Donald Trump’s Economic Warfare Abroad Comes Home

25 Apr 2026 · 44 min · 17 chapters

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In short

The episode argues that Trump’s aggressive use of economic warfare has destabilized the global economy and fractured MAGA, with the Iran war and Strait of Hormuz closure as the clearest example. It explains “economic warfare” as weaponizing global choke points (especially the dollar) and warns that blowback is spreading into fuel shortages, inflation, and allied distrust.

Guest

Edward Fishman, senior fellow and director of the Center for Geoeconomics at the Council on Foreign Relations; professor at Columbia University. Author of Choke Points: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare; cover story in Foreign Affairs.

Key claims

Economic warfare relies on choke points created by hyper-globalization and transnational supply chains; tariffs don’t work as Trump assumed because the U.S. is only ~13% of global imports. Iran’s innovation is selectively closing the Strait using cheap drones/tolls, making the capability persistent. The U.S. can’t reopen the Strait without regime change, but regime change would require escalation.

Notable examples

Athens embargo on Megara; U.S. sanctions via Persian Gulf blockade (1990–2003); Supreme Court reversal of tariffs; NATO rupture over Greenland threat; China rare-earth leverage; oil shock from Iran; Houthis at Bab el-Mandeb; U.S. easing sanctions on Russia/Iran after the war.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Trump's Economic Warfare and Its Consequences

2:56 to 6:01

The hosts analyze Trump's economic strategies and their impact on global relations.

“I'm Jane Mayer, and I'm joined by my colleagues Evan Osnos and Susan Glasser.”

Understanding Economic Warfare with Edward Fishman

6:01 to 6:32

Guest expert Edward Fishman explains the concept and history of economic warfare.

“Today's guest is Edward Fishman, and he's a senior fellow and director of the Center for Geoeconomics at the Council on Foreign Relations and a professor at Columbia University.”

The Evolution of Economic Sanctions

6:32 to 8:17

Discussion on the changing nature of economic sanctions and their effectiveness.

“I mean, it seems like it might be as old as the hills in some ways.”

Choke Points and Global Energy Dynamics

8:17 to 10:49

Analysis of the significance of the Strait of Hormuz in global energy markets.

“You know, Eddie, anybody who's been listening to Trump since the 80s knows that he sort of has fantasized about the idea of reordering trade in some profound way.”

The Future of U.S. Foreign Policy

10:49 to 14:00

Exploration of potential future U.S. strategies in light of ongoing economic warfare.

“What have we learned from this conflict so far about the nature of this kind of checkpoint?”

Understanding the Impact of Economic Warfare

14:00 to 20:04

Explore the complexities of the U.S. foreign policy regarding Iran and the Strait of Hormuz.

“It kind of makes me think, what was the saying?”

Analyzing the Global Economic Consequences

21:12 to 28:00

Learn about the ripple effects of U.S. economic decisions on global oil markets and geopolitical dynamics.

“Before we get back to it, what do you guys think is the overlap between our listeners and people who have serious concerns about the coming 2026 midterm elections?”

Economic Warfare and Its Consequences

28:00 to 29:33

Understand the impact of economic warfare initiated by Trump on global relations.

“And so Russia is making at least$150 million, maybe as much as$200 million a day more because of these sanctions easing.”

The Dangers of Escalation

29:33 to 31:17

Explore the risks of military escalation following ineffective economic sanctions.

“Is there a scenario where this suddenly turns a corner that we haven't discussed yet?”

Domestic Political Pressures

31:17 to 32:57

Learn how domestic political pressures affect Trump's foreign policy decisions.

“And so I worry that when we wage economic war ineffectively, the alternative, especially with Trump, is not peace.”
Show all 17 chapters

Global Response to U.S. Actions

32:57 to 34:31

Examine how other countries are preparing in response to U.S. economic policies.

“And we don't have the stomach for even small corrections in the stock market or fears of recession.”

Impact of Trump's Decisions on International Relationships

34:31 to 35:08

Discuss the ramifications of Trump's decisions on international alliances and perceptions.

“This is the political scene from The New Yorker.”

Strategic Autonomy and European Concerns

35:08 to 37:45

Delve into Europe's response to U.S. foreign policy and their pursuit of strategic autonomy.

“It's like people, they didn't take Trump so seriously until he really started blowing up their lives.”

Fragmentation of Global Alliances

37:45 to 40:02

Analyze the fragmentation of global alliances in light of U.S. actions under Trump.

“And we're going to make our own arrangements.”

Economic Consequences of Foreign Policy

40:02 to 42:00

Investigate the economic impacts of Trump's foreign policy on American citizens.

“So you've got their own interests competing.”

The Political Consequences of Trump's Actions

42:02 to 44:17

Discussing how Trump's policies may lead to significant changes in public opinion and political dynamics.

“And you're seeing this war become an issue in places like the main Senate race where Graham Plattner is bringing it up.”

Evaluating Trump's Approval Ratings

44:17 to 45:42

Analyzing the historical context of Trump's approval ratings and their impact on his political future.

