Ben Shapiro Is Waging Battle Inside the MAGA Movement

9 Feb 2026 · 49 min · 19 chapters

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In short

Podcast Summary: The Political Scene | The New Yorker

Episode Title

Ben Shapiro Is Waging Battle Inside the MAGA Movement

Episode Overview In this episode, host David Remnick interviews Ben Shapiro, a prominent conservative commentator, about the internal conflicts within the MAGA movement, particularly regarding rising antisemitism and conspiracy theories. Shapiro, known for his critiques of both the left and various figures within the right, discusses recent controversies involving influential media personalities and the challenges of maintaining conservative principles in today's political climate.

Key Themes and Discussions

  1. Ben Shapiro's Position within Conservatism
  2. Background: Shapiro is the co-founder of *The Daily Wire* and has a long history in conservative media, beginning with his role at Breitbart News.
  3. Criticism of MAGA Figures: He critiques notable figures like Tucker Carlson and Megyn Kelly for their handling of conspiracy theories and antisemitic sentiments.
  4. Focus on Personal Responsibility: Shapiro emphasizes conservatism's core value of personal responsibility, contrasting it with perceived failures within the MAGA movement.
  1. Critique of Antisemitism and Conspiracy Theories
  2. Internal Conflicts: Shapiro highlights a growing divide within the conservative movement over the acceptance of conspiratorial thinking and antisemitism, particularly among younger conservatives.
  3. Specific Allegations: He condemns figures like Candace Owens for promoting conspiracy theories linking Jews to various societal issues, including the death of Charlie Kirk.
  4. Cultural Backlash: The normalization of these views is seen as a threat to the integrity of conservative ideology.
  1. Reflections on Trump's Leadership
  2. Complex Relationship: Shapiro acknowledges both positive aspects of Trump's presidency and significant concerns regarding his ethical standards and relationships with controversial figures.
  3. Guardrails of Democracy: He believes the institutional guardrails have held despite Trump's controversial actions, including the events surrounding January 6th.
  4. Binary Choices: Shapiro expresses his pragmatic view of voting, indicating that the choice often comes down to supporting the lesser of two perceived evils.
  1. The Epstein Files and Conspiratorial Thinking
  2. Skepticism of Conspiracy Narratives: Shapiro discusses the unchecked narratives stemming from the Epstein files and cautions against the broader implications of such conspiratorial thinking.
  3. Desire for Control: He theorizes that belief in conspiracies reflects a societal desire to abdicate personal responsibility.
  1. Political Polarization and Its Consequences
  2. Mutual Distrust: Both sides of the political spectrum are depicted as being entrenched in a belief that the other side threatens democracy.
  3. Call for Responsibility: Shapiro advocates for a return to principles of accountability and rational discourse, emphasizing the dangers of extreme polarization.

Conclusion In this episode of *The Political Scene*, Shapiro's insights illuminate the complexities within the MAGA movement and the broader conservative landscape. He advocates for a critical examination of both personal responsibility and the narratives shaping political discourse, warning against the normalization of conspiracy theories and antisemitism within the movement.

Key Takeaways

  • The rift in the MAGA movement over antisemitism and conspiracy theories highlights a crisis of principle within conservatism.
  • Personal responsibility remains a foundational tenet for Shapiro, contrasting sharply with the perceived decline of accountability in the current political environment.
  • The dangers of unchecked conspiracy narratives pose a significant risk to democratic norms and civil discourse.

This discussion underscores the necessity for introspection within the conservative movement, calling for a reevaluation of what it means to hold conservative values in today's polarized political climate.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

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Ben Shapiro at AmericaFest

0:45 to 2:36

David Remnick discusses Ben Shapiro's keynote address at AmericaFest and his critique of conservative media.

“Founder of The Daily Wire and host of one of the most popular podcasts around.”

Shapiro's Reflections on Breitbart

2:36 to 6:15

Ben Shapiro reflects on his time at Breitbart and the influence of Steve Bannon.

“But anti-Semitic views are openly embraced in much of the conservative world now, particularly among some young people.”

Trump's Influence on Conservatism

6:15 to 12:00

Ben Shapiro discusses Trump's impact on conservatism and his own voting choices.

“I think that President Trump is a person who is willing to try different things and then will shift on a dime if he doesn't think those things are working.”

Moral Boundaries and Political Choices

12:00 to 14:00

A discussion on the moral implications of supporting Trump and the nature of political decisions.

“then supporting every just because you vote for someone doesn't mean that you support everything that they do.”

Ben Shapiro's Early Writing Journey

14:00 to 15:12

Learn how Shapiro began his writing career at a young age and his motivations.

“You had your first syndicated column, as most 17-year-olds do, when you were a teenager.”

Developing Conservative Ideologies

15:12 to 17:29

Explore how Shapiro's conservative views were shaped during his formative years.

“So you were fully formed as a conservative at age 17.”

Navigating Left-Leaning College Environments

17:29 to 18:54

Understand Shapiro's experiences and challenges at a predominantly liberal university.

“Some were quite eager or welcoming of differing opinions.”

The MAGA Movement's Internal Conflicts

18:54 to 20:54

Delve into the disputes within the MAGA movement regarding anti-Semitism.

“anti-Semitism and conspiracy theories related to anti-Semitism.”

Criticism of Fellow Conservatives

20:54 to 23:07

Examine Shapiro's criticisms of prominent conservative figures and their ideologies.

“Those people very often happen to have crossover with Jews, according to his guests, that he routinely wanders onto the air.”

Trump's Controversial Associations

23:07 to 25:32

Discuss Shapiro's perspective on Trump's dinner with controversial figures.

“She was spouting anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, among other conspiracy theories, including the idea that Emmanuel Macron's wife is actually a man and all this sort of stuff.”
Show all 19 chapters

Rising Anti-Semitism in Political Discourse

25:32 to 28:00

Analyze the prevalence of anti-Semitism in both conservative and liberal circles.

“I don't think that's quite the same thing as Tucker Carlson legitimately using his forum to provide Nick Fuentes a way to speak to the public for two hours.”

Understanding Antisemitism in Politics

28:00 to 30:00

Explore the definitions and implications of antisemitism in political discourse.

“to the bizarre attempt to mirror all of the excesses of the anti-Israel movement.”

The Epstein Files and Political Conspiracy

30:00 to 32:30

Discuss the implications of the Epstein files and their narrative in political contexts.

“Being critical of Israeli policy is not the same thing as saying, for example, that Israel's government designed and implemented a genocide, which is a lie.”

