Iran war, prices, and inequality; plus the role of “No Kings” protests.
Guests
Morris Katz, a 26-year-old political strategist who worked behind Zoran Mamdani’s historic upset; now advising marquee midterm races, including Graham Plattner’s controversial Maine Senate primary campaign. Host panel: Susan Glasser with Evan Osnos and Jane Mayer.
Key claims
Democrats need a small House pickup (three seats) and have favorable Cook Political Report moves (18 seats). Turnout and cross-party voting (independents and Republicans) are rising. The Iran war and rising prices are “gifts” politically, but Democrats must pair prices talk with a broader story about inequity, monopoly power, and billionaire/oil-company profiteering. Messaging should focus on Trump’s fraudulence (promised lower costs and ending forever wars) and avoid distractions over offensive remarks. Candidates should be “outsiders,” avoid corporate PAC/billionaire money to preserve credibility, and run affirmative economic visions.
Notable examples
Emily Gregory’s Palm Beach County win; Mamdani’s universal child care agreement (day nine) and rent-freeze negotiations; Obama 2012 ads framing Romney as a Wall Street crony; Ossoff/epstein messaging; AOC/AI and working-class credentials; Illinois primary dynamics (Pritzker-endorsed outcomes).
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VODemocratic Optimism for the 2026 Midterms
2:49 to 5:04
Explore the current political landscape and Democrats' strategies leading to the midterms.
“Okay, so this week I've been thinking about Will Rogers' famous line, I'm not a member of an organized political party, I'm a Democrat.”
Challenges Facing Democrats
5:04 to 7:21
Discuss the challenges and opportunities Democrats face as they approach the elections.
“Jane, what is in the air as far as you're concerned?”
The Iran War's Impact on Political Landscape
7:21 to 10:40
Analyze the implications of the Iran war on the upcoming elections and Democratic messaging.
“I mean, I think that's always a question.”
Introduction of Guest Morris Katz
10:40 to 14:00
Meet political strategist Morris Katz and learn about his insights on the Democratic Party.
“I want to go back, though, to the politics of this because I think, you know, we're seeing it sort of crystallize in real time.”
The Future of Democratic Media Strategy
15:32 to 16:30
Discussion about the future media strategy for the Democratic Party.
“Morris, joining us right now from an Uber, which feels very on brand for the Democratic Party's, you know, Wunderkind traveling strategist.”
Expectations vs. Reality for Mammadi
16:30 to 18:01
Morris Katz talks about the challenges facing Mayor Mamdani's administration.
“but there was kind of the institutional blob of the party remains.”
The Role of Government in People's Lives
18:01 to 19:26
Exploration of the role and expectations of government in citizens' lives.
“How are you feeling about, you know, the expectations moment for a candidate like Mamdani?”
Democratic Establishment's Misread on Voters
19:26 to 21:15
Critique of the Democratic establishment's understanding of electability.
“Well, Morris, I want to go back to what you were talking about as this kind of this democratic blob that does not get it, that you're saying that sort of the Obama campaign did get it even in 2012.”
The Need for Bold Policy Changes
21:15 to 24:19
Discussion on the urgent need for bold policy changes within the Democratic Party.
“I'm talking about the way we view America's role in the world as we kind of stomp right into another endless war where we continue to, you know, not have health care gets rolled back.”
Messaging Against Donald Trump
24:19 to 27:09
Strategies for Democrats to effectively communicate about Donald Trump.
“So let's talk about the villain who has united Democrats as nothing else has over the last 10 years, Donald Trump.”
Show all 22 chapters
Understanding the Moderate Voter Myth
27:09 to 28:00
A critical look at the concept of the moderate voter in modern politics.
“back a House majority, but to win the Senate and to win a generational majority.”
The Myth of the Moderate Voter
28:00 to 29:09
Exploring the non-existence of a mythical moderate voter and its implications.
“a continued spectrum being what it's always been.”
Messaging Discipline in Politics
29:10 to 30:21
Discussing the importance of clear messaging and targeting distractions in political campaigns.
“And I think like everyone made such a big deal about the Trump, you know, Kamala's with they, them, Trump's with us.”
The Role of Outsiders in 2026
30:22 to 31:55
Analyzing the significance of outsider candidates in the upcoming elections and voter motivations.
“A lot of Democrats can't say that right now because they're taking money from the same billionaire donors.”
Fundraising and Credibility
31:56 to 34:08
Examining the relationship between fundraising sources and candidate credibility with voters.
“And I think, you know, that there's different House primaries with different dynamics at play.”
Identifying Quality Candidates
34:09 to 36:50
Discussing the qualities that define successful political candidates beyond mere qualifications.
“And it's like, yeah, brother, you don't get this grassroots money because you're taking money from corporations and you're taking money from AIPAC.”
Inequality and Political Insight
39:11 to 42:04
Investigating the connections between economic inequality and voter sentiment in politics.
“I mean, I'm glad he brought up 2018 because in some ways, the message of Democrats is quite similar, actually.”
Biden's Influence on Midterm Elections
42:04 to 42:55
Discussion on Biden's impact and the Democratic Party's positioning.
“I think that's where he's very powerful.”
Economic Messaging in Politics
42:55 to 43:56
Exploring economic messages in politics and the need for Democrats to connect.
“And he's got kind of an economic message on that, which he thinks goes across the parties.”
