In short
General David Petraeus discusses “the future of war” using the Iran conflict (Tehran vs Washington clock), drone-driven asymmetry seen in Ukraine, and what this implies for U.S. military readiness, defense-industrial production, and NATO/Europe and Middle East posture.
Guests/backgrounds
David Petraeus, former CIA director and former commander of U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan; Jane Mayer, Susan Glasser, and Evan Osnos (New Yorker hosts/interviewers).
Key claims
Iran’s demands and control of the Strait of Hormuz mean a long-term settlement may be unlikely; cheap drones (tens of thousands) are overwhelming costly interceptors (up to ~$2M) and require institutional change (new force structure, training, AI-enabled autonomous systems). U.S. interceptor and offensive-stockpile shortages force “metering” support to Ukraine. Petraeus warns Trump/Hegseth efforts could politicize the officer corps, though he believes military professionalism and nonpartisanship will hold.
Notable examples
Ukraine producing ~8 million drones/year; Ukraine using ~10,000 drones/day; Russia casualties >1,000 killed/wounded daily; Zelensky seeking more Patriot missiles; Putin likely escalating via missile strikes and probing NATO; Gulf states hardening infrastructure and building redundancy/bypass routes (e.g., Oman’s Duqm).
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOContext for Interviewing General Petraeus
1:15 to 1:52
Discussion on the current global crisis and relevance of David Petraeus.
“But no matter who wins, we'll still be living with a fracture down the middle of our country.”
Context for Interviewing General Petraeus
2:18 to 4:40
Discussion on the current global crisis and relevance of David Petraeus.
“politics of AI and her thoughts on how we can ease the AI transition for U.S.”
The Future of War and Military Politics
4:40 to 6:29
Exploration of the evolving nature of warfare and military leadership.
“I mean, Iran is using cheap drones that cost maybe, you know,$40 ,000, and the United States is trying to shoot them down with$2 million interceptors.”
Tehran Clock vs Washington Clock in Warfare
6:29 to 7:38
Insight into the disparity between political timelines and ground realities in warfare.
“General David Petraeus, welcome to the show.”
Challenges of Modern Warfare and Drone Use
7:38 to 14:02
Analysis of drone warfare's impact and the need for military adaptation.
“Washington clock often seemed to be racing forward in terms of the expectations of, you know, when do we win?”
The Future of Warfare: Autonomous Systems
14:02 to 16:46
Learn about the impending shift towards autonomous systems in modern warfare.
“And really, no Western country is yet embarked on this with the urgency and the scale that is required.”
The Current State of Military Readiness
16:51 to 18:14
Understand the implications of dwindling U.S. military stockpiles.
“And we're senior test kitchen editors at Bon Appetit and the hosts of the Bon Appetit Bake Club podcast.”
Challenges in U.S. Military Production
18:14 to 23:11
Explore the obstacles in ramping up military production amid ongoing conflicts.
“You've told us about it being made on the battlefields of Ukraine and being tested in many ways by the IRGC in the Strait of Hormuz as we speak.”
U.S. Military Presence in the Middle East
23:11 to 26:18
Examine the future of U.S. military presence in the Middle East and its implications.
“Look, I know the Central Command Committee.”
The Impact of Russia-Ukraine Conflict on NATO
26:18 to 27:33
Learn about the evolving dynamics of NATO in light of the Russia-Ukraine war.
“But you're going to see much more of that.”
Show all 15 chapters
Putin's Potential Escalation Strategies
27:33 to 28:00
Analyze the possible escalation strategies of Putin in response to military challenges.
“exercise with Europe and NATO, given how the Russia-Ukraine conflict has changed significantly over just the last few months.”
Analyzing Putin's Potential Escalation
28:00 to 36:18
Explore the strategies and potential moves of Vladimir Putin in response to current geopolitical tensions.
“targets, even to hit the Russian equivalent of Amazon facilities inside Russia.”
Challenges of the American Military Leadership
36:24 to 42:05
Discuss the current issues within the American military leadership and the effects of politicization.
“And we're senior test kitchen editors at Bon Appetit and the hosts of the Bon Appetit Bake Club podcast.”
Leadership and Diversity in the Military
42:05 to 46:00
General Petraeus discusses the importance of diverse leadership in the military and the impact of groupthink.
“And then that you probably should have leadership that, again, looks reasonably like those who are in the ranks.”
Concerns about Political Interference in the Military
46:00 to 47:20
A discussion on the potential challenges posed by political actions to the military's integrity and response.
“No, Susan, I think the military will do the right thing.”
Transcript
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1:52Welcome to The Political Scene from The New Yorker, a weekly discussion about the big questions in American politics. I'm Jane Mayer, and I'm joined by my colleagues Susan Glasser and Evan Osnos. Hi, Susan. Hey there. Hey, Evan.