The MAGA Movement and Trump’s Impact

32:30 to 35:10

Examine the influence of Donald Trump and his policies on the Republican Party.

“this is treated as Mossad, even though there is zero evidence that that is the case.”

Trump's Views on Foreign Leaders

35:10 to 37:30

Analyze Trump's perceptions of foreign leaders like Putin and their implications.

“or would you rather see the Republican Party return to the roots that you started out as a conservative and a Republican?”

Media, Free Speech, and Trump’s Presidency

37:30 to 42:00

Discuss the relationship between Trump's presidency and press freedoms in America.

“When it comes to Putin and Zelensky, again, that one I cannot explain from a sort of America great perspective.”

Immigration Policy Debate

42:00 to 44:36

Explore the complexities of current immigration policies and their implications.

“How do you feel about the way it's being done as dramatized by ICE in Minneapolis and elsewhere and mass deportations and people being shipped off to El Salvador and this kind of thing?”

Challenges in Political Leadership

44:36 to 47:44

Discuss potential conservative leaders and the challenges they face in politics.

“be more of an adult, has been put in charge of implementation of border policy in Minnesota.”

Concerns for Democracy

47:44 to 49:58

Delve into worries regarding democracy and the implications of political rhetoric.

“And perhaps the only solution is a solution that sort of breaks the system.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:05You're listening to The Political Scene. I'm David Remnick. Early each week, we bring you a conversation from our episode of The New Yorker Radio Hour. This is The New Yorker Radio Hour, a co-production of WNYC Studios and The New Yorker. Welcome to The New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remnick. At the end of December, Turning Point USA, one of the most important conservative organizations in the country, held its annual conference, AmericaFest. The speakers included mainstays of conservative media like Tucker Carlson, Riley Gaines, Megyn Kelly, and Jesse Waters. Kicking things off was Ben Shapiro.

0:48Ladies and gentlemen, Ben Shapiro. Founder of The Daily Wire and host of one of the most popular podcasts around. Shapiro began by celebrating Charlie Kirk, Turning Point's co-founder, who had been murdered just a few months earlier. I really believe that the best way to judge a goodness of a man is to see the goodness of his wife and his children. And on that measure, Charlie was unsurpassed. Erica and her children are in all of our hearts. But Shapiro's real subject that day was the dangers facing the conservative movement. Instead of focusing on opponents on the left or the few remaining never-Trumpers, he looked inward.

1:29Shapiro warned of people he called charlatans and grifters. He called out Tucker Carlson by name for friendly interviews with the accused sex trafficker Andrew Tate and with anti-Semites like Daryl Cooper and Nick Fuentes. If you host a Hitler-apologist, Nazi-loving, anti-American piece of refuse like Nick Fuentes,

1:51you know the Nick Fuentes who said that the vice president of the United States is a, quote, fat gay race traitor married to a... if you have that person on your show and you proceed to glaze him, you ought to own it. Shapiro called out Megyn Kelly for hosting Candace Owens, Shapiro's former colleague, who'd been relentlessly pushing a conspiracy theory that Israel was behind the killing of Charlie Kirk. And when Megyn said this week, quote, my goal and my job here is to try to understand, yes, where Candace is coming from on this, and so she sees no purpose in inserting herself, quote, into this on one side, that is a moral and logical absurdity.

2:30Now, this is not the only rift on the right, of course. You've seen the big division between some MAGA leaders and Donald Trump over the Epstein files. But anti-Semitic views are openly embraced in much of the conservative world now, particularly among some young people. And I wanted to ask Ben Shapiro why he thinks that is. We spoke this past week.

2:55Ben, for many years now, you've been in the world of what we would call conservative media. From 2012, you were an editor at Breitbart, which is kind of like the Ur publication of the MAGA movement, I think it's fair to say. And you were acquainted there with Steve Bannon and all sorts of people. You look back on those Breitbart days, and what do you think was positive about it? What do you look back on with some regret, too, in terms of the leaders of Breitbart? So I worked at Talk Radio Network, which was the syndicator for Michael Savage and Laura Ingram. And then I ended up being hired by Andrew.

3:29I'd known Andrew since I was at UCLA. Andrew Breitbart, the founder of the publication. Yeah, who died in his 40s, I think. Yeah, he was very young. I think he was 41, I believe. Obviously, I'd known Andrew for about 10 years. I think he basically came to me and said, will you come on board and join Breitbart? This was in February 2012. So it's in the middle of the 2012 election cycle. And he died three, four weeks after I had signed up for Breitbart. And suddenly the leadership structure was completely upended because Andrew had been sort of a one-man band. He was obviously a charismatic person.

4:01He was the person from whom all sort of thoughts sprang in terms of the direction of the site. Obviously, the leadership structure changed pretty dramatically. Steve Bannon, who'd been kind of hanging around on the fringes of Breitbart Universe, making a documentary about Andrew, was brought in by Larry Solove, who is Andrew's partner, to essentially be president of Breitbart. Did you have problems with Steve Bannon? It was never sort of a bed of roses with Steve Bannon. There are a lot of people in sort of Breitbart infrastructure who are not fond of Steve or the way that he was running things, making editorial decisions and the like.

4:31I think that there were some wonderful things. But how did you assess what Steve Bannon wanted in this world? He wasn't just a conservative. I mean, he was and remains a kind of warrior who's willing to say and do what is necessary to push that battle forward. And I'm being gentle about this. If you look at the coverage of Breitbart, say, circa 2012, 2013, I'd say those are fairly mainstream conservative talking points. I mean, it was certainly a mainstream conservative website at that time. I think by the time we hit 2015, 2016, things had started to evolve a fair bit, especially because of the rise of President Trump.

5:06I was not a supporter of President Trump in the 2015, 2016 election cycle. I was much more supportive of Ted Cruz in the primaries. And then in the general election, I actually didn't vote in 2016 because I was unhappy with both candidates. Obviously, post that, I think President Trump did many things that as a conservative I like. He is a certainly non-ideological figure, which is why so many people try to sort of claim that MAGA is part of their movement. You have Reagan conservatives who will say that MAGA is a Reagan conservatism. You'll have national populists who say that it's a national populist.

5:36Trump is none of those things. Trump is Trump, and he has instincts. Which means what to you, Ben? Trump means what? His instincts are sort of naturally those of a 1975 conservative. And that means that he likes a strong America on the world stage, but tempered by a sort of hard nosed realism about non-interventionism. I think that when it comes to domestic policy, he has sort of a weird mix of not liking the government to be involved in everything, but also wanting to use the government in ways that I don't particularly approve. He seems to be more about, you know, what is the solution at hand?