The Role of Billionaires in Politics
43:56 to 45:30
Analyzing the influence of billionaires in political discourse and strategy.
“and by the way, Illinois' billionaire governor, J.B.”
Upcoming Protests and Their Significance
45:30 to 46:49
Discussion on anticipated protests and their potential political impact.
“And essentially, we're going to get a, you know, rich guy to wail away against the corrupt establishment.”
Public Sentiment and Political Action
46:49 to 49:29
The gap between public sentiment and political party actions is examined.
“We'll see if that turns out to be the case.”
Transcript
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1:56Kind of a stepfather. Secrets have been revealed. In these difficult times for our nation, everybody is looking for comfort. And for our household, it turns out to be a 13-year-old cockapoo. So, yeah. So you guys have been preaching the gospel on dogs for now years. Have you been converted? Yeah. Okay. Enough. All right. Admit it. They're the best. Oh, they really actually are pretty great, I have to say. I have to say. Come on. Good news and trouble them. Looking up around the house. Well, Ellie welcomes a new member of the... Ellie welcomes Maisie. As does Rosie. Thank you. Ellie and Rosie are pleased.
2:34As do we. For welcoming Maisie into the fold of political dogs.
2:42Welcome to The Political Scene from The New Yorker, a weekly discussion about the big questions in American politics. I'm Susan Glasser, and I'm joined by my colleagues Evan Osnos and Jane Mayer, as ever. Hi, Evan. Hi, Jane. Good morning, guys. Hi. So great to be with you. Okay, so this week I've been thinking about Will Rogers' famous line, I'm not a member of an organized political party, I'm a Democrat. All things would indicate that 2026 is lining up very much in the Democrats' favor. Let's be real about that in these midterm elections. We haven't talked about that much in the podcast, so I'm glad we're going to dig into it.
3:24This week, Donald Trump's approval ratings have sunk to the lowest levels of either of his two terms in office. And his numbers are even worse when you look at things that Americans actually care about, like the economy or prices. They're not big fans of the new war in Iran that he's launched. Early indications from elections around the country seem pretty strong for Democrats just this week. In fact, Democrats flipped a statehouse seat in Palm Beach County, Florida, as in right in Donald Trump's backyard, the very same district where Mar-a-Lago is located. There's a bigger story here. Since last year, Democrats have been flipping state legislative seats all across the country.
4:02They've won governor's races in New Jersey and Virginia. They've won big mayoral races. So looking ahead to the midterms, Evan, is this a Democrats are going to win, but they might just screw it up again? Question? Will they snatch defeat from the jaws of victory, as it were? Look, I think that there's a lot of pretty positive indicators out there. Right now, Democrats only need a three-seat pickup to win the House. And if you follow the Cook Political Report, which, of course, is a nonpartisan analysis, they recently moved 18 seats into the Democrats' favor. That's a big swing. They don't do that casually.
4:41And, you know, one of the big questions, and we'll kind of hash this out, is how much is this about getting Democrats to show up? How much is this about getting independents and Republicans who are disenchanted? But a telling little indicator out of Palm Beach that the Democrat who won there named Emily Gregory says, if you look at the numbers, it's pretty clear that a lot of independents and Republicans must have voted for me, she said. So something is happening. Jane, what is in the air as far as you're concerned? I mean, certainly there's an awful lot of optimism on the Democratic side. Democrats, I know, are already laying plans for what kinds of investigations they're going to lead in Congress if they get the majority.
5:17So there's certainly a lot of optimism on that side. And one of the things that's been interesting is that, as you guys will remember, there was a big effort by the Republicans to try to fix the maps in their favor. And everyone thought, oh, my God, they're going to make up for it by just gerrymandering districts in their favor. But the Democrats kind of went hand to hand in combat on that. And it appears that it's going to come out to be a wash. So that maneuver did not give the advantage back to the Republicans that Republicans thought they'd have. Yeah, well, it's interesting you mentioned the kind of either rational or irrational exuberance, as the case may be.
5:58You know, this is still Democrats we're talking about. And so you've got to wonder if they really can pull it off. First of all, Jane, the dark money expert, I noticed that Republicans have an enormous advantage heading into this, you know, hundreds of millions of dollars more on hand than Democrats do. That's one factor. There's still the factor that Democrats coming out of the 2024 election, you know, they have a pretty negative brand as a party. Although when you actually look at this is a choice, you know, Joe Biden's old line about, But, you know, I'm not running against God here. You know, we're running against a specific political party.
6:40Democrats seem to have in all of the polls the momentum, the turnout, independence. Oh, my goodness. Have you seen those numbers? I mean, they're remarkable. There's something like 70 percent of, you know, young independents, just the kind of people who might have turned the election for Donald Trump in 2024. These people, it's hard to envision them ever going back to Trump and the Republicans at this point. But I just I feel like I'm glad we're going to dig into all of this because it's still not settled exactly how Democrats are going to approach this midterm and whether they can capitalize on what looks to be a blue wave building.
7:17And whether they have a message beyond just anti-Trump. I mean, I think that's always a question. In terms of irrational exuberance, I have heard that James Carville, the sort of legendary consultant that basically wrote into prominence with Bill Clinton, is predicting that the Senate, too, is going to go to the Democrats. I think a lot of people think that might be irrational exuberance. But there is a lot of momentum and excitement on the Democratic side at this point. And you'll remember, Jane, of course, you know, Carvel caused a lot of controversy when he said, look, Democrats' best strategy right now is essentially to do nothing.