2:07General David Petraeus:Good morning, guys.
2:11Well, this week, we are back with the last installment of our summer interview series. Last week, Evan sat down with former Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo to talk about the politics of AI and her thoughts on how we can ease the AI transition for U.S. workers. And this week, Susan is talking to the former commander of U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan and the CIA director. Susan, why David Petraeus at this point? You know, Jane, there's so many reasons, right? I mean, you think about, it's a sort of a world on fire moment. And I think because we're living in our America and Washington on fire moment, we can get distracted from it.
2:59But, you know, think about the conflict in the Middle East that Trump started but doesn't know how to end. The war in Ukraine clearly entering a dangerous new phase. Frankly, the Trump administration's war at home against its own so-called woke military. From my perspective, we're at this moment of an almost underappreciated national security crisis that has so many different dimensions. And, you know, you could take it all the way back, frankly, to that very beginning of the 2003 war when he went out one day, he was a general on the ground, went out with our dear friend of the pod, Rick Atkinson, and they were standing there serving the sort of results of shock and awe very early days before there was any insurgency in Iraq.
3:43And David Petraeus said to Rick, tell me how this ends. So I feel like we need somebody who has a pretty damn good record of thinking over the horizon, because right now I see us really as being in a kind of a major crisis around the world, certainly a crisis of confidence in America.
4:02General David Petraeus:I remember when he was taking stock of the beginning of the Iran war, the beginning of the war in Ukraine, the beginning of the war in Gaza and Israel, that he would say, look, here are the technical reasons, the tactical challenges that the political decision makers aren't conscious enough of. And it's really in the end that, you know, that question that recurs to us over and over, tell me how this ends, that that is an issue that is partly political and then partly highly practical. It comes down to the war. So putting those two into one mind is not something we get all that often. Yeah, no, that's exactly right.
4:41And one of the other reasons that I thought this was a very timely conversation, Evan, goes directly to that, which is this question about the future of war that we're sort of seeing played out and how unevenly distributed it is. I mean, Iran is using cheap drones that cost maybe, you know,$40 ,000, and the United States is trying to shoot them down with$2 million interceptors. And I think Patrice is someone who's thought pretty deeply about this kind of asymmetrical war. That means a whole world of problem for the big great powers. Look at how Russia's been pinned down by a country that's only a small portion of its size in Ukraine.
5:21And I think look at how the United States has struggled against Iran. That's the future of war. And honestly, this conversation seems so well-timed and so interesting at a moment when Pete Hegseth is the Secretary of Defense, or as he calls himself, Secretary of War. And in the view of many, many critics, we've never had a less qualified leader in that role. Well, I think that's the other thing that is really urgent and timely, which is the effort by Hegseth and Donald Trump to really politicize the uniformed officer corps of the United States military. And this has been a through line, a theme for Donald Trump, really from his first term when he envisioned them not as America's generals, but my generals.
6:07I can understand why the officer corps that we have right now might hold and continue in their mission. What scares me is what potential effect these changes that Hegseth is making and Trump is making might have 10 or 20 years down the line.
6:29General David Petraeus, welcome to the show.
6:33General David Petraeus:Pleasure. Sir, I was just thinking about this. You have been helping me to get a lot smarter about national security ever since you did the very first interview of my very first issue when I was editor of Foreign Policy magazine, which goes back a long time. Exactly. And, you know, the truth is it was a different war in the Middle East, and yet a lot of the same questions about the United States and, you know, what is its foreign policy in the world. Back then, you were famous for testifying about the difference between what you called the Washington clock and the Baghdad clock. And I always thought that was such a useful metaphor, the idea that the facts on the ground don't always match up with the politics in the Capitol.
7:23And so I guess my question is, as we start with the war in Iran, nearly six months into this conflict, as we're talking the middle of August, what does the Tehran clock look like right now for this war versus the Washington clock?
7:37General David Petraeus:Well, to put this in context, back in the day when I was testifying, I noted that the Washington clock often seemed to be racing forward in terms of the expectations of, you know, when do we win? How are we doing? Are you optimistic? And all this stuff. And then you have the Baghdad clock, which you would occasionally tap, metaphorically speaking, to make sure it's still moving, that time is still progressing and you're actually making progress. Now the situation is that you have a Washington clock, which is racing ahead, obviously toward the midterms. Understandably, a president of the United States has to be concerned about the outcome of those midterm elections.
