In short
Comedy and late-night as targets in Trump-era media pressure—via FCC actions, corporate mergers, and cancellations—plus how South Park’s Trump-skewering episode illustrates the shifting “cost” of opposing power.
Guests
Roy Wood Jr., comedian and host of CNN’s Have I Got News for You (formerly a Daily Show correspondent). He’s also a stand-up performer and author (The Man of Many Fathers, Oct. 28).
Key claims
Paramount/CBS framed Colbert’s Late Show cancellation as financial, but Roy argues politics and Trump’s thin skin drive pressure campaigns; comedy isn’t “silenced” because creators pivot to other platforms. He says animation like South Park can be treated as “crazy town,” unlike late night viewed as truth. He contrasts “wokeness” backlash with government-backed consequences, warning freedom of speech isn’t freedom from consequence.
Notable examples
Colbert cancellation after Paramount-Skydance merger; South Park season 27 premiere depicting Trump with the devil and an AI deepfake of Trump naked in a desert with a tiny penis; FCC chair Brendan Carr calling for a “course correction.”
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOComedy Under Threat: Analyzing Recent Events
0:46 to 3:52
Discussion on current challenges facing comedy, including notable cancellations and political pressures.
“And then the most high profile story has been this Paramount Skydance merger and the cancellation of The Late Show with Stephen Colbert.”
Interview with Roy Wood Jr.: Comedy in the Current Landscape
3:53 to 4:34
Roy Wood Jr. shares insights on the evolving landscape of late-night comedy amidst political pressures.
“Yeah, to try to tease apart all that stuff, how much of this is about politics, how much of this is just the way comedy has always been.”
The Impact of Political Decisions on Late Night Comedy
4:35 to 9:03
Exploration of how political decisions affect late-night hosts, particularly the cancellation of Colbert’s show.
“I'm Tyler Foggett, and I'm a senior editor at The New Yorker.”
Navigating the Future of Comedy and Television
9:04 to 14:03
Roy discusses the future of comedy and television in light of mergers and the influence of past hosts.
“held up by Trump's FCC until Paramount settled a lawsuit that Trump had filed against CBS, which is a subsidiary of Paramount.”
The Changing Landscape of Comedy Under Trump
14:03 to 19:45
Explore how the Trump administration has altered the dynamics for comedians and late-night shows.
“or if some of this is different under Trump, right?”
Comedy's Role in Political Commentary
20:46 to 28:03
Discuss the balance comedians must strike between humor and societal impact amid political pressures.
“You know, one thing that Andrew and I have been wondering about, and I'm curious whether you have have thoughts on it.”
Threats to Comedy in the Political Climate
28:03 to 31:19
Discusses the evolving threats comedians face in the current political landscape.
“and it just makes me think about how for years, you know, we had comedians saying that wokeness was kind of a threat to comedy in the sense that you can't say or do anything or people are going to cancel you.”
Trump's Influence on Media and Democracy
31:20 to 33:52
Explores Trump's impact on media freedom and democracy, questioning the ramifications of his actions.
“So I think Roy was saying a lot of interesting stuff there.”
The Erosion of Presidential Checks
33:53 to 36:06
Examines the Supreme Court's role in expanding presidential powers and its implications.
“So it's not like a bright line First Amendment violation, but it creates this kind of climate or this cloud of, you know, it's like a narrowing space for the First Amendment to exist in.”
The Overt Nature of Political Power Plays
36:07 to 42:06
Analyzes the blatant political maneuvers influencing media, exemplified by the Colbert situation.
“Well, it is actually hard to know if they're still around because what they usually do.”
Show all 13 chapters
Democratic Backsliding and Comedy
42:06 to 43:05
Explore the intersection of comedy and the concept of democratic backsliding.
“Like also the timing of it, the fact that it was just like a couple days after Colbert made a statement about the settlement that Paramount had just reached with Trump.”
Defining Democratic Backsliding
43:05 to 43:58
Understanding what constitutes democratic backsliding through expert insights.
“Is this what democratic backsliding feels like?”
The Cost of Opposing Government
43:58 to 45:04
Discussion of the risks associated with opposing governmental actions versus cultural issues.