7:53Sit on your hands and let Donald Trump implode. And here we are a few months later and Donald Trump is imploding, but there's also a lot of changes on the field. And the question is, you know, what should Democrats be saying about things like the war in Iran? What exactly should Democrats be saying about some of the big issues which have come up since then? And actually, I'm excited because our guest today is someone who can speak to that very much from one wing, the left wing of the Democratic Party. We have Morris Katz, the political strategist behind Zoran Mondani's rise. He's now working on some of the marquee races around the country, including Graham Plattner's controversial primary campaign in Maine Senate race.
8:33And so I think we're going to get a really interesting perspective later today. But let's talk a little bit about the Iran war. We are now having this conversation almost exactly at the four-week mark of this conflict. It's not at all clear that there are any real peace talks happening, although Donald Trump says they are. But Donald Trump also says again and again that the war was actually won. So it's a little bit confusing that we have to send thousands and thousands of American ground troops to the Middle East. Does that mean that they have to maybe win the war all over again? What do you think?
9:06You know, I think, look, the Democrats are in a difficult position. I don't think there's a whole lot of people that were cheering for the idea of a nuclearized Iran. I think there are a lot of people who were not sad to see the Ayatollahs go. And yet there is this big fat fact facing us, which is Donald Trump ran on the idea that he would keep us out of war and that he would bring down prices. And instead, he brought us into a war in the Middle East and prices are going up. So that seems to be kind of like a big, obvious pitch across the plate for Democrats. But what you're hearing a lot of is actually talk about process, you know, things like people demanding hearings.
9:44Why is it that we weren't asked to vote on whether this war should happen or not? So, I mean, this is a genuine question to you guys. Susan, is that a good idea to focus on? Does that sort of allow them to dodge the question of whether the war is a good idea? Or should they go straight on and say, we reject this war from day one? Yeah, it's very interesting. I think you're right that you've seen, especially initially, a little bit of a dance. What I've noticed is that Democrats have become much more forceful as the war has gone on. There was some uncertainty at the beginning about whether it was going to be a quick kind of decapitation and move on when it's been clear that Trump has not achieved that goal.
10:19And, of course, now he's going to pretend that that never was the goal in the first place. That's important, the strategic mess that's happening here. That has, I think, emboldened Democratic criticism of the war because it's obvious that Donald Trump came out saying he was going to change the regime and take over the oil. And instead, he's locked himself in to a really problematic situation where Iran has turned off the spigot for 20 percent of the world's oil and gas, which passes through the Strait of Hormuz. I want to go back, though, to the politics of this because I think, you know, we're seeing it sort of crystallize in real time.
10:54But I actually maybe I disagree a little bit. To me, it seems like a political gimme to the Democrats. Democrats were already coalescing in a pretty strong way around the country. You know, again, there's local conditions. But on this idea that Donald Trump came to office saying he was going to make things better for Americans and deal with out of control prices. Instead, he's literally driven up not only the cost of oil, but it's going to affect every single price for just about everything. I mean, when you drive up the price of energy, you drive up the price of food, you drive up the price of manufactured goods.
11:29To me, that seems like a gimme for Democrats. Yeah, totally. I mean, 100%. I think the only thing that's mystifying to me is why you don't hear the opposition even more forcefully coming out of the Democrats on the Hill. I mean, you do hear some of it. A lot of it is cast as kind of a consumer issue, as you say, prices, gas. But it's such an easy issue, really, as you say. It's just, you know, low-hanging fruit, really. I mean, and the thing about gas prices is that everybody sees actually the numbers. I mean, it's one of those few items that you buy where you can see every single day how the prices are going up.
12:13Eggs are a little more complicated to watch. But gas prices, everybody sees the whole thing. It is a complete gift to the Democrats, except for the fact that it's an incredibly upsetting situation, too. I mean, this isn't something that anybody feels good about. I mean, we're all worried. This is dangerous. People are dying. We're afraid of American troops being sent and maybe for nothing. The Iranian regime is hideous. And I mean, it's a very disturbing situation. So it's not like a happy issue. Well, one of the things I think we're going to talk about with our guest in a second, Morris Katz, is that question of rising prices actually is a wedge into a larger issue, which is about these feelings of inequity in American life.
13:02There are some people who, frankly, don't have to care about rising gas prices. A lot of them are people running this country right now in the sense that they're not the people who are feeling the pinch. And so one of the moves is whether or not Democrats are in the position to be able to say, yes, we're talking about gas prices. But really, what this is about, is about a profound imbalance in power and money. It's about the billionaire class. That's the kind of question that is a strategic question. And even beyond just the billionaire class, there is one group for whom this is just a great boon economically, and that's the oil companies.
13:36The American oil companies are making billions in profits. So is Vladimir Putin. Well, there you go. For all these reasons, I'm really glad we're going to get to talk to someone who's a new generation of political consultant, a 26-year-old. All right. Well, we're going to take a quick break. And when we come back, we'll be joined by political strategist Morris Katz to talk about the Democrats and the future of the party. This is The Political Scene from The New Yorker.