“sort of the very bottom of the Trump opinion approval window, right?”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

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1:23I mean, I don't know about you, but I have been impressed by the former Labor Secretary, Lori Chavez de Reimer. The sheer range and ambition of lunatic misconduct that is alleged by her involving drinking in the office and it gets involved with her husband and her father. I mean, that was a real come-from-behind victory as far as I'm concerned. You don't think sending out for rosé is what the cabinet's supposed to be doing? I don't know, Evan. I mean, if you're making predictions, the females in the cabinet are a particularly endangered species. So I might put my money on Tulsi next. Tulsi Gabbard.

2:03Susan, what do you think? What about you, Susan? I feel like this was always a knockdown drag out contest between RFK Jr. and Pete Hegseth because you got, OK, the future public health of our entire nation. You know, our grandchildren are going to be getting measles because this guy. So that's one thing to balance. Also, can we talk about the whole cutting off the raccoon penis on the side of the road? Like, what is that about with us? Well, he was asked. Did you see when he was asked about it by a reporter and he just he just looks at him and chuckles and goes, huh, huh, huh. Oh, my God. Really creepy.

2:46I mean, when you put it that way, it does sound bad. So we're going to have to come back to this subject. This this is going to take some time. Welcome to The Political Scene from The New Yorker, a weekly discussion about the big questions in American politics. I'm Jane Mayer, and I'm joined by my colleagues Evan Osnos and Susan Glasser. Hi, Evan. Good morning, guys. Hey, Susan. Hey there. Great to be with you.

3:14So Donald Trump has done something no American president has managed to do in the modern era. he's used economic power so aggressively and so recklessly that he has destabilized the global economy and in doing so brought himself it seems like down and arguably fractured the entire MAGA movement at least for right now right Evan is this how it looks to you yeah I mean it is distinctive usually a president has a trade-off where you can go on some big global project and it might rally the base at home, rally people around the flag, or you're choosing your domestic political needs and you're neglecting something overseas.

3:56But no, he has managed to do both. As a result, they are both tumbling out of his grasp. Right, Susan? Is that how we should understand this? Well, I mean, look, you know, waging war as a way to get yourself out of a domestic political mess is an old tradition for American politicians. It's amazing to me that Donald Trump, the man who railed against globalization, has now found that globalization remains such a powerful force that by tripping up the global economy, he's also tripped up himself here at home, right? You know, globalization lives on despite what Donald Trump has been telling his followers for the last decade.

4:38And I think I'm so glad we're going to have this conversation today about how So what happens at Mar-a-Lago matters pretty much everywhere in the world. He's kind of discovering there are repercussions, isn't he? Totally. I mean, he's also, it's so interesting. He's every now and then discovers multilateralism might be a good thing when he says, you know, where's the rest of the world when I need them? Oh, but he doesn't need them. That's right. That's right. Of course. What am I thinking? I mean, it is amazing if you actually look, just look back at the last year. We're going to talk a bit about this in real detail.

5:11But, I mean, he has basically discovered that economic warfare, which is this very tempting toolbox, you know, that sits at his feet, that it's very strong stuff. And if you don't know how you're going to situate these pieces together, they can eventually really blow back on you. I mean, you've got obviously the global tariff regime, which was then reversed by the Supreme Court. He managed to rupture the NATO alliance by threatening to use tariffs if they didn't allow him to take Greenland. He managed to make China figure out how it could use its rare earths control to brush back the United States.

5:46And then, of course, here we are now in the teeth of this greatest oil shock in history as a result of this adventure in Iran. So one after another. Luckily, we kind of have the perfect guest to be a guide of this subject. Today's guest is Edward Fishman, and he's a senior fellow and director of the Center for Geoeconomics at the Council on Foreign Relations and a professor at Columbia University. Last year, he released a book called Choke Points, American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare, and he has got the cover story right now in Foreign Affairs. So welcome, Eddie, to the show. My pleasure.

6:25Sure. Eddie, if you were just talking to people who are new to this subject or to thinking about it, what do you mean by economic warfare? And is it new? I mean, it seems like it might be as old as the hills in some ways.

6:38Edward Fishman:That's right. I mean, economic warfare is as old as history. I mean, for one, I studied ancient history when I was in university. And the first example we have of economic warfare was actually in the fifth century BC, when Athens imposed an embargo in a neighboring city-state called Megara right before the Peloponnesian War. But I think what changed, Jane, in the last two decades is really significant because all the way up until the end of the 90s, when you wanted to impose hard-hitting economic pain on another country, you had to actually use military force. You had to do a naval blockade or a siege.

7:11Edward Fishman:I mean, even in the 90s, when the U.S. imposed an embargo alongside the UN on Saddam Hussein's Iraq, we actually implemented that through a multinational naval blockade. From 1990 all the way up until 2003, U.S. sailors and sailors from 20 other navies patrolled the Persian Gulf 24-7, inspecting every single tanker coming in and out of Iraq's ports. But what happened in the wake of the 90s, in the wake of the period of hyper-globalization, is when we integrated our economies around a single currency, namely the U.S. dollar, transnational supply chains, many of which went through China, we had the creation of these economic choke points, these sort of single points of failure in the global economic system.