8:20General David Petraeus:He can see the polls. And the big issue out there is the affordability issue. And of course, the fact that the price of Brent crude is up, therefore the price of a gallon of gas to the pump is up. It's over$4 a gallon. And in the meantime, the Tehran clock, in some cases, almost seems to be going backward. The demands that the hardline leadership in Tehran have issued, these are extraordinary. No president could agree to pay reparations for the conflict in which we've been engaged, nor release the frozen reserves. In fact, President Trump was highly critical of President Obama for doing just that.
8:59General David Petraeus:give Iran essentially the control of traffic into and out of the strait, maybe in some kind of coordinated effort with Oman, and agree not to send our ships into the, all these other, again, demands that they have issued, which clearly are red lines, bright red lines that no president could cross. So it's a very difficult situation. I think right now the strategy of the president is to continue our blockade on the strait when it comes to traffic into and out of the Iranian ports. And that's very substantial because so much of their commerce or economy is dependent on the maritime component. And hoping that this will, in the months that lie ahead, well before the midterms, result in a reasonable agreement about the traffic into and out of the strait.
9:55General David Petraeus:And then you can return to not quite the pre-war status quo, but something close to it. But I'm not sure that that is going to be the outcome. I think for that reason, there's almost an expectation at this point that a real long-term settlement might not be possible with Iran, given the dynamics and the fact that the war has sort of shown them that they have this incredible strategic weapon in the form of control over the strait. I think that that is a reasonable assessment. What they have discovered is maybe even better than a weapon of mass destruction, i.e. the nuclear program, so much of which was damaged, obviously, in the strikes in the 12-day air campaign last summer and then more during the conflict that we've seen since earlier in this year.
10:44General David Petraeus:They have a weapon of mass disruption that they can deploy, again, controlling the strait in some fashion. And that's what they're doing. Yeah, well, that's an important point, I think. There seems to be almost a surprise factor here for the U.S. military in the extent to which Iran, despite being pounded by the incredible might of this American force, has maintained its ability to disrupt in a way to control the strait. You've got to wonder, you know, has the U.S. military absorbed the lessons of drone warfare that we've seen playing out over the last four years in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine?
11:26General David Petraeus:Well, you and I have discussed this before, and you know I have publicly said that we should be learning more and should be learning faster from what is going on in what is the laboratory for the future of war, and that is in Ukraine. That's also now in the Russian Federation and on the Black Sea as well. And a number of the challenges are connected with Iran's use of drones. These are fairly cheap. They're$35 ,000,$50 ,000 a copy, depending on the version. And yet we were using much more expensive interceptors to take them down, particularly earlier in the war, as were some of our allies and partners out there.
12:05General David Petraeus:This is just a small example of the future of war. I suspect that Iran has barely used one day's worth of the drones that Ukraine uses on a daily basis. Ukraine uses about 10 ,000 drones per day. On certain days, it's inflicting between 75 % and 90 % of the casualties on the Russians. By the way, those casualties are staggering. The Russians are taking well over, on average, 1 ,000 killed and wounded per day. They've now sustained well over 1.4 million killed and wounded, which is more than we sustained in all of World War II. So this is a dramatic change in warfare, and it really calls for revolutionary, urgent, institutional change in our military services.
12:55General David Petraeus:Keep in mind that the big money goes directly from Congress to the individual services, not even to the Secretary of Defense or War. And so it's they who have to come up with a whole new concept of warfare that should be derived from what the combatant commanders described to them. You take a whole new concept of war, you change your organizational structure dramatically. You do away with a lot of the current manned force structure that we have and replace it with drones. You change, obviously, how you train. You change how you educate your leaders. I mean, we're going to have to educate future commanders now on how to give instructions to unmanned systems that are going to carry out tasks autonomously based on the algorithms that the commander has helped design with some AI experts and programmers.
13:48General David Petraeus:Keep in mind that this year alone, the Ukrainians will manufacture a minimum of 8 million drones. And they make software changes every week or two, hardware changes every three or four weeks in response to what the Russians are doing. By the way, the Russians are dramatically ramping up production and defenses and offensive capabilities as well. And really, no Western country is yet embarked on this with the urgency and the scale that is required. Now, let me be fair. There are innumerable initiatives in our military services and at the central leadership of the Pentagon, but it's not being carried out in the kind of structured way that we need in terms of institutional change, which starts with a whole new concept of warfare and then ripples through in these other changes.
14:37General David Petraeus:And let me just note that within six to 12 months, the next big revolutionary change on the battlefield is going to be autonomous systems. The Ukrainians have already experimented with these, and they're bringing them into production. Soon, you're going to have completely autonomous unmanned systems. And in the not-too-distant future, I've written about this actually in Foreign Affairs, you're going to have autonomous systems of autonomous systems. So this is coming soon to a theater of no war near us. We're going to take a quick break, and when we come back, more on the future of war, which is right now.
15:17More with General David Petraeus. The political scene from The New Yorker. We'll be right back.