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15:17So, guys, really excited about this next guest. We are joined today by Morris Katz. As we were talking about, he's the political strategist behind Zoran Mamdani's historic upset. He's now working for some of the most interesting candidates around the country in this year's midterm elections. Morris, joining us right now from an Uber, which feels very on brand for the Democratic Party's, you know, Wunderkind traveling strategist. Where are you exactly today? I just landed in Chicago. I'm going to join David Axelrod this afternoon actually for a conversation on the future of media strategy in the Democratic Party.
15:53All right. So give us a preview of that, because I think, you know, for many people, David Axelrod, you know, kind of represents one view of where the Democratic Party should head. and, you know, this idea that it needs to, you know, communicate more effectively maybe, but it needs to come right down hard on, you know, the very large center that's not being spoken to. What's going to be your rejoinder for David Oxelrod? I think where David and I agree on a lot, and I think this is interesting with a lot of the Obama kind of folks and teams, in many ways it felt like they never took over the party, but there was kind of the institutional blob of the party remains.
16:34And particularly, I was doing my homework on the flight, and I rewatched every ad of the 2012 Obama campaign, where I think people can dismiss 2008 as lightning in a bottle, momentum, incredible. 2012, you're in the unpopular and competent surges back. It was one of the most populous presidential campaigns in American history. You know, it's ad after ad, hammering Mitt Romney as a Wall Street crony, one of the architects of a financial crisis. And if you in some ways look at that message, it is not radically dissimilar to certain elements of the message of Mayor Mdani's campaign, where it was, we have an affordability crisis.
17:12Do you want to put the same people back in charge? And I think, you know, there's a connection there that others have not picked up on for whatever reasons. I'm so glad you brought up the Obama campaign because, you know, I've been thinking a lot about your incredible ride that you and Mamdani have had over the last year. And, you know, we were all here and remember both the incredible momentum that the Obama folks came into Washington with, but also the out of control expectations for so many people. I mean, I really think there were people, understandably, who thought, you know, this guy is the future of American politics.
17:47He's going to stop the rise of the seas. He's going to make change. And I think about that when I think about some of those incredible promises that Mayor Mamdani made for people now starting to collide a little bit with the reality of getting stuff done. How are you feeling about, you know, the expectations moment for a candidate like Mamdani? already with not even 100 days in. You know, we've seen an agreement with the governor on universal child care on day nine of the administration. Hopefully, we'll see a rent freeze coming soon. I think there are ongoing negotiations and some other priorities.
18:23But I think kind of center of the mayor's promise is a belief that people should be allowed to accept things from their government and a vision of, you know, that I don't think is a strain to one policy, but rather the idea that We're not going to be apologetic about government's role in people's lives. That government should be big, it should be robust, and it also should be excellent. And I think what you're seeing, whether it's some of the cuts we're starting to implement around unnecessary and reckless spending, whether it's cutting red tape and regulation to make it easier to build, it's this kind of dual mission of making government excellent, and only through excellent government can we then expand it.
19:03The communication component of this, where I think a lot of people dismiss communication is like a campaign tactic. It's like, oh, the mayor's talks are cute, but what does it really do? I think it builds faith in government. It brings people into the governing process, and that's something you're seeing continue. And so, you know, governing is not easy, but I think you want to, you know, no one's naive to that, but I think we want people to feel like they're a part of that process too. Well, Morris, I want to go back to what you were talking about as this kind of this democratic blob that does not get it, that you're saying that sort of the Obama campaign did get it even in 2012.
19:42You've said that no one has a worse read on what electable means and less of a pulse on voters than the Democratic establishment in D.C. What exactly is the establishment getting wrong? Why is it getting it wrong, do you think? And what would be right? You're going to get me in trouble here. look i think let's talk about me for a second i'm working with uh gram platner gram nine months ago was an oyster farmer with zero percent name by date and currently he's up 30 points on the incumbent governor who's been in public office like twice as long as i've been alive that is because there is such a fundamentally deep frustration with the status quo both from an economic standpoint, societal standpoint.
20:30And I think the idea that we're just going to kind of match that with the same people who've been in power all along makes no sense. And I think there's the reality that many of democratic leadership want to see the democratic party play a role of protecting the institutions, protecting the powers that be. We are past that point. Like the institutions as they exist now are going to collapse. It's not a question of Whether that happens or not, it's a question of who's going to rebuild them. Which institutions do you mean? I mean, are you talking about Social Security and Medicare? Are you talking about the DNC?
21:07I mean, which institutions do you mean? I'm talking about the broader kind of structural promises of the economy. I'm talking about the ways in which people engage with the social safety net. I'm talking about the way we view America's role in the world as we kind of stomp right into another endless war where we continue to, you know, not have health care gets rolled back. I think like the fundamental promise that people feel with the government is going to change. And I think that there's only been an idea of like an over caution. You know, we just need to keep this thing intact because it's kind of fundamentally working.
21:45And I think people really want to see bigger risks or swings of more aggressive vision for intervention on anti-monopoly legislation, on expansion of social safety nets, on aggressive taxing of the rich and going after bad faith actors, whether they be corporations or billionaires. And queer politicians aren't doing it. That is a really interesting realm of this conversation is essentially what are we talking about when we talk about affordability? You know, I've always been interested in the language around this. I mean, in some places you can talk very plainly, one can talk very plainly about inequality, about imbalances of power and of money.
22:26In other places where maybe we still kind of have the residue of that belief that you can, as, you know, Barack Obama put it now so many years ago, you can make it if you try an idea which is really kind of desiccated in a lot of the country. People don't believe that. And that's a source of tremendous political energy. My question is this. Are there places where you can talk about affordability and then places where you can talk about inequality and vice versa? Or are they different things? Are we talking about the different facets of the same problem or separate issues? I think different facets of the same problem.