6:14Will I try it? And then if it doesn't work, then he pulls out of it. So people have termed that taco, right? Trump always chickens out. I don't think that's right. I think that President Trump is a person who is willing to try different things and then will shift on a dime if he doesn't think those things are working. Do you think Trump is honest? I mean, in some ways, yes, in some ways, no. There was an article in the Wall Street Journal just a couple of days ago describing the fishy investments from Abu Dhabi into the Trump family. Our reporter, David Kirkpatrick, who's extremely conservative in his calculations about how he's assessing this, has said that the Trump family has enriched itself to the tune of$4 billion since taking office again in 2024.

6:56Does this concern you at all? Of course. I mean, I've been calling this out, I think, before pretty much anybody else. I mean, on in the Trump administration when World Liberty Financial was pretty clearly making a fair bit of money over in the Middle East. I raised red flags on my show consistently about how I thought this was wrong. If the name were Biden instead of Trump, people would be screaming bloody murder and how this was not beneficial to President Trump's agenda either. So sure, that concerns me. Well, not beneficial to his agenda or corrupt? I mean, both, obviously. I mean, I do think that that if you are taking, you know, what I perceive to be digital assets that are not particularly worthwhile, and then you have people who are politically interested investing massive amounts of money into those things, that is not a good thing.

7:39You voted for him the second time? I voted for him in 2020, and then I campaigned for him in 2024. Why? Because it was now a binary choice between Trump and Kamala Harris. And I liked a lot of what he did during his first administration. I felt the guardrails would largely hold, which I believe they have with regard to President Trump. I know many on the left believe they've not. But what I would say is that guardrails have held this time. Yes, I'm hard pressed. Help me on that, Ben. Sure. So because I don't see it even remotely the case. So let me hear your point of view on that. Sure. So the so the Trump administration has not bucked the judiciary to the tune of simply saying that if an appellate court or the Supreme Court rules in a particular way, They will just go ahead and do whatever it is that they want to do.

8:25The president does cite legal authority for the things that he is doing. So you're confident that the Justice Department will pursue corruption charges against the Trump family because it's independent? No, I'm confident that the president will likely pardon himself and his children in the same way that Joe Biden did on his way out. You're laughing, but that's radically corrupt, is it not? Again, I think that was radically corrupt when the DOJ did not pursue, you know, with alacrity, a lot of the issues surrounding the Biden family, too. I think one of the things. So the answer is yes. And it applies to all parties.

8:58What I hear from the left is is a constant drumbeat of accusation about President Trump, to which I acquiesce in part. But I find them utterly unconcerned with the same sorts of issues arising on their side of the aisle. They see President Trump as the person who's constantly violating the standard, the person who's constantly setting the new standard. I don't I think President Trump stumbled on the prone body of American politics and said this is a dead body. I see him much more as a coroner than is the murderer. Now, that doesn't mean that there's not some of both, meaning I think things can get worse under President Trump than they were heretofore.

9:30And I'm not going to deny that he's done things that I think are bad and wrong. I was very critical of his rhetoric, for example, between the election of 2020 and January 6th. But I do think that to ignore the fact. Were any of these things, do you not see any of these things as disqualifying in a moral political sense like election? Well, January 6th, for example. Right. So I don't know what disqualifying means in the sense that I did not support him in the primaries. That he would lose your faith and vote and support forever. Well, I mean, the only way to lose my faith and support and vote forever would be for there to be an alternative that I find superior to him.

10:09This is the problem. when you're making voting decisions, would I want Donald Trump marrying into my family? Probably not. When it comes to my politicians, the problem is that once you say that the candidate is quote unquote disqualified, then you either have to sit out the election, which I did in 2016, right? I found both candidates to be insufficient. And then whatever damage President Trump I thought had done by being elected in 2016, I thought that he did a bunch of things I liked between 2016 and 2020. And then I did not like what he did with regard to the election of 2020 and what I think are falsehoods that he told about winning that election.

10:45And I didn't support him in the primaries. And then he ended up winning the nomination. He was running against Kamala Harris. So I can either sit out the election again, which doesn't really achieve purposes. So in other words, what you're saying is that the potential of Kamala Harris, in your view politically, outweighs support for what in essence was an insurrection on Capitol Hill. That's hard for me, to say the least. Even for any conservative. I think that's first of all, I think that that's a pretty poor way of putting it. That's not the way that we assess candidates in the real world. The way that we assess candidates in the real world is who is more likely to perform the agenda that I see as important versus who is more likely to inhibit that agenda.

11:24And so I can fully disapprove of what happened on January 6th and think it was quite terrible and still acknowledge that Donald Trump is president from 2017 to 2021. But there are many people who consider themselves never Trumpers in the Republican Party. not a decisive amount certainly but there were there's certainly a number of people in the republican party who see his moral transgressions as so serious that they make a very different calculation than you do i mean sure and and and they're entitled to that calculation the question to me is always one of iteration okay voting is one decision and then supporting every just because you vote for someone doesn't mean that you support everything that they do.

12:08I'm speaking with the podcaster Ben Shapiro. We'll continue in just a moment. This is the New Yorker Radio Hour.

12:24Wired has always put a microscope on the people, power, and forces shaping our world. Uncanny Valley brings that same fearless reporting straight to your feed. Is Doge finally over? Will AI actually democratize American healthcare? Each week, Wired journalists from across the newsroom are going to unpack where politics, technology, and Silicon Valley collide. From conversations with tech leaders across Silicon Valley, internet fandom investigations, and government crackdowns on rigged gambling, we're taking you all over the news cycle, going straight inside the priorities, pressures, and power plays driving today's biggest decisions.

13:02Uncanny Valley tackles the questions keeping you up at night and helps make sense of the future taking shape right now. Listen to new episodes every Thursday, wherever you get your podcasts.

13:18This is the New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remnick, and I've been speaking today with Ben Shapiro, one of the most prominent voices in conservative media. The Ben Shapiro Show started in 2015, and it often ranks in the top 10 podcasts in America. Shapiro worked as a lawyer at first. He went to Harvard Law School and practiced for a time. But he's been sharing his political opinions for much longer than that. He had a column when he was 17 years old while he was a student at UCLA. Shapiro was a morning show host on Los Angeles radio, an editor at Breitbart News, and eventually he co-founded his own conservative media outlet called The Daily Wire.

13:58We'll continue our conversation with him now.