7:50Edward Fishman:And if you think about it, the dollar is a more important choke point, frankly, than the Strait of Hormuz. 90 % of all foreign exchange transactions are done in dollars. And in order for the U.S. to cut another country off from the dollar, we don't need to use any military force. It's all it takes is President Trump signing a document in the Oval Office, and he can cut off any person, company, or entire country from the dollar. That's what has been revolutionized about economic warfare in the last 20 years. And I think it's going to only proliferate until we see a fundamentally reshaped global economy.

8:21You know, Eddie, anybody who's been listening to Trump since the 80s knows that he sort of has fantasized about the idea of reordering trade in some profound way. Right. And so he came into office and we've seen him try to use tariffs in this idea that it would be a panacea, that it would just shift everything all at once. And now the Supreme Court has said, no, it doesn't work. We're in this very complex period of trying to unwind the effects of those. Help us conceptualize. How do you interpret the Trump administration's belief in economic warfare? What did they imagine they could do with it?

8:57And what have we learned so far after the first year and a half?

9:00Edward Fishman:So I think one of the major beliefs that Trump had, even going back to his first term, was that because the United States runs these big trade deficits, right, we import a whole lot more into the United States than we sell to the rest of the world, that we could impose tariffs and get everything we wanted, right? Because if you just think about it, if China is selling three times as much into the U.S. as we sell to China, China is going to suffer more from U.S. tariffs than the United States would from Chinese tariffs. So basically, the assumption was, you know, the American consumer, I think even his press secretary, Caroline Levitt, said this, everybody wants the American consumer.

9:37Edward Fishman:If you can't sell into the U.S. market, you're out of luck. The problem, though, Evan, is that the United States is the world's biggest importer, but we only account for around 13 % of global imports. And so if you compare that with the dollar, where we're involved in 90 % of all foreign exchange transactions, or advanced microchips, where NVIDIA is producing 85 % of the global supply, or rare earth elements, which China refines 90 % of the global supply. These are monopoly positions. The United States as a market for other countries' goods is actually quite small. And that's why last year, as you would know better than anyone, Evan, China was hit with these big tariffs and their exports to the United States went down substantially, but they actually had a record year for exports.

10:20Edward Fishman:They sold more than they ever had before because they just sold to other countries. So, okay, I got to ask you, the biggest choke point in the world right now, obviously, is the Strait of Hormuz. We haven't talked about that, but to me, I hope we can really unpack what does it mean that Iran has now figured out that even more, perhaps, than a theoretical future nuclear weapon, they have now essentially leveraged over 20 % of the world's energy exports flowing through a state that they now control in a way that they did not prior to Trump's war. What have we learned from this conflict so far about the nature of this kind of checkpoint?

10:58What do you think are some of the ramifications of Iran using it in this way? I was really struck by a tweet sent by the very erratic now former leader of Russia, Dmitry Medvedev. He said, Iran has a nuclear weapon. It's called the Strait of Hormuz.

11:13Edward Fishman:Look, I think in some ways Medvedev is right. You know, a nuclear weapon is fearsome on paper, but it's unusable in practice. And I think before this war, everyone knew that the Strait of Hormuz was the most important geographic choke point in the world, right? 20 % of global oil, 20 % of liquefied natural gas, a third of fertilizer, a third of helium. All of these important commodities need to go through this very narrow choke point on a daily basis. I think the assumption, though, and the category error that we had going into this war was that in order to close the strait, Iran would have to lay hundreds, if not thousands, of these sea mines, basically making the strait physically impassable.

11:52Edward Fishman:And if you think about it, Susan, sea mines don't discriminate. Whether you're carrying Saudi oil or Iranian oil, they might blow up your tanker. And so the thought was this would be economically suicidal for the Iranians. They wouldn't do it. But what the Iranians have shown is that just by virtue of using these cheap drones that cost$20 ,000 or$30 ,000 a pop and can be produced, manufactured in a facility the size of my office, they could close the strait selectively. Basically, they could say Iranian tankers go through, but everybody else can only go through if they pay us a toll. This was, I think, the big innovation.

12:24Edward Fishman:And now that they've shown that they can do it, that capability is going to persist. Right. And I think that's why the Iranians are not sort of rushing for a deal right now, because they realize they now have actually established themselves as the gatekeeper of the Strait of Hormuz that could generate, you know, tens of billions of dollars a year for them in terms of toll revenue. And they're not going to give that up. Eddie, just before we leave this, it seems incomprehensible that nobody thought of this possibility. You're an expert. How do you regard this decision or the failure to understand this vulnerability?

13:00Edward Fishman:I think we have to be a little bit empathetic with the Trump administration here because I agree. In retrospect, it makes a ton of sense. We saw the Houthis do something very similar with the Bob El-Mendeb, which is another important choke point, although significantly less So then the Strait of Hormuz. But look, I just think, you know, you have certain plans, you have certain ideas. And when the rubber hits the road, when your expectations are confused, you know, you kind of fall into a bit of disarray. I think one other thing just to add to Susan's point is, you know, choke points, when you actually show their power, they then have a different psychological effect moving forward.