23:00But I will say, like, one thing that I think that President Obama did well, the mayor does, it's driving me crazy right now that the way people, I think, are co-opting affordability. and you're starting to hear politicians go and talk about affordability as if their job is a political pundit you know like they so and they're like you know affordability is a big issue and we need to talk about affordability and that's why i'm here right now talking to you about affordability and it's like that isn't the thing affordability needs to be partnered with real policies that are going to make people's lives actually affordable and am i allowed to curse on this or no it's yeah this is not yes and so i didn't want to offend the good people um i is like you can't tell someone hey you're being fucked but i'm not gonna tell you who's fucking yeah and the absence of a villain in so much of the dialogue here is infuriating where it's like people know it's not an accident that their paycheck doesn't go as far as it used to it's not an accident that every one of their favorite small businesses on their street or in their road closed and has been replaced by a corporate chain that doesn't have the same quality product or pay the same wages.
24:10It is the system that's broken, working as intended for a small percentage of people at the top. Like that is what's happening. And you need to call that out or it's meaningless. Okay, Morris. So let's talk about the villain who has united Democrats as nothing else has over the last 10 years, Donald Trump. You know, we're, I know, in Democratic primary season and Democrats love nothing more than to rip each other apart. But I'm actually really interested in your views on how much Donald Trump is the villain. You talked about institutions falling apart or a war starting. It's not a war that really has been started by the American people or the Congress, even the Republicans in Congress.
24:49It's a war that started by Donald Trump. Yet we're 10 years in and Democrats are still struggling. You know, principles of our country apart and therefore needs to bring people together. I think there's a lot of people who agree with that. And then there are plenty of Democrats who think, no, let's talk about health care. Let's talk about prices. You know, let's meet as your guide did. And you attended that, I think, with Donald Trump in the White House. I'm just curious, like, when you're thinking about 2026 and winning elections this fall, how are you going to advise people to talk about Donald Trump?
Read the full transcript
25:25I think we should call out the fraudulence of the president who promised to end forever wars and lower costs. And right now costs are higher and we're starting a new forever war. And I think, you know, I think that we can message pretty cleanly and directly on that. Where I think we get into trouble is when the Democratic Party overly engages on the parts of Trump that hate them or love them or whatever are not particularly directly impacting the day to day lives of people. And, you know, it's like, can you believe he did, you know, has said ABC thing in a press conference when it's not actually something that has any real influence outside being kind of offensive.
26:06and it's so i think the party gets so distracted so easily then we're suddenly talking about oh you know donald trump said this offensive thing and then trump gets to be talking about the economy the republicans gets to be talking about the economy and then we look out of touch and we need to be the ones who are disciplined and focused and i think where trump is not we should be calling him out on it and running against it but i also think like hopefully we have learned 10 years into this that we need an affirmative message too and it's not enough to just be running against Donald Trump and I think we're going to continue to leave that vacuum open unless you know we can run a campaign that says Donald Trump said he'd end forever wars and lower costs and he hasn't and that will be successful I think even more successful would be a campaign off the idea of we are going to end forever wars and we are going to lower costs, by taking on monopolies, by taking on price gouging, by raising wages, by taxing billionaires more.
27:04And it's like an affirmative vision is still needed if we want a kind of not just to win back a House majority, but to win the Senate and to win a generational majority. So I wanted to ask you about, you know, there's a lot of thumb sucking in the party, the sort of, as you've referred to, the Iglesias sort of end of, you know, world of politics, where there's an argument about do you go to the left or do you go to the center? What do you do about all these cultural issues, DEI, immigration, trans rights? Do you have a playbook on what Democrats should do about this? Should there be one playbook on it?
27:41Do you see it as a problem that's going to hang up Democratic candidates? I think about 75 % of the time, if we just do the opposite of whatever Matt Iglesias is saying will be okay. But in the absence of that, I think there's an issue with the Iglesias of the world and the people who think about kind of a continued spectrum being what it's always been. That like the mythical moderate voter who wants a public health option, but not Medicare for all, who wants to see a tax on people making more than 50 million, but not people making more than 10 million, who wants common sense background checks, but not an assault weapons ban.
28:18And where they're just kind of middle down the line, that voter doesn't exist. A moderate voter who self-identifies as moderate, like in these, you know, I've met people on the trail in focus groups or, you know, and it's just someone that's like, hey, I believe in Medicare for all. I want to tax the billionaires. Also, I own an assault weapon and I believe in same-sex marriage, but I don't think trans kids should be allowed to play whatever sport they want. And I also like care really deeply about how manufacturing is implemented and what tariffs are made for, you know, leather jackets. Like, it's, you know, there's not, it doesn't exist the way people kind of have internalized.
28:57And I think we can be that way too. And like, we should be a big tent party. There should be room for disagreement on a lot of things, but we should be united by a kind of economic vision and then allow room for flexibility on social issues. And I think right now we, in some ways, have the exact opposite, where we have a big tent united on social issues with very little room to actually, if you're taking, if you're talking, if you're saying the word oligarchy, you're going to be kind of pushed out to the edges. And I think like everyone made such a big deal about the Trump, you know, Kamala's with they, them, Trump's with us.