14:03You had your first syndicated column, as most 17-year-olds do, when you were a teenager. How did that happen? So when I went to UCLA, I'd skipped a couple of grades. I went to UCLA when I was 16. And I walked onto campus. I picked up a copy of the UCLA Daily Bruin. I saw an editorial that I thought was pretty terrible. What did it say? I believe that the editorial at the time was comparing Ariel Sharon, and then Prime Minister of Israel to Adolf Eichmann, the creator of the Nazi concentration camp system. And so I went in and I asked if I could write a counterpoint. And they said, sure. So I wrote a counterpoint.

14:38And then they said, we need somebody. We can't find anybody who's on the other side to write a sort of point counterpoint on Iraq. And I said, OK, I can I can think about doing that. So I did that. So I wrote a point counterpoint column for the Daily Bruin for a while. And then that turned into just a regular column. After about a year of doing that, I was talking with my father and I said, do you think that my stuff is good enough to be printed in like a normal newspaper. And he said, let me do some research. And he came up with a place called Creator Syndicate. So I printed out some of my columns from the Daily Bruin.

15:05I sent them in. And about three weeks later, I got a call from them asking if I would write a syndicated weekly column for them. And that's how it started. So you were fully formed as a conservative at age 17. How did that happen? So, I mean, I was always very into history. I was always very into politics. I read a lot. I still do, obviously. And so I had, you know, I think pretty strong opinions on a lot of subjects. I won't say that they were as well-informed as I would hope they are 25 years later. In the era prior to kind of full-scale social media, I was unlucky enough to have a syndicated column at the age of 17, meaning that many of my dumbest thoughts from ages 18 to 25 are on record.

15:42What were your dumbest thoughts that you never regret? There's like a whole list of them. I mean, I actually put up a list on our website over at Daily Wire. There were some thoughts about, for example, civilian casualties in the Afghanistan war that were poorly articulated, thoughts about Israel and Palestinian issue that were poorly articulated or wrong that I rejected later. Some of them is when you're young and in this field, one of the ways you get attention is by saying overtly provocative things that that has not changed. And so a lot of the ways that I would articulate things at the age of 19 are not the ways that I would articulate them today.

16:17Would you say that you do that now that you, you know, push the boundaries of what you really think to get attention? No, I would say that I would say that I really don't do that very much now. So let's talk about the college campus that you came on to because we hear a lot about this, that somehow the environment of a place like UCLA is completely left-leaning. And then we have the evidence of you walking into the newspaper offices and you had a column right away. So what was it like UCLA when you came there? I would never say that it was terrible for me to go to a left-leaning college. There's no question that UCLA was a left-leaning university.

16:50It wasn't a place where I felt as though I couldn't express my opinions. I will admit that when it came time for taking tests, depending on how restrictive I thought the professor was, I think that the best way to get an A in a class is to write what the professor would like you to write as opposed to what you would like to write. But you didn't do that. And you got into Harvard Law School. Of course I did. Yeah, of course I did. You made your opinions conform to the professor? I'm shocked. In the blue book. In the blue book, right? I mean, so the blue books were the way you would handwrite your essays.

17:20And so if I had a professor who I thought was very much to the left and intolerant of particular opinions, then I would do that. And that wasn't every left wing professor that I had. Some were quite eager or welcoming of differing opinions. But I won't say that every single professor was equally welcoming of differing opinions. Ben, what initially attracted you to conservatism? I grew up in a household with two Reagan Republicans. Obviously, my parents are pretty conservative. of. The basic idea that I think lies behind a good conservatism is personal responsibility, duty, a requirement that you do the right thing, a basic moral stance about how individuals should act in a free country.

18:04And I think that's still largely what drives my conservatism today. But do you find that that's antithetical to liberalism? It doesn't have to be. But I think that liberalism very often is a way of shielding people from the consequences of their own decisions or an attempt to shift individual responsibility onto systems in a way that I think is frequently unjustified. The right acknowledges that when people fail, because human nature is fallible, very often that is your own responsibility. And the best way to actually treat with that is to self-correct. And I think that for the left, because they have, I think, a rosier view of what human nature is.

18:42They tend to attribute to systems that which I think more properly lies in responsibility in the individual. Let's talk about the debate that you're having inside MAGA. You're at the center of a fight, a feud that's developing in the conservative movement, and it has to do with anti-Semitism and conspiracy theories related to anti-Semitism. Not long after Charlie Kirk died, you spoke at the Turning Point Conference, AmericaFest, and you called out Candace Owens and attendees like Megyn Kelly and Tucker Carlson. These are very influential figures now on the right and the media of the MAGA movement.

19:20Talk to me a little bit about this divide, how it's developed, what it's done to your relationships as well inside the MAGA movement. So, I mean, first of all, as people may suspect, I'm not particularly interested in my sort of personal relationships with others in the political sphere. I have a family that's very tight knit. I have four children going on five. I have a dog. I have plenty of things going on in my social calendar. And I don't see it as particularly important to hang out with people who are in sort of the same career milieu. Well, then tell me about your decision to make that speech.

19:51Sure. There were two speeches that I gave back to back. One was a speech that I gave at the Heritage Foundation the night before. And one was the TPUSA speech that I gave that night. The Heritage Foundation speech was specifically directed at Tucker Carlson because I believe that Tucker Carlson is not a conservative in any real market way that I can identify. And I was pointing that out at the Heritage Foundation. How would you describe his politics? Conspiratorial populism. I try not to speculate on motivations of people because I just don't have a window into their head. All I can say is that the stuff that he has been promoting for the past several years is very much in line with the philosophies of people like Alexander Dugin.

20:27It is very much in line. The Russian nationalist philosopher said to be close to at least the thinking of Vladimir Putin. Yes, his view of America in the world is a view that is actually closer to Howard Zinn than I think to that of sort of traditional conservatives. This idea that America is a nefarious and terrible force in the world that has committed myriad sins and must withdraw from the world both for its own good and for the good of the world. His belief that a conspiratorial coterie of people is manipulating American policy. Those people very often happen to have crossover with Jews, according to his guests, that he routinely wanders onto the air.

21:05In the aftermath of Charlie's death, Candace Owens in particular had started speculating openly that people at TPUSA up to and including in my interpretation, Erica Kirk, Charlie's wife, had been complicit in his murder or at least complicit in a cover up of his murder. If Charlie said he had no choice but to abandon the pro-Israel cause because of, and I quote, Jewish donors, the behavior of Jewish donors, if he said that, yes or no, well then, I don't know, maybe some people didn't want to take that risk that he was kind of what, become Candace Owens and Tucker Carlson? Her bizarre conspiratorial rantings had been treated as legitimate and worthwhile by people ranging from Tucker Carlson to Megyn Kelly.