13:34Edward Fishman:Right. So again, the Strait of Hormuz was theoretical. It could close. Maybe it would be really bad for, you know, global energy markets. But it really had never been closed before. And so now it's just a total different experience. I mean, you go back to in the 1990s, the U.S. already had the power to do devastating financial sanctions. We certainly did in the 90s. And actually, Bob Rubin, the Treasury Secretary, didn't want to weaponize the dollar because he was worried that it would damage our credibility as sort of the global reserve currency. But I think even if he had threatened to do so, it might not have had the same impact because we hadn't shown, we hadn't actually seen the devastating effect that it could have on countries like Iran or Russia that it actually has had in practice in recent years.

14:15It kind of makes me think, what was the saying? Was it Muhammad Ali who said, everybody's got a plan until you get... It was Mike Tyson. Okay, Mike Tyson. What is it? Everybody's got a plan until you get slugged in the face? Exactly. Yeah. He said, until the Strait of Hormuz closes. You know, Tyson was always a geostrategic thinker. I mean, Eddie, we're going to talk in a moment about the sort of long range ripple effects around the world. But I am curious, if you were right now, here we are in the teeth of this moment with the Strait of Hormuz. If you were called in suddenly to brief this president and say, here's how I think this may play out, what would you say?

14:50What do you see happening?

14:52Edward Fishman:I do not see the United States having the ability to reopen the strait absent affecting regime change. And I think herein lies the fundamental dilemma that the Trump administration has right now, which is that any deal that they strike is going to include Iran having this leverage over the Strait of Hormuz. You cannot get rid of their capacity to produce drones and missiles. It's the 15th biggest country in the world. It's huge. They're going to have this capability. But then the problem is, if you want regime change, you're probably going to need to escalate substantially militarily, probably putting boots on the ground.

15:26Edward Fishman:And I don't think that's a good idea either. So as often happens in foreign policy, you're choosing between really bad options. But I do think that, you know, look, absent regime change, Iran is going to have this power over the strait. You are going to see a fundamentally reshaped Gulf where Iran is much more powerful relative to the Saudis and the Emiratis who had sort of been the upstarts in the region. And, you know, we got to live with the consequences, I guess, of this very risky decision that Trump made to go into war in February. So just to follow up on that, to what extent do you think the Gulf countries will be able to work around the strait?

16:01I mean, now that they are taking seriously something that they arguably should have taken seriously before, I was speaking with someone the other day who thought that it was really, frankly, a minimum of five years until there could be a real shift in the Gulf and how they transit their supplies. But given that there's no short term fix for this, Trump has opted for a naval blockade. You sort of alluded to this at the beginning. Naval blockade goes back to the Peloponnesian War. But it looks like it's actually not very effective as a counter strategy to Iran's initial seizing control over the street.

16:39Edward Fishman:So I think that Trump made the right decision to impose the naval blockade. Because if you think about what the status quo was before the naval blockade, oil prices were going into the stratosphere because Iran had selectively closed the strait. But they were getting their oil through. So the status quo was one where their own actions in the strait had led to a higher price of oil, and they were able to make windfall profits, probably as much as$10 billion selling their oil in the first month of the war. So I think I would prefer a world in which nobody can sell oil through the strait than one in which only Iran can sell oil through the strait.

17:15Edward Fishman:To your first question, Susan, and by the way, we could talk more about the blockade because I think it's an interesting topic, but I want to address your first question about how long this is going to take, because there is this sort of pattern we see with choke points where when you weaponize a choke point, other countries feel vulnerable and they try to diversify, right? China, since 2014, since the initial U.S. sanctions on Russia, has been trying to diversify away from the dollar. The U.S. now is spending billions and billions of dollars trying to diversify away from Chinese rare earths since those export controls were imposed last April.

17:48Edward Fishman:And look, for sure, the Saudis, the Emiratis, all of those countries in the Gulf are going to try to build pipelines that circumvent the Strait of Hormuz. You already have one in Saudi Arabia that was actually, in many ways, motivated by this risk in the 1980s during the Iran-Iraq war. The Saudis said, maybe the Strait of Hormuz will close. We should build a pipeline to the Red Sea, which is the one that they have. The challenge, though, Susan, is that in order to build those pipelines, build that infrastructure, guess what you need? You need access to the Strait of Hormuz. You need to be able to import steel and other products to actually build that kind of infrastructure.

18:22Edward Fishman:So even if it would take, you know, you could do this sort of in a crash couple of years if you really needed to. It's not the deus ex machina that we may hope it could be. Just to return to the dilemma that you laid out, the choice between needing either regime change or tremendous numbers of boots on the ground. from your study of this administration, which direction do you think they will go in? It's a really tough call. I don't have a very strong view, but if I had to bet, I think we have not seen the worst of this war yet. I think it's reasonably likely that this escalates at some point in the coming months.

18:58Edward Fishman:It might not happen tomorrow. But look, I mean, if you just think about the different types of war aims you could have going into this, I think clearly regime change was number one, right? They killed Ayatollah Khomeini on day one. Trump publicly said, Iranians now rise up. You know, they wanted regime change, right? That's no longer on the table, I think, absent escalation. I think then, you know, you talk about denuclearization. I mean, they've got 440 kilograms of high enriched uranium. That's enough to make 10 nuclear bombs sitting in the center of a country buried deep underground. We'd take an incredibly risky special operations raid to try to get that material out.