29:31Even the liberal media was shocked Kamala supports taxpayer funded sex changes for prisoners and illegal aliens. Every transgender inmate would have access. Kamala's for they, them. That was obviously a very effective ad. Everyone talks about the Kamala's for they, them part. I think the more important part is Trump's for you. And like Kamala was vulnerable to that attack because she didn't make it clear enough who she was for. So then they could throw that sticker on her and it's state. If we're really disciplined in our messaging and focus and say and believe in the right things and say the right things, then I think those attacks bounce off you as much.
30:10And I think like the American people know that 99.999 % of the time, Republicans are trying to talk about trans issues. It's just a fucking distraction. And we should be able to have the ability to call it out. But we only will if we're able to say they're talking about this because they want to cut taxes for their billionaire donors. A lot of Democrats can't say that right now because they're taking money from the same billionaire donors. So if you were going to give a message to a Democratic candidate right now in 2026 who is looking to say, OK, I want to figure out how do I take a piece of this platinum story?
30:40a piece of this, a piece of that, a bit of what happened in New York City. What is the single message you would tell Democratic candidates right now? It is a lie that life has to be this hard in America. And it's a lie being sold by a political class that is utterly corrupt and beholden to billionaires and corporations. You deserve more. It's government's job to deliver. So basically, your ideal candidate, in effect, in any district is an outsider, right? is somebody who is not associated at all with the governing class. I'm curious what you make. It's very early in the primary season so far, but in some of the races we've seen progressive candidates win, but in some of the primary races like in Illinois where you are today, progressives suffered some defeats.
31:24You had the governor, J.B. Pritzker, endorsing a number of people who won in contested races. What are the sort of nuts and bolts political lessons that you're looking at so far from where the Democratic electorate is? I mean, what I see in the polls is is a lot of Democrats and also independents where they can vote in primaries saying I will crawl over broken glass to send a message to Donald Trump that you're ruining the country. I think we're seeing an electorate that is fired up. And that is a good thing. And I think like even in Illinois, I think seeing like Lieutenant Governor Stratton succeed in that primary, she was the most progressive candidate by a decent amount in that primary.
32:07And I think, you know, that there's different House primaries with different dynamics at play. But I think you're seeing people who want to send a message, but the difference between this cycle and maybe 2018 is people also want to be sending a message to the Democratic establishment as much as Trump. And they want to be sending a message that feels like a broader systemic condemnation than just an expression of me or any Democrat or just I will want to stick it to Trump. It's an expression like we need something to fundamentally change. And I think, you know, the change candidate takes different forms ideologically.
32:44But I think like being a change candidate, being an outsider, has never been more important or popular. You know, you talk about how the Democrats, too, are taking money from and are beholden to the billionaire donors. Are you telling your candidates not to take those kinds of donations? Yes. I say this to basically everyone I work with is like, there is no amount of corporate PAC money that can buy you back what you're giving up in a credible, good faith relationship with the voters you're trying to represent. Like you just I think I think it's literally impossible. I hate when people take you see an ad of a candidate talking about lowering the cost of health care and they're taking money from big pharma.
33:29And then, of course, their opponents going to hit them on that. And that shit is why people hate politics. It's you have no credibility and credibility is the most important thing right now. It's the same. It's why these outsiders are doing better because they're more credible than political establishment and taking corporate money, taking money from the kind of corrupt billionaire class. It undercuts your credibility there in a really profound way. And you can win without it. Yes. You can make enough on small donations. You can. And like, I do think I do. If you build it, they will come. And it's funny because I'll talk to politicians who I don't work with, but are asking for advice or something.
34:07And some of them who take over money, they're like, well, it's where my money comes from. I don't get this grassroots money. And it's like, yeah, brother, you don't get this grassroots money because you're taking money from corporations and you're taking money from AIPAC. And the average Democratic donor does not want to support that or engage in that. If you have the political courage to not do that, then the money will come. You know, this is a little farther down the road than we were planning to talk about. A question about 2028. I mean, honestly, when I hear what you're saying, which makes a lot of sense about the power of the outsider right now, who do you like?
34:40I mean, we're not hearing names of an outsider at the top of the list. Is there somebody that we should be talking about that we're not? I think there are a number of people who are doing and saying a lot of the right things. And none of them meet the criteria I've just fully outlined. but i also think like candidates grow and surprise you in a lot of ways even like like zon has always been incredible the zon of today is not the zon of a year and a half ago when he launched his campaign the obama of 2008 was not the obama of 2006 or 2004 or whatever else so i i think you can see people grow i think like some of the things that i would flag that are interesting i think that are happening right now is if you look at john ossoff's messaging i think around the epstein class and around corruption is really interesting and smart i think if there are moments that you see kind of you know if aoc were to decide to run the kind of proud the enthusiasm the larger electorate she reaches to and the kind of working class credentials she has i think rocanna's work on epstein on ai is all really interesting and then i think like you know I'm in Illinois now.