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18:00General Petraeus, welcome back. We're talking, I think, about a world of warfare that already is playing out. It's the classic line, right? The future is already here. It's just unevenly distributed. Yes. You've told us about it being made on the battlefields of Ukraine and being tested in many ways by the IRGC in the Strait of Hormuz as we speak. You mentioned the incredible asymmetry of being able to use a modest-costing Shahed drone. Maybe that costs$30 ,000,$40 ,000. Initially, in the conflict, the U.S. was countering those with interceptors that could cost something up to$2 million. Now come alarming reports that our stockpiles are at dangerously low levels of some of those interceptors.
18:51We have in Ukraine President Zelensky urgently begging the United States for more Patriot missiles as Russia escalates the conflict there by firing more ballistic missiles than it has at any earlier stage in the conflict targeting civilian populations. You know, how alarmed should we be by the diminishment of this stockpile? Does it mean that the United States is not prepared to fight conflicts of the future and even the present on multiple fronts? And what are some other knock-on effects of these ongoing conflicts?
19:26General David Petraeus:Well, we shouldn't be concerned. Obviously, if you use a very substantial proportion of your interceptors, that means that you're going to have to allocate shortages elsewhere around the world, including not being able to help our, in a way, partner Ukraine. Let's not lose sight of the fact that Ukraine is fighting a common enemy of NATO, and we're the foundational piece of NATO, even as we rightly and successfully are getting our European partners to do much more, something they should have been doing years earlier. By the way, we've also used a very substantial proportion of our exquisite offensive capabilities.
20:04General David Petraeus:So just examples of this would be the submarine-launched, surface ship-launched, and air-launched cruise missiles. And these are very, very capable, very precise, but also very expensive. And so again, we will have to meter the use of these. Now, again, to be fair to the Pentagon, which is really driving the industry, even the president brought all of the largest defense contractor CEOs into the White House some months back and said, guys, we need you to ramp this up and we're going to get on with this. But you also need to have that demand signal, i.e. a contract. They'll ramp up to some degree on their own awaiting contracts, but Congress has to act.
20:47General David Petraeus:And as you know, this is not yet all settled in terms of the defense budget. Yeah, but what I'm hearing from you, General Petraeus just on that point is, you know, it's not just a problem of money or, you know, Congress authorizing funds. I mean, we're talking about a budget that's going to go over a trillion dollars for the next year. What you're talking about is a revolution that, you know, Washington hasn't got either the message or the political willpower to address in this kind of sweeping way. There's multiple issues here. One is just that our military industrial capacity is not adequate.
21:23General David Petraeus:We've known this actually for a while. The previous administration was working on this. We just haven't grown it fast enough. What happened is, you may recall, in the wake of the Cold War, the Secretary of Defense actually brought in the major defense contractors, sat them down and said, we're going to have to consolidate. And we have successfully. That looked good until all of a sudden you're into wars that have extended periods of conflict and you're burning through munitions. We saw it early on in Ukraine. The first sign was that we couldn't produce enough heavy artillery ammunition to support the Ukrainians.
21:56General David Petraeus:We finally got to that, but now the artillery can't even get in range because of the advent of ubiquitous drones and so on. So this is constantly changing, but we do clearly need to ramp up. What we really need to ramp up is the production of drones. And by the way, our drones actually aren't anywhere near as effective, even though they cost many times more than the Ukrainian drones. So we should be learning enormously from what Ukraine is doing. We should be benefiting from it. Look, President Zelensky of Ukraine is very smart. He went to the Gulf states and said, hey, I can help you out. They sent drone intercept teams down there to the Gulf states because they didn't have them.
22:37General David Petraeus:We didn't have effective drone intercept teams either. We need to do a lot to catch up with the future of war that we see in Ukraine very, very urgently. and again, on a revolutionary scale. But there are vested interests in the military-industrial-congressional complex that are going to fight tooth and nail for any actions that change force structure, reduce the aircraft they have on their ramp in their congressional district or production of manned ships or manned tanks or whatever else it is. And this is going to be a fight. Look, I know the Central Command Committee. I talked to him, obviously.
Read the full transcript
23:15General David Petraeus:I can assure you he'd love to have 10 ,000 drones a day to throw at the Iranians and blanket what they have on their shore or take a number of other actions that would be possible if we had learned more rapidly from what we see in Ukraine. And again, there are plenty of people that see the need. The problem is just galvanizing the kind of action that is required, noting that there are going to be forces that seek to frustrate it. Let me ask you quickly about the knock-on effects in the Middle East. You were the CENTCOM commander. You understand you spent a lot of time going back and forth to the region now.