19:33Edward Fishman:So what are you left with now? I mean, if your goal is, you know, OK, we sank their navy and maybe they're charging a toll in the Strait of Hormuz, but they're not going to bomb anyone's tankers or cargo ships. I mean, I don't see how anyone can view that as a victory. And we all know Donald Trump doesn't like to look like a loser. So I do worry that this could very well escalate in the weeks and months ahead. All right. Well, listen, we're going to just take a very quick break. And when we come back, we'll talk more about Trump and the ripple effects of economic warfare. This is the political scene from The New Yorker.

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21:12Before we get back to it, what do you guys think is the overlap between our listeners and people who have serious concerns about the coming 2026 midterm elections? Well, I'm not sure who doesn't have some concerns. I think there's a huge amount of overlap, but there are probably some optimists in there too, I suppose. Well, one of the great things about our listeners is they seem to have strong opinions. Sometimes we hear from them. Strong opinions either way. But, you know, whatever it is you're feeling about the midterm elections, I hope you'll come see us live because I'm here to announce that we are doing a special taping of the podcast at 92 NY in New York City on June 4th.

21:56Yeah, exactly. We're going to be there face to face in person. We're going to be talking about a whole host of things. We can talk about election integrity, what's at stake in the midterms, whether Democrats are actually in a position to capitalize on Trump's collapsing approval numbers. There is no shortage for us this time. Right, Jane? Yeah. And we're going to talk about the Republican seats. People are making projections that maybe the Democrats will sweep them. Is that a mirage? Should we make a bet on that or not? And what happens if Democrats actually do take back Congress? Will it really provide a meaningful check or not with Donald Trump?

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22:33And what does it mean looking ahead to 2028? Also, I have to say, I love these live events. I hope you'll join us. Actually, it's really fun for us. So also for anyone who gets a VIP ticket, there's also a meet and greet after the taping. So political analysis will continue over drinks. And if you're not in New York or can't get there, we have good news. We're going to be streaming this so you can watch from wherever you are. So head to 92NY.org for more info or check the link in our show notes today. And we hope to see you there on June 4th.

23:14forth. Eddie, you made a very important point a moment ago, which is that in a sense, the status quo right now seems unsustainable, that there may in fact be an escalation to come. Help us take stock of the impact already on the global economy, of what's happened, of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, the blockade? And how bad do you think it could get, actually, for the global economy?

23:41Edward Fishman:Look, I think when you zoom out and look beyond the purview of the United States, this is already a major crisis in many parts of the world, right? I think I'm often in conversations with investors and policy people where they say, well, when are the shortages going to hit? Well, I would say, well, go to Sri Lanka or go to the Philippines, where people have been told they have to work from home or they have to ration gasoline. You know, they can only fill up their tanks once a week, right? You already have conditions that resemble the 2020 COVID in many parts of the developing world because they have actual fuel shortages.

24:13Edward Fishman:It's not just higher prices. They don't have the fuel they need. I think that's only going to get worse. The other thing to note is if you just think about how long it takes for oil and liquefied natural gas to get from the Gulf to Asia, where they're primarily selling these products, You know, it's a month long journey or more. And so you would only expect some of these really acute shortages to start hitting right around now in the coming weeks. So I think this is only going to get worse because I don't see that the Strait of Hormuz opening anytime soon. I think for us here in the United States, this manifests in terms of higher fuel prices.

24:49Edward Fishman:We already see gasoline above four dollars a gallon. I'm sure it will go higher than that. and probably in terms of inflation. It started ticking up already, but just because of sort of the ubiquity of oil in pretty much the entire supply chain of everything that we use here, you are going to see inflation go up. I think one way that we are somewhat insulated, at least relative to the rest of the world, because there's been this question, does, you know, the shale revolution, which in some ways I think is like one of the more underappreciated geopolitical stories of the last several decades. I mean, the U.S.

25:23Edward Fishman:is by far the world's biggest producer of oil and natural gas, not even close, which is quite remarkable. We are somewhat insulated on the natural gas side because we really produce the natural gas that we consume. So in some ways, we actually benefit from the crunch in natural gas markets because our exporters in the Gulf are selling liquefied natural gas at inflated prices, while Qatari LNG is offline because of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz and the attacks on Ras Lafon, this very large liquefied natural gas facility in Qatar. So there's sort of divergent effects in the U.S. I think most people will suffer, but I think the LNG producers in the Gulf Coast are going to be making a killing in the United States.

26:03It's interesting that you bring up the sort of effects around the world because this is also a little bit of a story about the limits of American power, right? And it's not just the question of failing to anticipate Iranian action, the Strait of Hormuz, but I'm really struck by Trump at the same time he did this temporarily waiving sanctions on Russian and even Iranian oil in the hopes of somehow insulating Americans even further. I'm having this conversation with you today in Europe where they're literally canceling thousands of flights already because of these shortages of jet fuel. And yet it didn't make a difference.

26:43You know, so Trump does a favor for Putin that sends billions more into Russia's war kitty. But at the same time, it doesn't really affect the prices in either the U.S. or Europe.