35:51I think Pritzker has done interesting stuff. Like, you know, I think there are a number of different good candidates who haven't checked all the boxes yet, but that's why we have a primary and people are going to get better. And who knows, maybe someone we're not expecting will end up being it. You've talked about how there's one thing people don't really mention that much in politics, which is that candidates have to have this kind of it factor. They've got to have like something and you can see it when you meet with them. what is the it factor and can it be taught by a outside consultant like you if it could i i would charge for it people would be like oh like so on bonnie grand plan they're like what is your secret i'm like picking the right candidates um and i think working with a zon or working with the gram it's like coaching michael jordan where it's like you know not time to like you know michael jordan's a star player he didn't have a ring until he was working with philge hexton but also michael jordan was getting 35 at night no matter what and i think you want generational talents and you need the right message and you need to write methods but candidate quality is essential i think the way we need to think about candidate quality is a little bit like sometimes we treat it like a job interview and it's like okay who's the most qualified who's put together the best presentation you need to think about it like it's a date you're not trying to prove you're the most qualified you're trying to make them fall in love with you And I think that that's hard to teach.
37:18The hinge version of politics. It's like swipe right. Or swipe left, I guess. All right. Morris, thank you so far, far left. We'll see how you do with David Axelrod later today. Morris, thank you so much for joining the show from the back of what seems to be a very accommodating Uber. Yes. Well, thank you all so much. I appreciate you. The political scene from The New Yorker will be back in just a moment.
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39:09All right. So that was really interesting. I mean, I'm glad he brought up 2018 because in some ways, the message of Democrats is quite similar, actually. It's basically, yeah, Donald Trump is terrible. And also, you know, we're going to talk to you about real problems. That was Nancy Pelosi's mantra. We're going to talk about health care. And now we're going to talk about gas prices. But the difference is he's also running against the entire establishment of the Democratic Party. I'm curious how persuasive you guys found that as, I mean, New York City is not America. Well, remains to be seen. But I think that this, as I look at the numbers in this country that show an increasing aggregation of incredible wealth in the hands of a fewer and fewer people, I think that economic inequality is not an issue just for the big blue cities.
40:04It's a problem all over the country and all over the world, actually. And many people think AI is going to just make it worse. And so I think that he's onto something if he can come up with and his candidates can come up with credible solutions. It's not an accident that he came out of New York in the sense that meaning he didn't come out of Washington. And I think that gives him an advantage in understanding the mood of the country. Jane, I agree with a lot of what you're saying. I think, you know, I spent a lot of time out in places, particularly recently in rural places where if you ask people the single issue that they're angry about, it's the fact that they can't seem to break into the club.
40:42No matter what they do, it always seems like there is some establishment, call it whatever the term of the moment is, the elites, the 1%, whatever, and that it is inaccessible. It's a fortress. And that is really what his candidates across these multiple geographies have figured out. That is a really potent idea. He had a line in a story some months ago in which he said that, look, it may be hard for people in Washington to understand, but if you've wanted to be president since you were five years old, a lot of the country thinks you're a loser. And that's a big insight, actually, because, look, we live in a town where a lot of people have wanted to be president since they were five years old.
41:23And I think they would have a very uphill climb right now to try to connect with people. Yeah, I think his visceral channeling of the residual anger that so many Democrats as well as independents feel not only toward Trump or Republicans, but also toward their own party. The idea that people in Washington thought it was OK for Joe Biden to run for reelection. It was only when his sort of implosion on live television forced the question. I personally think that that residual is even worse than anything Kamala Harris did. Even I take his point. I'm not sure it convinced me, but I take his point on the Harris campaign or the they them out.
42:04I think it's about Biden and this idea that the Democratic elected representatives that, you know, these best and brightest in the White House, that they were willing to foist, you know, a guy in his mid 80s on the country and that he's channeling that still in this midterm election. I think that's where he's very powerful. Absolutely agree with Jane on the inequality and the sort of the billionaire rage that's fueling a lot of our politics right now. My question, though, is I thought the end you could just imagine, you know, someone who didn't wasn't cheering for Morris Katz, who would listen to that at the end and say that was a gift to any opposition that he's saying he wants a Democratic Party to be the far, far left version of itself.
42:49I don't think there's any real indication that that's what the country wants this fall. Of course, he was joking at that point because his message more seriously is it's not about left, right. It's about top versus bottom. And he's got kind of an economic message on that, which he thinks goes across the parties. I mean, I think one thing that's smart that he's done is to look at what the appeal of Trump was. And he has pointed out that Trump spoke to people unlike the other Republican candidates in 2016. Trump said people like Social Security, people like Medicare. He's a big government person, really, and thinking about ordinary people's needs.
43:33And what Morris Katz is saying is Democrats need to steal back the bacon from Trump on these economic issues and on the anger at the sense that they're locked out of the economy and out of the American dream. Jane, you're the, you know, you're the keeping them honest on the billionaire front. I thought I loved that Evan asked about 2028. But I did notice that at the end, after his like, you know, absolutely no one associated with the tainted politics past, he said, and by the way, Illinois' billionaire governor, J.B. Pritzker, he's saying some of the right things. Yeah. Oops. Yeah. What was that?
44:06Well, you know, I mean, so they're billionaires. There are billionaires. And honestly, I'll tell you something. There's some really interesting studies that look at the billionaires from both parties. And the one thing that they almost universally find is that billionaires of both parties kind of don't like redistributive economic policies. Maybe that's not true of Pritzker. I don't know. But really, it's interesting. the ultra-rich have a kind of pro-ultra-rich policy agenda when it comes down to it. Well, I will say I was surprised to hear him mention Pritzker. I think it was the end of a list that started with John Ossoff, which is interesting too because, you know, a sitting member of the Senate, not exactly an outsider.