23:55I'm wondering, do you believe the U.S. will have the same level of presence five years from now in the Middle East that it does today? Will our Gulf allies see this as a conflict that we initiated and that they're living with the bad consequences of? Spool that out for me a little bit.
24:11General David Petraeus:Well, a lot of this depends. It depends what the ultimate outcome of this is. I mean, there's a lot of people that want to prematurely declare this success or failure or whatever. It's too early. It depends whether or not we have the fortitude to continue our actions against Iran to the point that Iran finally realizes that they are going to have to cut a deal. And then the presence will depend on what the missions are that we see. I have long felt, though, that we have often been mistaken. Administrations of either party have constantly prematurely tried to leave the Gulf, reduce our force structure below what it should be in the interests of, you know, validly increasing the presence in the Pacific.
24:57General David Petraeus:The pivot to Asia, which is a terrible term because it scares people away. Which goes back to the Obama era. So we've been constantly pivoting unsuccessfully. Rebalance is a far better term. But look, I've often said there's three set-com truths. The first is that you have to be real clear who your enemies and your friends are. Iran is our enemy. Don't ever confuse Iran for a moderate or pragmatic or whatever. This is a very, very hardline regime. Israel and others, regardless of whatever differences may exist at political levels, these are our friends. The second is that Las Vegas rules do not apply in the Middle East.
25:36General David Petraeus:What happens there doesn't stay there. It tends to be violence, extremism, instability, and on occasion tsunamis of refugees, some of which went all the way into Europe and our most important NATO allies and caused enormous political domestic challenges for a number of them. And then third, trying to leave the Middle East or the United States is a little bit like Michael Corleone trying to leave the mafia. You just keep getting sucked back in. So you might as well acknowledge that you need a sustained presence. Obviously, it should be as efficient and economical. We should get our partners to do as much as they possibly can.
26:12General David Petraeus:But you have to sustain a presence that is adequate for the missions that you have. But by the way, there are already enormous implications of this for the Gulf states in particular. They are going to invest enormously, there already are, in hardening, resilience, defenses, even retaliatory capabilities, redundancy in every critical infrastructure, whether it's desalination, it's energy generation, storage management, transmission, a lot of it's going to go underground. around and by the way they already have some and they will invest in much more capacity to bypass the strait so watch Oman Oman this one particular port Dukum D-U-Q-M which is south of Muscat on the Gulf of Oman has enormous potential as a major port from which you could export crude oil if new pipelines are run there from the Gulf states, even potentially a natural gas pipeline there, say, from Qatar.
27:13General David Petraeus:But you're going to see much more of that. You'll see pipelines that run from perhaps Kuwait, Iraq, up through Syria to the Mediterranean. So the implications are already very, very clear for the future. They are very substantial. That's, I think, really important is to try to look over the horizon. Let's do that same exercise with Europe and NATO, given how the Russia-Ukraine conflict has changed significantly over just the last few months. I mean, just a couple years ago, we might not have anticipated Ukraine's ability to not only continue to inflict these enormous casualties on Russia, as you mentioned, but also to put Russia on the defensive, to strike deep inside Russia in ways that the Biden administration never wanted them to, to hit oil refineries and other targets, even to hit the Russian equivalent of Amazon facilities inside Russia.
28:08General David Petraeus:Amazon steroids, so the wild berries, they're called diesel logistical. Exactly, exactly. And the justification is they actually are used to resupply Russian forces in addition to facilitate civilian commerce. Well, that's right. So let's talk about what might Vladimir Putin do in this circumstance. There are new warnings, and I've been observing, you've been observing Putin over the last two decades. There's a sense that, you know, his default play, especially when backed into a corner, is to escalate. There's concerns that he's probing NATO's defenses. There was an explosive-filled unmanned drone in an airport in Germany.
28:45There were drone incursions in the Baltics. How seriously do you assess the threat to NATO, and what do you think is Putin's move here?
28:53General David Petraeus:Well, Putin will escalate. He'll seek to escalate. Now, so what can he do to escalate? Well, more missiles at Ukraine and even less concern about what they're actually hitting, especially as Ukraine, this is their Achilles heel, is their lack of missile defenses and particularly the interceptors for the Patriots and the other systems that they have. So he's going to exploit that to the extent that he can. He's doing enormous damage to the civilian grain export facilities in the ports of Odessa and so forth in the southwestern part of Ukraine. he will increase mobilization to the degree that he can without resulting in real upset internally.
29:33General David Petraeus:Obviously, he has an ironclad grip on social media, on the press, and the rest of that, but still, he has to be careful here, especially as the war is really coming home to the Russian people for the first time. Every refinery within 3 ,000 kilometers of Ukraine has been hit, not all destroyed by any means. They put them back in that. But bottom line is they aren't exporting refined products at all anymore. It used to be a big element. And also there have been at various times very long gasoline lines. Crimea is being isolated by Ukraine. They're just taking out all of the ships and vehicles that are trying to get fuel and other requirements into Crimea.