“If you have to contemplate whether you should do or say something because you might have to pay a political cost for it, then that's a hallmark of backsliding.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:06Hi, Andrew. Hey, Tyler. Good to be here. Thanks for being here. And welcome back to the fourth episode of our special series, How Bad Is It?, where you and I conduct a monthly checkup on the health of our democracy. Yeah. I don't know if these checkups have been getting better or worse. It's hard to tell. I sort of find it all so confusing. I mean, this one, though, this, I guess, is like our is comedy under threat episode. Yeah. I mean, I think this is one of the rare times where there is a media story that matters as much to us members of the press as it does to the rest of America and just people who care about television and watch it.
0:43The big news this week has been, you know, first you have the defunding of NPR and PBS. And then the most high profile story has been this Paramount Skydance merger and the cancellation of The Late Show with Stephen Colbert. Paramount and CBS said that it was a financial decision. But there also seem to be all of these other factors that are not very financial. And then at the same time, you also have this episode of South Park that just came out. South Park, you know, being owned by Paramount, which is just totally skewering Trump. Well, give us give us the whole backstory on that. You wrote a whole piece about this South Park episode and South Park in general.
1:21So walk us through that one. Yeah. So the creators of South Park recently signed a$1.5 billion deal with Paramount, which basically bought the exclusive streaming rights to the show and also another 50 episodes. And the first episode comes out, and I believe it came out on Wednesday of last week. And it went hard even for South Park. I mean, Trump is depicted in all sorts of ways. You get him in animated form in bed with the devil. Yeah, literally in bed with Satan, who is, you know, an occasional character in the show. You have him talking about, you know, demurring when asked about the Epstein files.
2:02You have him doing the YMCA dance. I thought he was literally going to have sex with Satan the way that they had the sex scene in Team America. So, you know, they are being restrained. Yeah, there was one place where they held back. But like the, you know, sort of the the big part of the episode that's been kind of going viral is the ending, which is an AI generated deep fake of Trump naked walking through a desert and speaking to his own penis, which is depicted to be very, very, very, very small. And so this is, you know, Stephen Colbert maybe gets fired for pissing off Trump. And then you have the same company that's responsible for that decision airing this episode of South Park, which is way more offensive in, yeah, just like in every possible way.
2:49And then this merger, this Paramount Skydance merger still goes through. So it's a little bit confusing, right? It's like, is South Park too big to fail? Like, are they just more valuable than Colbert? Or is South Park and like the fact that it's a cartoon somehow – does that somehow make it less offensive to Trump than Stephen Colbert in a suit kind of going at him in a way that might feel a bit more like morally righteous? Of all the things that Trump like talks about or truths about or tweets about or whatever, this seems like an area where he actually can leverage a lot of influence either formally or informally.
3:26Like informally, just by sort of mounting these pressure campaigns and, you know, campaigning against cancel culture and then literally trying to cancel people he doesn't like. But then also formally by running an FCC where he has this really staunch loyalist, Brendan Carr, going out and saying things that disparage the president are biased and we're going to take care of it. So the question is, like, is that working? Yeah, I mean, the exact quote from the FCC chair, Brendan Carr, is the media industry across this country needs a course correction, which doesn't sound very good. Yeah, to try to tease apart all that stuff, how much of this is about politics, how much of this is just the way comedy has always been.
4:11We wanted to talk to someone who actually does this stuff. So we decided to talk to Roy Wood Jr., who hosts the satire news show Have I Got News For You on CNN, who used to be on The Daily Show and is also a stand-up comedian, to just try to feel out, like, how much is this just the way the entertainment business has always worked? And how much is this actually a chilling effect under Trump? And, like, what does it actually feel like to feel out where these lines are in practice? This is The Political Scene. I'm Tyler Foggett, and I'm a senior editor at The New Yorker. I'm Andrew Marantz. I'm a staff writer.
4:50Thanks, Roy. Thanks for coming on. Oh, pleasure. Pleasure. So basically, you are hosting a show on CNN that I think is coming back in September. And that show is obviously, you know, commenting on what's going on in politics, what's going on in the news. as you are looking at what's happening now in the news and in the way that comedians and political commentators can respond to the news, how does that give you ideas about what you do or don't want to do when you come back on your show in September? Like we're seeing some comedians like Colbert getting fired possibly for what they say. We're getting other people like South Park getting lauded for what they're saying.