44:54However, that language, as we know, can be taken up and can be utilized. So it's not as if the person has to be, you know, a non-politician. But I think what – one of the things that surprised me about that was we seem to have found a point of agreement between what Morris Katz is saying and what James Carville is saying, somebody we talked about early on the show. He has talked about J.B. Pritzker as somebody that he thinks could end up tapping into the moment, which, you know, I don't know. A billionaire for an anti-billionaire time is a surprise. You know, it's a surprise, but I'll – And maybe the right answer, actually.
45:30But I'll end with this observation. You know, there were people who said at the very beginning of the Trump era, which is now a decade ago, that where it's all going to end up is with Democrats embracing a form of, you know, just the kind of left wing populism that Jane's talking about. And essentially, we're going to get a, you know, rich guy to wail away against the corrupt establishment. And I'm going to come from outside Washington and I'm going to be so rich that I'm going to, you know, have no conflicts of interest and I'm going to attack. I mean, in the end of the day, though, not to be so cynical, is that what matters is not what they say.
46:06It's what they do. I mean, and we've had presidents like Franklin Roosevelt who were very upper crust. Right. They actually enacted policies that really raised up the prospects of the ordinary man. No, and one could argue it's not an accident that that's the case. Oftentimes that gives them, in a sense, sort of credibility. As, you know, Donald Trump wrote into office saying, I know the games that are being played because I've played them. But that's exactly the danger is that Democrats say that's what we need. Well, I want to I want to before we close, I want to mention something important, which is that we are this coming weekend likely to see big protests.
46:42And this gets to this question of what, you know, what what can be done now? People are not waiting around for for politicians to decide. There is likely to be the latest round of the No Kings protests are expected to be perhaps the largest protests ever in American history. We'll see if that turns out to be the case. But I'm curious, guys, what you make of this. We've watched these protests go through multiple iterations. Remember, they started off specifically against the Doge period, against the cuts that were being made to the government. Then you had them move into more of a response to ICE and the killings in Minneapolis.
47:15And now they encompass opposition to the war in Iran. They don't seem to be shrinking or kind of losing focus. They seem to be growing. How meaningful and what do you think the political effect of these kind of protests are? I personally think the most impressive pushback we've seen against Trump has come from outside of Washington, including in Minneapolis. And these protests, because they're in so many different places at once, don't have the aggregate power it looks like of, you know, the marches on Washington of the past. And I kind of miss some of that visual power that you'd see when millions of people stream in.
47:54But I think in their own way, in their own atomized way, they're really important to show that all over the country people feel this way. Yeah. And Evan, I'm glad you brought that up because I think that for me, that shows the gap between kind of how our political system processes and, you know, comes up with a point of view on issues. And, you know, the conversation we're having with Morris, even though he's an outsider, it's very nuts and bolts about politics. And, you know, here's the ads I want to run. And Democrats in particular, very ideologically focused on debates within their own party as Republicans often are focused on the debates in their party.
48:30What I think is important about the No Kings protest is that none of those debates inside the Democratic Party or inside the Republican Party really capture, I think, where a broad swath of the country is at. And I think that's with a sense of, you know, that there's chaos and division and a huge number of issues, not just one issue, that are motivating people. So I feel like it's actually a really important statement that steps outside the political process even more in some ways than the conversation we were just having. And I do think that history suggests that this is the first big protest since the beginning of the war.
49:04And we know that wars have a way of crystallizing public rage, public displeasure, public frustration in ways that almost no other issue can. So I would say watch this space. It may be that right now these protests seem, as you say, Jane, kind of scattered, which I think is a reflection. They're sort of the protest movement for the social media age. They are scattered. They are distributed. And that doesn't make them less powerful. In fact, it may make them more powerful. More powerful. All right. Well, we will stay tuned. I really enjoyed that conversation. Thank you, guys. And we'll be back next week.
49:39Interesting. It was it was great to hear from a new generation. Exactly. Actually. So anyway, thanks so much.
49:49This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. I'm Susan Glasser. We had research assistance today from Alex D 'Elia. Our producer is Nora Ritchie. Mixing by Mike Kutchman. Stephen Valentino is our executive producer. Our theme music is by Alison Leighton Brown. Thanks for listening.
50:20From PRX.
From the publisher
The Washington Roundtable examines the potential for a “Blue Wave” in the 2026 midterms. The hosts are joined by Morris Katz, a twenty-six-year-old Democratic political strategist for Zohran Mamdani and Graham Platner, a Democratic candidate for Senate in Maine. Katz argues that for the Party to win a historic majority in the next election, it needs to embrace outsider candidates who refuse money from corporate PACs and aren’t “apologetic” about the government’s role in people’s lives. “We can run a campaign that says, ‘Donald Trump said he’d end forever war and lower costs and he hasn’t’—that will be successful,” Katz says. “I think even more successful would be that we are going to end forever wars, and we are going to lower costs by taking on monopolies—by taking on price gouging, by raising wages, by taxing billionaires more.”
This week’s reading:
- “Donald Trump Is Breaking Up with Europe,” by Susan B. Glasser
- “How the War in Iran Became a Race to Stabilize the Global Economic Order,” by Sudarsan Raghavan
- “A Former Prisoner of the Iranian Regime Watches Trump’s War,” by Jason Rezaian
- “The Distant Promise of Iran’s Would-Be King,” by Azadeh Moaveni
The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine’s writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week.
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