30:17General David Petraeus:So the summer tourists that normally are on the beaches of Crimea, they've all long since gone home. You cannot buy gasoline in Crimea as a civilian. The Ukrainians are painstakingly taking out every electrical transmission site in the country. They took out dozens more just in the last 24 hours. Do you think they could get Crimea back? I mean, you know, at the beginning of the war, people thought that was impossible. I don't know about getting it back. They can make it uninhabitable. It can't be used for anything now. It's not unlike the way that our basing structure in the eastern parts of the Gulf states are no longer usable the way they were.
30:57General David Petraeus:They can't keep the lights on in Sevastopol at this point in time, and it's going to get worse. So it'll become, instead of the crown jewel in Putin's grip based on the occupation since 2014, it's going to become an albatross around his neck. They are also beginning a campaign to isolate the Russian forces on the front lines from their logistical support. They have longer-range drones now that enable them to get into the rear of the Russian forces that are supporting the front lines, and that can make a big difference. So this overall campaign, you have the Russians running out of money in their national welfare fund.
31:39General David Petraeus:That would have happened sooner had it not been for lifting the sanctions on their oil exports when we were concerned about Brent crude prices some months back. They're back on now. And if the U.S. sanctions package is finally approved first by the House Senate, it's already approved it, House now, and then the White House, and it's imposed, that will do a great deal to really clamp down, to crush the Russian war economy, noting that the The EU has really come through in this regard. They have had 21 rounds of sanctions. They've also, they agreed on a package of 90 billion euros for financial and economic support for Ukraine.
32:17General David Petraeus:It's about$105 billion, and that's been flowing in. So Ukraine is in a vastly different and stronger position now. Putin will do what he can, but it's not enough, I don't think. And I think that within six, 12 months or something like that, if all of this comes to pass, especially the US sanctions package, that it could be Putin who needs a cessation of hostilities and has to tell his population, well, we've had such great success on the battlefield, we've achieved our objectives, and now I'm going to magnanimously agree to a cessation of hostilities. It'll be somehow, what he will not do, I don't think, is use tactical nuclear weapons.
33:00General David Petraeus:Both the leaders of china and india publicly admonished him not even to talk about this uh some time back that is not in the cards i don't believe but a cessation of hostilities i think is very possible at which time uh ukraine will become the arsenal of democracy for europe and by the way each european country needs to undertake the same kind of urgent revolutionary institutional military change that I described that we need to embark upon. And NATO as a whole, the operational commanders of the NATO forces need to sketch out what they think the concept is for the future of war as well, because that will drive what the individual countries develop to provide to them.
33:49General David Petraeus:So that's even more complicated in a way than what it is that we need to do. But it sounds like you're discounting to a certain extent the idea that Putin's escalation would include actually attacking inside a NATO country, the Baltics. Oh, no, not at all. No, I think there will be continued probes. There will be violations of airspace. There will be – look, this is a guy who's carried out assassinations. In fact, there was just an arrest of someone in Poland who was going to assassinate a Ukrainian-American citizen. So, no, all of that, I think, will continue. And I think some of the European countries, I think at this point in time, they're all pretty clear-eyed about what Russia is willing to do, although I think there were some at the beginning, certainly prior to the full-on invasion in 2022, that perhaps did not give as much emphasis to that, discounted to some degree what it is and how ruthless Putin is willing to be.
34:52We're going to take a quick break, and when we return with General David Petraeus, what's happening on the home front with the American military? The political scene from The New Yorker. We'll be right back.
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36:23That's PolicyGenius.com. I'm Jessi Sefcik. And I'm Shilpa Oskokovic. And we're senior test kitchen editors at Bon Appetit and the hosts of the Bon Appetit Bake Club podcast. Bake Club is Bon Appetit's community of confident and curious bakers. We love to bake. Some might even call the two of us obsessive. and we love to talk about all the hows and whys and what didn't work that come with it. Every month, we publish a recipe on bonappetit.com that introduces a baking concept that we think you should know. Then you'll go bake, send us any questions you have. And we'll get together here on the podcast to talk about the recipe.
37:00And this month, we're making plum cheesecake karpatka. It is a spectacle of a giant Polish dessert and it is so fun. Head on over to ba.com and come and bake along with us. Send us your questions, pictures, and any thoughts to bakeclub at bonappetit.com or find us on Substack. Join us here on the first Tuesday of every month as we debrief about our latest bake. Find BA Bake Club wherever you get your podcasts. Happy baking.