21:52And so I felt that this was a necessary speech to make about the gap that has emerged on the right between a conspiratorial view of politics promoted by commentators who seem to bear less responsibility for truth telling than I think they do. And that sort of conspiratorialism has taken over large parts of the Republican Party and the conservative movement. Were you surprised by Candace Owen, I believe, is somebody that you worked with at The Daily Wire? Yeah, we hired her in 2021. What did you see? And then we fired her in 2023. So the in 2021, what we saw was a fairly mainstream conservative who said inflammatory things, obviously, and who had been telling us that she inflammatory things that you liked.

22:40Some that I would say most of them that I liked, some of them not as much. And so, you know, as people who hired her, we thought that she was going to develop in sort of, you know, intellectual directions. She had said that she was learning with Shelby Steele, for example, and reading the works of Thomas Sowell and all this kind of thing. By 2022, it was apparent that she was moving in another direction. And then it took until 2023 for that direction to come to full fruition, which was fairly open anti-Semitism. She was spouting anti-Semitic conspiracy theories, among other conspiracy theories, including the idea that Emmanuel Macron's wife is actually a man and all this sort of stuff.

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23:17And so at that point. So that was your limit with her. Well, that was to be fair. I am not an officer of my company. The people who made that decision were Jeremy Boring and Caleb Robinson, the co-CEOs of the company. But that was the collective management decision. Yes. and now you specifically criticized tucker carlson for a really soft interview he did with a guy named nick fuentes you point out how outrageous he is but is that exactly what carlson wants in his guest just attention i mean i think that probably he you know the attention doesn't hurt but at the same time i think that probably there is some ideological overlap between some of the things that he believes about america and the conspiratorial forces controlling it and some of the stuff that that Nick Fuentes believes, you know, what Tucker has a habit of doing is bringing on guests who spout the most conspiratorial form of the theory.

24:09And then he sort of buys it back about 5%. And then he allows those views to be predominant in the public discourse while talking about what wonderful people these, these folks are. Okay. But I get that. And I, I can't help but agree with that, obviously, but then you have Donald Trump. He hasn't had dinner with me, but he's had dinner with Nick Fuentes. So how does that affect your feeling about Donald Trump? So obviously, I mean, I condemn that at the time when it comes to his dinner with Fuentes and I believe it was Kanye West. It was Kanye West and Fuentes at the time. The president of the United States, and people say that I grade on a curve, but I think I grade realistically here.

24:44I am not surprised by what President Trump does. He likes being with famous people. He very often does not know who they are. He will throw them out. He will say bad things about them five minutes later. He will like Steve Bannon until he calls him sloppy. Steven fires him, whereupon he will welcome him back into his orbit and like him again. And so the sort of attempt to treat... But Ben, Ben, Ben, he's having... But maybe I think you're taking this too casually. He's having dinner with a Nazi apologist. And I didn't take that casually. And then really doesn't go off and blast him. He just kind of says, oh, I kind of didn't know who it was.

25:18And Kanye brought him along. First of all, that's bad staff work, to say the least. Terrible staff work. And it's bad behavior on the part of the president of the United States, no? I agree that it's bad behavior on the part of the president of the United States. I'm not sure what else to say about that. What's the equivalent of Conor Harris or Joe Biden? I don't think that's quite the same thing as Tucker Carlson legitimately using his forum to provide Nick Fuentes a way to speak to the public for two hours. That's a pretty low bar. No, I agree. But those are the two things you're comparing. Now, at America Fest, the vice president said this.

25:50President Trump did not build the greatest coalition in politics by running his supporters through endless self-defeating purity tests. I didn't bring a list of conservatives to denounce or to de-platform. And I don't really care if some people out there, I'm sure we'll have the fake news media, denounce me after this speech. He was kind of attacking you, wasn't he? I mean, I assume that he was disagreeing with the thing that I had said. sure. And I will point out that I don't think the vice president is being very accurate about his own approach to various conservatives and other people online.

26:24He's quite fond of attacking people online from time to time. Totally. And I remember when a bunch of, I think it was young Republican leaders had their signal chat exposed and they were making all kinds of anti-Semitic remarks on that. And the vice president didn't denounce that either. In fact, he just kind of thought it was, you know, kids being kids. Right. And again, I highly disagree with this as both a matter of morality and as a matter of tactics. I think tactically is foolish. I think it's immoral. What's going on? What's going on that this is so prevalent and excused at the top end of at least part of the conservative media sphere and the White House?

27:06I mean, I think it's a mirror image of what's going on on the left. I think to pretend that anti-Semitism is not rising on both the right and the left is to be whistling past the graveyard. But one of the things fair enough, but stick to the right. But the reason that I'm pointing this out, I understand, but Democrats would like to be in office. And so, again, to go back to sort of the original point with regard to President Trump and voting for him and not voting for him. If the question is binary choice, then you're going to have to make a decision between one of these parties because these are the two major parties.

27:37And so that's why I think it's important to bring into perspective what's happening in both parties. But Ben, do you see anti-Semitism in the mouths of leading Democratic contenders for the presidency? I see anti-Semitism in the Democratic Party apparatus's willingness to not only humor, but to promote everybody ranging from New York Mayor Zahran Mamdani, to Rashida Tlaib, Congresswoman from Michigan, to Ilhan Omar, Congresswoman from Minnesota, to the bizarre attempt to mirror all of the excesses of the anti-Israel movement. And I anti-Netanahua, I mean, anti-Israel. Listen, I asked Gavin Newsom about this, right?

28:15I was on Gavin's podcast, the governor of California, and he acknowledged that this sort of stuff has become quite prevalent in sort of democratic circles. So the reason that I'm pointing this out is, number one, because I think it's important just as a matter of description to be realistic about the rise of antisemitism in the United States period. And then I'm happy to discuss the problems on my own side of the political aisle, which I have repeatedly. And you have talked about the antisemitism on the left. and we can discuss that as well. But did the degree of it on the right take you by surprise?

28:46Yes, sure. First of all, to understand what's happening, I think we first have to understand what antisemitism actually is because I think that when people mischaracterize the definition, that allows their particular side to escape. So what people tend to do is they will define antisemitism in a way that excuses their side and that throws all of the blame on the other side. The definition of antisemitism, antisemitism at its root is a conspiracy theory about the power of Jews as a group in the world. And that can be channeled into an anti-Zionism that says that Israel is controlling American foreign policy and that Israel has befuddled the world.