26:53Edward Fishman:Yeah, this was one of the more surprising and frankly, unprecedented actions that has taken place in this war, which is that the United States attacked Iran to try to affect regime change. Oil prices spiked because of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Russia, by the way, has been providing support to the Iranians throughout this war, including targeting intelligence to allow the Iranians to hit U.S. forces in the region. And the U.S. responds by easing sanctions on both Russia and Iran. I really cannot think of another analogy, frankly, in my entire study of sanctions, economic warfare, in which the U.S.

27:28Edward Fishman:actually eased sanctions on an adversary to try to undo a problem of its own making. I think the Russia sanctions easing in particular is very problematic. Because if you look at where we were in February, Susan, in February, Russia earned the lowest oil revenues on a monthly basis that it had since the beginning of the war in Ukraine. Their oil was selling for about$30 below the benchmark. They were getting killed, basically. As soon as these sanctions have been eased, and by the way, now it's been extended, Russian oil is selling at a premium to the international benchmark. And so Russia is making at least$150 million, maybe as much as$200 million a day more because of these sanctions easing.

28:10Edward Fishman:So if you think about the ripple effects for Ukraine, I mean, that has always been, that's been a war of attrition. It's a question of who can sort of outlast the other side. This has given a tremendous amount of runway to Putin, financial runway, taken burden off him. And so I do worry that by virtue of starting this war in Iran, we may have prolonged the carnage in Ukraine. Yeah, I have to say, Eddie, hearing the way you tie these pieces together, and I don't mean this just to dump on President Trump, but he strikes me as almost uniquely unqualified for deploying the tools that you're describing.

28:43Because one of the things that comes through in your writing very clearly is that economic warfare requires a few things. Endurance, attention. You have to, if you're going to embark on this, you have to follow it through a whole series of second and third order consequences. You also have to have credibility that if you say you're going to do something that you follow through on that and other countries then have to anticipate and respond to it. It is a very delicate art in some sense, the use of economic warfare. And, you know, one of the sort of mantras we have on this show is the idea that a false belief eventually collides with reality at some point, usually on the battlefield, as Orwell put it.

29:20We are seeing right here a whole series of false beliefs that Trump had and has both about United States, American power, and about how other countries regard us and how they are situated around the world. I don't see, and I'd be curious if you can identify one, a path out of this spiral that he is in right now where things get worse and worse. Is there a scenario where this suddenly turns a corner that we haven't discussed yet? I don't think so.

29:51Edward Fishman:I'm quite concerned about this. And, you know, we're only a year into Trump's presidency. If you go back to last year, I mean, the Liberation Day tariffs, I think in some ways we've moved on from them in the United States in that, you know, the Supreme Court struck down most of the tariffs. But, you know, you travel around the world, you travel to Europe, you travel to Japan, you travel to South Korea. They've not forgotten. And we've really immolated a lot of the trust that has been built up over decades with key allies. And I think one of the key lessons, I think, whether it's economic warfare, whether it's military force, really whether it's diplomacy writ large, America is stronger with allies, right?

30:30Edward Fishman:We need allies. So I do worry that without the trust that is necessary to sort of carry through with an economic war, without the strategy and the strategic thinking, you know, you've decimated the National Security Council. I think that it's likelier that these economic conflicts bubble over. One final point, though, because I think it kind of connects some other geopolitical crises that Trump has been a part of. If you look at the trend from both Venezuela and Iran, with both Venezuela and Iran, Trump set out to use maximum pressure, maximum economic pressure to try to affect regime change. And with both, he failed.

31:09Edward Fishman:And instead of saying, well, let's stick with the maximum pressure, but let's lower our objective to something less ambitious than regime change. He said, we're going to stick with our goal and escalate to the use of military force. And so I worry that when we wage economic war ineffectively, the alternative, especially with Trump, is not peace. It's not maybe pivoting to something less confrontational. It may be war. I want to ask you about one other factor, though, that may enter in his decision about what way to go forward, which is something else you write about in your piece, which is the pressure that comes from domestic politics here at home.

31:51And you talk about how really the Achilles heel of American power is our low tolerance in this country for pain and that there will be a backlash against the war that he has to deal with in terms of domestic politics, which then will put the pressure on him to somehow fix things without prolonging the war.

32:14Edward Fishman:So there's some irony here in that in some ways, the rise of economic warfare in U.S. foreign policy over the last two decades was inspired by not wanting to fight more wars after Afghanistan and Iraq. We lost political support for the use of military force. And so we said we need to find another way to compete geopolitically. And that's largely why we've turned to sanctions and economic warfare. I think, though, what's happened as we've started waging economic wars against bigger powers like China or when other countries have started fighting back like Iran, we realize that economic warfare actually can spread costs across the American people, right, across our entire society.

32:57Edward Fishman:And we don't have the stomach for even small corrections in the stock market or fears of recession. I mean, that's why we have this acronym TACO, right? Trump always chickens out. You know, with taco, the taco analogy originated from Trump's tariffs. It was Trump would impose a tariff, the markets would tank, and then Trump would pull back the tariff, right? In that scenario, though, it's Trump is the decision maker on both sides, right? He signs the tariff in place with the stroke of a pen, and he pulls it back with another signature on a paper. With this current conflict, the reason the global economy is sort of spiraling into crisis is because Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz.