37:35The uncertainty to a large extent at this point is about the United States. You know, what you might call the home front aspect of all this, the Washington clock aspect of this revolution in war that we're seeing unfold in real time. The conflict with Iran is extremely unpopular with the American public. In fact, more unpopular, reminiscent almost of at the height of the Vietnam War in terms of how many Americans across the political spectrum don't support it. But also you have a leadership, civilian leadership of the Pentagon and of the country that sees the military itself as having been an obstacle.
38:13I think something like two dozen or more general officers have been fired over the last couple years since President Trump returned to office. There's a secretary who thinks woke garbage dominates. You know, you understand very well, not only from your own personal experience, what it takes to be a general officer. If we get one question on this podcast more frequently than any other, it is this fear about the politicization that possibly is taking place with the leadership of the nonpartisan American military. You know, what do you make of all these firings? And do you think that this tradition of leadership that sees itself as reporting to the Constitution and not to an individual, that that can survive this kind of challenge to it?
38:59General David Petraeus:I think it can. I think that the professional ethos of the U.S. military, particularly its senior commissioned officer leadership, is very, very solid. I think there is a general recognition that those in the senior ranks need to be nonpolitical. By the way, I actually stopped voting when I was promoted to two stars, and I never resumed. I've actually felt that even retired military should be not just bipartisan, but actually nonpartisan. Now, actually, I don't want to go that far for everyone, but, you know, I always ended up as a very, very high-profile guy. In fact, I was sometimes probably pejoratively described as a celebrity general, which carried with it a certain amount of baggage, including fear by some of our most senior elected officials that I would actually run for office against one of them.
39:53General David Petraeus:And it was good that I was able to say, I don't even have a party. I don't even vote. And I still, again, don't support candidates or anything. And by the way, I can uniquely engage with Republicans and Democrats openly on Capitol Hill. So I think there is a very solid recognition and appreciation that the senior military in particular, again, that's who matters in this kind of endeavor and throughout the ranks. that there is a commitment to a professional military in the ethos of, say, as Sam Huntington described military professionalism. That said, obviously, there's a very big effort to try to avoid being pulled into any kind of political issue.
40:42General David Petraeus:And there have been, indeed, early retirements, people pulled off promotion lists. By the way, the promotion list, this is a meritocratic process. This is not a process that says we want this many that look like this or look like that or believe this or what have you. And again, there should be explanations for this kind of activity requested by Congress. So when the secretary said, quote, for too long, we've promoted too many uniformed leaders for the wrong reasons based on their race, based on gender quotas, based on historic so-called firsts, you don't agree with that characterization? There was a policy of affirmative action years back.
41:27General David Petraeus:And I frankly, I agreed with that. You know, it starts with whether or not you think that if you have a diverse population in uniform, should you have a leadership of that that at least looks something like those in the ranks? You're not going to quite get to that in some cases for various reasons, perhaps. But I believed in the military and as the director of the CIA, number one, that our missions were actually facilitated by having a diverse population, especially at the agency. I mean, we needed people that spoke this dialect of Arabic or Farsi or what have you. So, and again, how do you get that?
42:06General David Petraeus:And then that you probably should have leadership that, again, looks reasonably like those who are in the ranks. And by the way, there's also value in that because you avoid the so-called groupthink of everybody having gone to the same schools and the same clubs and the almost intellectual inbreeding that can result if you don't, again, have folks from the island. It's publicly known that when I went back to command the surge in Iraq, I took people with me who were known as naysayers, who were known as, you know, H.R. McMaster, who's a national asset and hugely significant roles in a variety of capacities over the years, ultimately as the National Security Advisor, but was seen as someone by some in our ranks as never leaving something left unsaid.
42:54General David Petraeus:I want that kind of person. I want him not to leave it unsaid. But that had precluded him from being selected for one star up until that point in time. It is publicly known that, perhaps coincidentally, I was the president of the one star board, which did, in fact, pick him to be a one star. And he went on then and contributed very substantially. So there's a little bit of a philosophy here that should be underpinning this. It should be the intellectual foundation for your actions. And again, back when, to correct for historic issues in the past, there were policies. Those policies are long since gone.
43:35General David Petraeus:This is a bureaucratic process that lays out, we need so many officers with these skills, this background, this expertise, et cetera. And then the board, in a very, very clear way, is out to pick those. So if at the end of that process, names are removed, there should, I think, probably be, in the past, we've always known why that took place. Usually it's because some investigation turned up something that had not been available to the board and needed to be resolved before the name was sent to the White House and Congress for confirmation. Yeah, but when these generals are being fired because they're female or they're people of color, you know, there's not been an explanation for this and there's been...