29:20And it's all about the Benjamins, which is the kind of thing that Ilhan Omar says, or it can be channeled into Jews in America are too powerful in the media and they are cliquish and they are controlling the circumstances of my life. And yet, Ben, as somebody who's written from Israel and Palestine for years and years, and I, you know, the reaction to some of the things I write is that I'm an anti-Semite, which is, I got to say, news to me. But I'm no more anti-Semitic than you are, and to get attacked like that is hideous. Okay, but so this is why I'm trying to be more precise about the definition.

30:01Being critical of Israeli policy is not the same thing as saying, for example, that Israel's government designed and implemented a genocide, which is a lie. And that is a lie that can be chalked up to a nefarious view of what Jews are doing in the world, because it is also part and parcel of a broader lie, which is that Jews have then sold the idea that they are capable of doing whatever they want under the guise of America's banner. And they've done so because of their inordinate power. It's part of a broader conspiracy theory. And so one of the things that's happened is in much the same way that the right said for a long time, you keep calling everybody racist, therefore nobody's a racist, which is untrue, right?

30:36There are actual racists out there. But the idea is that if you over-apply a category, then it starts losing its power and its effectiveness, and that actually opens the door to the thing. I think the same thing has happened with antisemitism. And so what I've said before is, instead of talking in categories of antisemitism or Jew hatred or the rest of it, why don't we talk about what's true and what's false and what's moral and what's not moral? Because that's easier for people to get their head around. Ben, let me ask you about another extremely potent issue, not just in the Republican Party, and that's the Epstein files.

31:06You've been following this. What do you think it proves or doesn't prove other than the absolute hideous nature of the subject himself? I think the let's put the virality of the narrative around the Epstein files is different from what the evidence shows in the Epstein files. What the evidence shows in the Epstein files is that you have a number of very high profile people who are in in close contact with Jeffrey Epstein, who was a convicted sex offender with minors. The the indictments against Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell suggests that the trafficking of minors was about Jeffrey Epstein. There's no one else who's been indicted in terms of trafficking of minors except for Jeffrey Epstein.

31:47And according to the FBI under President Trump, there is no one who is going to be because they do not have evidence sufficient that he was trafficking young girls to other people. The narrative that has been drawn from the Epstein story, because presumably people don't know where his money comes from, although there was a very, very deep dive, I believe, in New York Times Magazine looking into where his money came from. The narrative is a broader narrative that goes back to kind of the heart of conspiracy theorizing that has taken over, I think, large swaths of both parties, but it is very, very potent on the right.

32:15and that is that there is a cadre of people who are preying upon children, who manipulate everything in your life, who may be doing so because they have been honeypotted or because they are being manipulated by a foreign intelligence service, typically on the right, on the far right, this is treated as Mossad, even though there is zero evidence that that is the case. And then Ehud Barak's name is brought up in this context. As you might imagine, I'm not a fan of Ehud Barak, but there is no evidence that on behalf of Mossad, he was running Jeffrey Epstein as a sex trafficking agent. By the way, it'd be pretty terrible statecraft considering he was already a convicted sex offender.

32:49I think that the broader theory here, which goes well beyond the evidence and the virality of that theory speaks to people's belief that they are not in control of their own lives and that conspiratorial forces who prey on children, which is obviously the best way to, if you wish to have the most nefarious form of the most nefarious theory that you've got, making them pedophiles is a great way to do it. But the attempt to kind of draw out a gigantic pedophilic conspiracy ring that was running all of America's foreign policy and domestic policy and culture, I think that goes to people's desire to abdicate control over their own lives, which I think gets back to some of my original politics, right?

33:25Which is where I was saying that I think individual responsibility is the lodestar of a successful society. And when you have conspiratorialism take over, as Karl Popper suggested, it's a massive problem.

33:39My guest is the commentator and podcast host, Ben Shapiro. Our conversation continues in a moment on the New Yorker Radio Hour.

33:55Right now, we are living through some of the most tumultuous political times our country has ever known. I'm David Remnick, and each week on the New Yorker Radio Hour, I'll try to make sense of what's happening, alongside politicians and thinkers like Cory Booker, Nancy Pelosi, Liz Cheney, Tim Waltz, Ketanji Brown-Jackson, Newt Gingrich, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Charlemagne Tha God, and so many more. That's all in the New Yorker Radio Hour, wherever you listen to podcasts.

34:27This is the New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remnick. My guest today is the commentator Ben Shapiro. Shapiro has maintained an enormous audience, especially among conservatives. But he walks a fine line. He's not exactly MAGA, certainly not all the time. He's taken issue with some of Donald Trump's positions, not to mention his ethics. And earlier in our conversation, Shapiro frankly acknowledged real corruption on Trump's part. But he's very quick to accuse the left of pearl-clutching, too. and he tends to find that whatever he may object to with Trump, Trump's opponents share equally in the blame.

35:08Is Donald Trump and the MAGA movement healthy for this country or would you rather see the Republican Party return to the roots that you started out as a conservative and a Republican? Do you see promise in the people that have been put forward as successors to Donald Trump? J.D. Vance among them. So, you know, I have differential opinions on a wide variety of these people. The president obviously picked Vance for his vice president. If vice president were in a primary with Marco Rubio, I would be likely to support Marco Rubio in that primary over J.D. Vance, for example. But the president did pick Marco Rubio for a secretary of state.

35:48And so I like, you know, so I think that when we say, are there options that I like better than others? Sure. Are there things about the Trump movement that I think have been good and salutary? Sure. Do I think that is he my ideal? If I if I could construct in my head the ideal Republican candidate or president, would it look exactly like Donald Trump? No, but I'm not sure that he's claiming to be that, nor do I have that magical power. And try as I might to manifest that in real life. What do you think Donald Trump cares about? I try not to get into motivations because I'm not a psychiatrist.

36:19But here's the nice thing about President Trump. When you asked if he was honest before, I said in some ways, yes, in some ways, no. And we got to the ways in no, but we never got to the ways in yes. The way in yes is that whatever is in his head is going to come out his mouth in the next 2.7 seconds. There is no brain mouth barrier for President Trump. That's not so much honesty as impulsivity, no? Well, I mean, it's honesty in the sense that you are getting his honest take on what he thinks in that moment. It may be an impulsive approach to honesty, but it is definitely – there is a definition of honesty by which it turns.