33:35Edward Fishman:So if Trump were to walk away from this war, there's no guarantee that the strait would reopen. I think, to the contrary, Iran would probably set up their toll and probably not allow a number of ships to go through. So this is a crisis that Trump can't get out of, I think, of his own making, even if he wants to. Unbelievable. I'm glad. That pretty much sums it up. Yeah, really, here we are stuck. I think, what was it, Susan, that you were saying the word begins with Q at one point, quagmire? So I hope we're not really. Eddie, thank you so much for joining us today. This is helpful, clear headed and a little bit worrisome.

34:16I'd say more than a little bit, Eddie. That was just incredibly well informed. You've done the reading, the writing and and very bracing about what's to come. So thanks for coming on today.

34:26Edward Fishman:It was my pleasure. Thanks for letting me spend some time with you guys. We're going to take a quick break. This is the political scene from The New Yorker.

34:50That was really interesting and very, very bracing. Well, I think people are still in shock that one person kind of unleashed so much of this. I mean, you know, for me, and I'm curious for you guys, like everywhere I go and, you know, I'm in Europe now, but it's true in the U.S. too. It's like people, they didn't take Trump so seriously until he really started blowing up their lives. And he's affecting not only how much it costs to fill their car, whether they can afford to travel somewhere in the summer. There's this new, I think it's a new scrutiny of is Trump absolutely crazy is actually a direct result of the war in Iran in a way that I didn't figure.

35:31And here's my one data point I wanted to bring to both of you guys today. In the Fox News poll, no less. So Fox News poll has found that I believe 55 % of Americans believe that Donald Trump does not have the mental stability to be president. I think that's a really interesting point that it's when the havoc that has been created by Trump internationally comes home and affects people at the gas pump, they begin to question, they suddenly look at him differently and think, you know, is this man nuts? And I don't think we people have quite connected the dots even consciously, but you're right, it makes a lot of sense that that's what's going on, isn't it?

36:17I also think, and this came through to me when I was in Germany a few days ago, that this question of how does the rest of the world respond when the United States takes steps of this kind, when we unleash economic warfare in the forms that we have. I think one of the crucial failures of anticipation was realizing that the rest of the world is not just sitting on its hands, that in fact, it's been laying in preparations that other countries, as Eddie described, like in China's case, they started a decade ago saying, OK, if we do find ourselves so reliant on foreign oil reserves, what are we going to do?

36:55So they began to make plans to reduce their dependence on global energy supplies and on being more self-reliant with new energy. And one of the things I heard over and over the last few days, and Susan, I'll be curious if you get the same impression, is I asked people, you know, do you think the United States is fundamentally on a trajectory to move away from the NATO countries? Or do you perceive this as a Trump phenomenon? And they said, you You know, honestly, we're moving on, meaning we're beginning to imagine a world in which we simply they're not they do it more in grief than in anger where they're saying, look, we're not.

37:31Honestly, this conversation is exactly the one I had last night with some allied countries, representatives in the U.S. who said basically this is this is a rupture. They said it is a rupture. we expect it's entirely likely the U.S. will pull out of NATO. It's entirely likely the U.S. will pull out of the U.N. And we're going to make our own arrangements. I mean, that is happening in terms of the way the rest of the world is looking at us now. You know, it's interesting. The phrase here is strategic autonomy. But I think I have a little bit more of a kind of jaded take on this because Europe hasn't wanted to spend the money, hasn't wanted to do what's necessary and doesn't necessarily have the cohesion to do so.

38:19And so that's the bind for them. You know, Donald Trump is really one of his geniuses, right, as he identifies sort of the sore spots to pick at, whether it's in domestic politics or international. With European allies, he jumped onto something that actually had started during the Obama administration, which is a recognition that our allies really weren't fully paying the burden of security costs in Europe. And Donald Trump, of course, took it, magnified it and turned it into an outright rift with our partners. But it's really interesting to me. So yes, absolutely, there is a sense that it's not just America because America voted twice for Donald Trump.

38:55Maybe one time you could consider it to be an outlier. Twice, it's hard to do that. But the trick is that for Europeans, there's not a consensus. Last night, I was at a dinner here at a conference, international conference, and this dread phrase, strategic autonomy came up. And it literally took about two minutes to get from, yeah, you know, the Americans are so unreliable to the representative from Southern Europe, from Greece, getting in an argument with the representative from Northern Europe, the Baltics in this case, about who should pay the cost of security against Russia. And the bottom line is Greece and Italy and Spain are not on board with paying the cost of securing Europe from Russia.

39:41I will say, though, that Susan, you know, no consensus in Europe may be the oldest headline in the history, you know, since Gutenberg. The idea that there will not be consensus in Europe is exactly the phenomenon you're describing. And it is, in fact, something to be deeply concerned about in this. What it really speaks to is this idea of a global fragmentation that is going on. That is really the bigger picture of what the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz represents, is that if you tie all the pieces together, what you're talking about is you've got individual countries that are beginning to make preparations for a world in which, as Xi Jinping put it the other day, we're living in the law of the jungle, in which everybody has to look out for themselves.