44:21General David Petraeus:concern, without question. Sure. But again, at the end of the day, our senior military leadership, I think, is absolutely committed to the oath they take to the Constitution and recognize the importance of professionalism in all respects, including staying out of politics. Again, if someone after leaving the service wants to run for office, more power to that individual, but then recognize that you can't then have the reflected glory of those still in uniform, if you engage in that, you're going to get all the slings and arrows of partisan primaries, and good luck. Well, just one final question on this, because I think it's very top of mind, understandably, for many listeners.
45:13You know, one retired military officer who was very supportive of Donald Trump, Mike Flynn, said after the 2020 election that he thought Donald Trump should impose something which I think doesn't really exist called partial martial law and that he should impound voting machines and somehow prove that he won the election he lost. I only raise this because of a very striking comment by the president himself in an interview with the New York Times. He said that one of his great regrets was that he didn't take Flynn's advice and seize these voting machines in 2020. And as people look ahead, you know, there's no crystal ball here.
45:53I think the assurances of someone like you mean an awful lot to people who are wondering at a moment of disruption. But what happens if there is some kind of a challenge by the president of the United States to voting? If he uses the National Guard that he has stationed in Washington, D.C., and other cities, if he says that there is some need for military presence in our domestic politics, I know this would be a nightmare scenario for you or for anyone.
46:25General David Petraeus:No, Susan, I think the military will do the right thing. Look, I think there is a track record, a long track record. The president himself repeatedly acknowledges his negotiating style. He's constantly trying to shape opinion, debate, and influence it to a degree by what he says. It's not always serious. You know, he's the one that says that before you negotiate with someone, before you even sit down at the table, punch the other guy in the nose. And this is serious. And he does this. And again, to the extent that that is metaphorically possible in this. So, you know, this is where I come back to that.
47:01General David Petraeus:I'm sure you've heard this many times before as well, but the admonition to take President Trump seriously, but not literally in all respects. And that's where I think I would situate this particular discussion.
47:20Well, General Petraeus, this has really been such an incredible conversation. I feel like the Washington clock, the Tehran clock, the Moscow clock are fully represented in your thinking. Thank you again for taking the time.
47:34General David Petraeus:Pleasure.
47:39This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. I'm Susan Glasser. We had research assistance today from Alex Dillian. Our producer is Nora Ritchie. Mixing by Mike Kutchman. Stephen Valentino is our executive producer. And our theme music is by Alison Leighton-Brown. Thank you for listening.
48:08I'm Jessi Sepchak. And I'm Shilpa Oskokovic. And we're senior test kitchen editors at Bon Appetit and the hosts of the Bon Appetit Bake Club podcast. Bake Club is Bon Appetit's community of confident and curious bakers. We love to bake. Some might even call the two of us obsessive. And we love to talk about all the hows and whys and what didn't work that come with it. Every month, we publish a recipe on bonappetit.com that introduces a baking concept that we think you should know. Then you'll go bake, send us any questions you have. And we'll get together here on the podcast to talk about the recipe.
48:41And this month, we're making plum cheesecake karpatka. It is a spectacle of a giant Polish dessert, and it is so fun. Head on over to BA.com and come and bake along with us. Send us your questions, pictures, and any thoughts to bakeclub at bonappetit.com or find us on Substack. Join us here on the first Tuesday of every month as we debrief about our latest bake. Find BA Bake Club wherever you get your podcasts. Happy baking.
From the publisher
The Washington Roundtable’s Susan B. Glasser interviews General David Petraeus about where the conflicts in Iran and Ukraine might be headed and what they can tell us about the future of warfare. They discuss the fleets of inexpensive drones which have upended traditional combat, how the impending arrival of A.I.-powered automated systems might “revolutionize” the battlefield, and what institutional overhauls Petraeus believes are urgently needed at the Pentagon in order to respond. “We need to do a lot to catch up,” Petraeus says. “But there are vested interests in the military-industrial-congressional-complex that are gonna fight tooth and nail for any actions that change force structure, reduce the aircraft they have on their ramp in their congressional district, or production of manned ships, manned tanks, or whatever else it is, and this is gonna be a fight.”
This week’s reading:
“After Six Months of War, Trump Is Still Losing to Iran,” by Ishaan Tharoor
“Is the Smithsonian Really Trying to Destroy America?,” by Julian Lucas
“A Trump Grift Too Far?,” by John Cassidy
“Donald Trump Is Still Trying to Make It Harder to Vote,” by Amy Davidson Sorkin
“The Show That’s Charting a Post-Trump Future,” by Jon Allsop
“How Far Will the Trump Administration Go to Deport Mahmoud Khalil?,” by Andrew Marantz
“How I Became a Subaru Socialist,” by Jay Caspian Kang
“Can Head Start Be Deregulated Out of Existence?,” by Jessica Winter
The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine’s writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week.
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