36:48It's revealing. I'll give you that. It is revealing. It is authentic. If you want to call it authentic, it's authentic. But as far as what is sort of the core of his sort of political belief, again, I think he has an instinct that he wants America to be great and powerful in the world. He likes the symbolism of America being great and powerful in the world. America is strong. America is virile. These are things that clearly he does believe. And so the way that manifests in policy may be grabbing Nicolas Maduro and taking him back to New York for trial. Or it may be an industrial policy that is more reminiscent of a 1937 FDR policy than it is of a traditional sort of Reagan Republican policy.

37:24Or finding more to be sympathetic about with Vladimir Putin than Zelensky. It's pretty slippery slope. Yeah. So when it comes to – right. When it comes to Putin and Zelensky, again, that one I cannot explain from a sort of America great perspective. I think that the president – Can't you explain it? I mean, can't you explain it in terms of he is impressed by, taken with the kind of authoritarian impulses and behavior of Putin rather than Zelensky? So same with Xi Jinping. I think that he is attracted by powerful people, for sure. But again, I'm not going to – he has sort of varied fairly widely, actually, over the course of the last year and a half on Russia-Ukraine.

38:08And again, I've been very consistent that I think that we ought to be supporting Ukraine sufficient to deter the Russian threat and to force Putin to the table. Now, I want to ask you about Minneapolis, which is still going on. Just from a free speech point of view, from a First Amendment point of view, should somebody like Don Lemon be prosecuted? I mean, obviously, if what he was doing was performing an act of journalism, the answer is no. And the question is going to be whether they can prove in court that he was actually a conspirator in the violation of the FACE Act. Are you worried about Donald Trump's regard for journalists?

38:45He's obviously infatuated them. He loves to talk to them. But he refers to them as enemies of the people. And you know, as a student of history, that's a phrase that comes from Robespierre. It comes from Stalin. And it has consequences. I mean, again, he's been doing that for 10 years. And you seem to have a robust audience. and the ability to speak freely every day. And I don't think that you're sitting in your studio right now waiting for the FBI to break down your door. You think he's just kidding around. Well, the FBI had no problem breaking down the door of the Washington Post reporter and taking all her devices recently.

39:16And if you go back to the Obama administration, James Rosen was treated quite similarly when he was working for Fox News. And then the Associated Press, I think, had some situations with the Obama administration as well. Like this, again, this is why I go back to, is Trump breaking new ground here or is he using tools that were left over from other administrations in ways that other people don't like. And I don't like it either. I mean, him suing various outlets, I think, is wrong and bad. Do I think that we are now at grave threat that the First Amendment has ended in the United States because Don Lemon was picked up by the by the DOJ?

39:47But Ben, sooner or later, he's not going to like what you say. And your turn is going to come and you're going to be deposed and you're going to be sued. And will that change your view of this? Not particularly. I mean, I'm not if he again, I think that it's wrong for him to do the suing of these outlets. So I'm not sure what would change about my opinion, given that I've said already that I think that it's wrong. It might hurt more if he did it to me. Let me get a little inside about. You've noticed that I'm not excusing any of the things that I think he's doing that are wrong. And this is and this is why, you know, one of the things that I think that if people on the opposite side of the aisle actually wanted to be shooting for a better future here, which is I think what we would all like, it's not enough to simply rail against Trump and say, this is not normal.

40:31It's why, you know, I think the people on the left should do some of the same with their own side. Much of what we talked about here is me criticizing my own side. I'd say 90 percent of what we talked about is me criticizing my own side. But I find an extraordinary dearth of that, unfortunately, on the left. And because of that, I think people do react by supporting the right. And this is this is one of the things that I think is is a huge mistake on the part of media is to sort of play this game where Trump does a thing. Therefore, therefore it is a bad thing. People on the left do the same thing.

41:00They are opposing Trump, therefore it's a good thing. And that seems to me completely problematic. I'm perfectly willing, Tan, each of these specific problems, say if the evidence shows that Donald Trump is targeting Donald Trump. There's no question that every president, and I'll just say it unequivocally, every president sooner or later lies. Every president sooner or later misbehaves. We're talking though about radical difference in degree, are we not? I mean, I really do not think so. That's where we disagree. Yeah, we definitely disagree on this. We definitely disagree on this. I think that the left routinely underestimates what's done by the left, whereas I think I'm being pretty accurate in that I think both sides are routinely violating the rules, and that's why we are in sort of a political death spiral to a certain extent.

41:42When you look at immigration policy, I think we can agree that there was no immigration policy, certainly no effective immigration policy when it came to the southern border for far too long, and we can argue about the reasons for that and what bill didn't get passed and so on. How do you feel about the way it's being done as dramatized by ICE in Minneapolis and elsewhere and mass deportations and people being shipped off to El Salvador and this kind of thing? So these are really sort of two separate questions, right? Trump's border policy is incredibly popular because the border was sealed day one.

42:19And it turns out that you didn't need a piece of legislation to do that. Joe Biden could have always done that. And in fact, even in the last couple of months while he was president, he sort of started to do that. As far as internal policing of illegal immigration, I think that the approach taken by Tom Homan, the Borders are, has been significantly better than the approach taken by the DHS secretary or Stephen Miller, the president's top advisor on these issues, which is hone in on the criminal illegal immigrants, many of which are in the system. I think that Democrats are actually making a major mistake by not having local law enforcement cooperate with ICE in taking people who are in jail and deporting those people or reporting them to ICE for deportation.

42:59I think that's a huge mistake by Democrats politically and just in terms of policy. And that's been a consistent policy in the United States for a while is to deport criminal illegal immigrants. Ramping that up, I think, is both smart policy and good policy. I think that the Trump administration's reaction, which has been, you know, what if we set up quotas or what if we decide that we're going to radically ramp up and going after non-criminal illegal immigrants, by which I mean people who have not committed an additional crime other than crossing the border illegally, that that is a political mistake and that that's been redounding not to the benefit of the Trump administration.

43:35I think that there are better ways to do it than they've been. But I think that Democrats are playing with fire in a lot of the stuff that they've been doing in places like Minneapolis. I think the idea that ICE agents are state-sponsored terrorism, I confronted the California governor about that, and he backed off of that. Rhetorically. Yes. When people suggest that ICE is Gestapo, when people are likening this to the Holocaust, I think it's a massive, massive, not only mistake. When people in the government, the highest levels of government call, you know, refer to people who are like Alex Petty as a as not just refer to him as a terrorist.