40:22So you've got their own interests competing. The United States, for reasons that I thought Eddie laid out beautifully, has neither the attention span in this administration or the expertise. I mean, they're running essentially with a skeleton staff over at the National Security Council, where they're kind of coming up with projections about what might happen in the event of a U.S.-Israel attack on Iran, and their projections are turning out to be totally inadequate. So that is a recipe for more than just, you know, spirited debate around the possibility for cohesive action. It is really a world in which it becomes every country for itself.

40:59That to me is the very worrisome trajectory. That's very much the world that Stephen Miller said that he thought we should be living in, though. Remember, this is very much their view of power. Though I would argue in some ways I think that the lesson has been that that view of power and Donald Trump's view of power has proven false in that what he's really discovered is that it is an interconnected world. And you can't go at just America alone. and he has an exaggerated sense of his own power and he's seeing it. Totally true. And one of the wonderful things about this piece that Eddie Fisher's written is about the steps that the other parts of the world take in what he calls de-risking.

41:40You know, Trump thinks the whole world needs us because we're the biggest market, but the rest of the world's kind of said, well, we'll make some other plans then. And they're actually not suffering so much. And Americans are beginning to suffer at home. And that is what we're beginning to see as we move into the midterm election. The price of gas is up. Inflation is taking off at home. And you're seeing this war become an issue in places like the main Senate race where Graham Plattner is bringing it up. You're seeing in Virginia a strong turnout of Democrats to redistrict in the state so that they win in the midterms.

42:19I mean, there are a lot of unintended consequences that Donald Trump and his administration seem to have completely missed. I absolutely agree. Look, I'll just jump in to say, in a sense, we are living through right now the early phase of what may turn out to be the dominant political story of this year, which is that the range of things that Trump has embarked on, which are wildly divorced from what public attitudes and public preferences would suggest, what Americans actually want, turns out to bear very distinct political consequences. Are you seeing, Susan, the sign that that this may end up being the albatross around his neck?

43:03Well, you know, beware. I'm here in Delphi. So beware pronouncements, cryptic or otherwise. about the future of Donald Trump. You know, people have been waiting for the thing that would end his political appeal. And it hasn't happened. If the man can survive January 6th, I'm wary of any predictions. But for me, I do see something different happening to Donald Trump's approval ratings and disapproval ratings now than ever happened in his first term. In his first term, there was a dynamic where Americans basically believed that the economy was going pretty well. And that was always his sort of, you know, get out of trouble free card.

43:42And there was a sense that Trump was a very polarizing and divisive figure. Approval ratings consistently showed people really didn't like him. However, even a substantial subset of the American population who didn't like him were still potentially supportive of him because they thought the economy was going well. Well, that's all gone. That's all gone. This is why independents have changed course so dramatically about Trump in the course to the last year with the speed that we actually haven't seen in the last few presidencies. And it's very hard to see those people coming back from. We're now in a situation that you might call sort of the very bottom of the Trump opinion approval window, right?

44:25You have about a third of the country only supporting Trump, supporting some of his most controversial policies, and two thirds of the public now registering their disapproval in various ways of Donald Trump. This is basically the lowest that he's been in either of his two terms. It's the lowest consistently for any president since modern polling began. And when you listen to a conversation like the one we had today with Eddie guys, I mean, I just don't see any way out of that for him. It's not necessarily going to get better, certainly not before the midterm elections as far as we can tell. Well, I think being in Greece is putting you in a prediction mood, Susan, and I think that's a pretty fair one.

45:08I'd say that sounds to me fairly plausible, exactly as you described. This is a hard hand that he's dealing with. This is such a great conversation. I'm so glad to get together with you guys again this week and with this fantastic guest. I mean, it raises a lot of questions in terms of the domestic fallout. But I keep wondering, are the Republicans in Congress going to recognize that this is going in the wrong direction for them? You know, I'm seeing Susan, for listeners, shaking her head. Anyway, listen, thank you so much, guys. It's been fantastic to be with you.

45:47This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. I'm Jane Mayer. We had research assistance today from Alex D 'Elia. Our producer is Nora Ritchie, mixing by Mike Kutchman. Stephen Valentino is our executive producer. Our theme music is by Alison Leighton Brown. We're going to be off next week, but we'll be back soon after that. So thanks so much for listening.

46:22This show is supported by Odoo. When you buy business software from lots of vendors, the costs add up and it gets complicated and confusing. Odoo solves this. It's a single company that sells a suite of enterprise apps that handles everything from accounting to inventory to sales. Odoo is all connected on a single platform in a simple and affordable way. You can save money without missing out on the features you need. Check out Odoo at odoo.com. That's odoo.com. From PRX.

From the publisher

The Washington Roundtable discusses the global consequences of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz with Edward Fishman, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and the author of the book “Chokepoints: American Power in the Age of Economic Warfare.” The group explores how Donald Trump’s embrace of economic weapons such as tariffs, along with his military escalation in Iran, has upended the world’s economy and weakened his popularity at home. “I think we have not seen the worst of this war yet,” Fishman says. “I don’t see how anyone can view that as a victory, and we all know Donald Trump doesn’t like to look like a loser.”

See the Washington Roundtable live at 92NY on June 4th.

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