44:10Yes, I thought that I literally came out that day and I said that that was a complete misapprehension of the situation so far as I could tell on the tape. And I said the same thing about the characterization of Renee Good as somebody who's trying to mow down immigration officers by the bushel. I mean, it was stated by Gregory Bovino, I believe, that Alex Petty wanted to kill as many ICE agents as possible or Border Patrol as possible. And I said that that's not true. And I think that that's wrong, which is why I'm very happy that Tom Homan, who seems to be more of an adult, has been put in charge of implementation of border policy in Minnesota.

44:40I do want to focus on one thing. You said, and I think quite rightly earlier, that the left and the right keep, these aren't your words, but mine, just building their, you know, digging their trenches deeper and deeper and deeper. who do you see on your side of things in the conservative world who's a potential leader that would not have these tremendous moral failings that you've described, who would do without the kind of rhetorical ugliness that you have denounced, who would cast out the kind of characters that Tucker Carlson and company are encouraging? Who do you see as a potential leader on the Republican side that would make you a great deal more comfortable?

45:25I mean, again, I think there are a number of them. I think ranging from Glenn Youngkin, former governor of Virginia, to Brian Kemp, former governor of Georgia. I think the governor of DeSantis in Florida has done an excellent job. I think that Senator Ted Cruz has spoken out very clearly against people like, for example, Tucker Carlson and his predations. I think Secretary of State Rubio would be really good. I'd like to see Vice President Vance change tack on a lot of this. I hope that he will. This is actually a systemic problem on both the left and the right is the primary system is very, very difficult for people who are not deliberately inflammatory to navigate because primary voters tend to be the most passionate voters.

46:00And that means that the people who tend to elevate are the people who are sometimes the most provocative. I mean, you know, you've spent time in the United States Senate. If you go and you talk to some of the most passionate advocates on both sides of the aisle in the Senate, they actually do still do the kind of Tip O 'Neill, Ronald Reagan thing. Like they still mow each other. A lot of them still like each other. A lot of them still do lunch together. And the kind of story that's sold, I think, in the commentariat particularly is that you must hate the person on the other side in order for you to win great victory.

46:31You shouldn't be able to do things with 51 percent. You should have to have 70 percent to do it. That's why the system was built the way it is, with all of the gridlock between the branches and between the states and the federal government. And I think that the way that both the political parties as vehicles for political victory and also the commentariat in search of clicks and giggles have mobilized is in opposition to that. And so people are getting more and more frustrated. I'm not interested in clicks, much less giggles, even though we do have cartoons. My concern is with the sustenance of democracy and democratic institutions.

47:07And And I wonder if we share or we don't share a concern that the period that we're in now is potentially lays waste to those institutions. I mean, I'm worried about it for sure, but I think that we may be worried about it from different angles. One of the things that I notice about democracies that sort of fall into crisis is, number one, obviously, lack of institutional trust. But if you believe that if the other side wins, it's literally the end of the democracy, that is incredibly dangerous. That really is a problem because then it suggests that if the other side wins, you're never going to get to vote again.

47:43Tyranny is upon you. And perhaps the only solution is a solution that sort of breaks the system. But Ben, when the president of the United States tries to threaten people in Georgia to give him some votes or he starts to talk about nationalizing the elections, all these things, whether it's January 6th. aren't these legitimate concerns? Is the worrier the problem or the actual situation the problem? Well, I mean, no, I think in some situations, the worrier is the problem. In some situations, it depends on the conclusion you're drawing. I think the worry about January 6th was justified because obviously I think that the behavior of the president between the election and January 6th was morally wrong and also legally wrong.

48:20But I also think that the guardrails held. And I think that the notion that Democrats are sitting around worrying that there will never be another clean election, that's not true. And when Republicans say the same thing, Democrats are right to pounce on that. Democrats will say, President Trump will say, if we don't win this election, it's because it was stolen. But then I'll hear Democrats turn around and say very much the same thing about Republicans. And once both sides believe that if the other side wins, the election was stolen, then how are we supposed to ever share a polity together? That is a massive problem.

48:50And so it's something, again, I pressed Governor Newsom on this when I sat with him. It's like, you're out there saying that it's the death of democracy. We're at the end of democracy. You're trying to run in 2028. So you don't believe that. And one of the things that when the president says he wants to federalize elections, I say that he shouldn't say that he's wrong. You know what else was wrong? When the House of Representatives under Democrats tried to push H.R.1, which was a federalization of elections. It was an attempt to use the power of the federal government to cram down particular election rules on states, including things like ballot harvesting.

49:19What it leads to is a place that actually Vice President Vance has said. He said you shouldn't refrain from using the tool because you believe the other side won't use it. They will use it. So you should preemptively use it. Once we get to the point in American politics where one side basically says the other side will do whatever it can to cheat, steal, lie, change election results, destroy the country. Therefore, we must do that to stop them from doing that. Then you are really at sort of the end of a thing. And that thing is the American experiment. But the reality is that our system is very much still functional.

49:52And last I checked, Democrats are slated to win the House and possibly the Senate. So they don't feel like this is the end of the road. Ben Shapiro, thank you. Thanks so much.

50:29Come see Critics at Large live. On February 19th, we're going to be at the 92nd Street Y in New York City for a conversation about Wuthering Heights. There's a new adaptation coming up starring Margot Robbie and Jacob Elordi, and we will certainly be getting into that. But we'll also do what we, humbly, I'll say what we do best. Returning to the text, we're going to go deep on the gothic and Emily Bronte. Join me, Vincent Cunningham, and my co-hosts, Alex Schwartz and Nomi Frye, for the discussion. And crucially, if you buy a VIP ticket, you'll join us for an after party too. Go to 92ny.org for more information.

51:13That's 92ny.org. Hope to see you there.

51:22From PRX.

From the publisher

Ben Shapiro, the host of his eponymous podcast and the co-founder of the conservative website the Daily Wire, has lambasted the left and the Democratic Party for decades. Recently, though, Shapiro has taken to criticizing some of the loudest voices in the MAGA universe, including Tucker Carlson and Megyn Kelly. The rift is over the acceptance and promulgation of conspiracy theories and, in particular, the normalization of antisemitism. Shapiro discusses the Epstein files and what they show—and do not show—about the powerful people connected to Jeffrey Epstein. The belief in conspiracies of the élite reflects “people’s desire to abdicate control over their own lives,” Shapiro tells David Remnick. They discuss Shapiro’s adherence to the conservative value of personal responsibility, and how he squares that with MAGA and its champions. 

The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine’s writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week. 

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