5:36How much of this is informing what you're thinking about what you want to do in September? You know, I don't think anything changes with Have I Got News for You. I mean, because the news cycles move so fast, you know, one of our panelists, you know, we have Michael Ian Black on my left every week. And then to my right is Amber Ruffin, who came on our show the week after the Correspondents Association rescinded the invitation for her to host a correspondence dinner. And Amber said that both sides are not the same. So I don't think that there's some sort of tepidness from us as a program to act like there isn't calamity in the world and to make jokes about it in an effort to inform people about it.
6:18If the question is, because of what's happening with Colbert and whatever's going to happen on the backside of South Park or some potential lawsuit or the White House being mad, are we as a show going to bend the knee to that? I don't plan on it as a host. You know, my role is a little different on this show than it was on a daily show as a correspondent. But if it's wild and weird and it happened that week, we are going to talk about it and we're going to talk about the people responsible. And that's what we've always done. And if there was ever a meeting from the staff or CNN, hey guys, tone it down a little bit.
6:56I don't know if Amber Ruffin and Michael and black of the two people you want to give that director to because they're gonna do the opposite you know like amber amber told you she was gonna hey can you do jokes about both sides no well we're gonna fire you then fire me that's basically what happened with that so this conversation and this desire to try and inch late night to a place of you know some sort of both-sidedness I don't know if that's necessarily you know the right way to go you know and to say that every show was wasn't doing that I think is an inaccuracy as well I mean people forget Jon Stewart his first day back he called Joe Biden old that was his first episode back as host of The Daily Show, post Trevor Noah.
7:52So I don't think we can sit here and act like every show has always been, oh, Biden, you're so good, but Trump, him bad. I don't think that's always been the case. Hell, at the Correspondents Dinner, I did a Biden old joke. First joke was about him leaving classified documents all over the ball ring. So I just don't think that we necessarily live in that world as much as the White House and its administration wants us to believe. I just think it's a very, very brilliant traction tactic led by the administration against the voices of late night. I'm glad that you brought that up because I think it's true that while comedy in some ways has gotten more partisan, I would say, under Trump and especially in the the second Trump era, there still is this long history of comedians going after both sides.
8:44And, you know, Colbert did that a lot as well, even though people aren't talking about that as much right now. So going back to the cancellation of The Late Show, you know, this has been framed by Paramount and CBS as a budgetary decision. But a lot of people are obviously pretty skeptical about this given the timing of the announcement. Now, just a little background for our listeners. Paramount was in the process of merging with Skydance Media, and this was a deal that was held up by Trump's FCC until Paramount settled a lawsuit that Trump had filed against CBS, which is a subsidiary of Paramount.
9:14So then Colbert goes on his show and calls the settlement a big fat bribe. And three days later, his show is canceled and Trump is celebrating this. And again, we're told it was a financial decision. You know, Andrew and I are curious, given your experience with late night television, what is the likelihood of this purely being a financial decision? Like what is kind of the status of late night comedy right now and how is it doing? I guess. I mean, that's you're kind of asking two kind of broader questions, but to keep it Colbert to start the Colbert decision being purely financial. No, you could say finances were part of it, but it's like, no, it's, it's purely financial in the way of somebody you were probably going to break up with, but you know, you could have probably gone to therapy a little bit first, but they did something that was good enough and I can break up with you now and justify it and get away clean.
10:14If it's purely financial, you figure out ways to cut costs, save money. You make concessions. Even if you do something as bold as cutting, you know, half the workforce at Colbert, if the budget losses are because of the ballooning staff, well, any other company would cut staff. Every other late night show cuts staff. They've been asked to cut staff, cut nights of production, get rid of bands. There are tiers of problem solving because this is still a number one show. Are ratings down? Yes. Less people watch TV. I think that's a better way to frame the ratings are down conversation. So yeah, to the bigger, broader question, late night as a formula, as a profitable way to reach audiences, I don't know if it still makes sense under the current construct.
11:03But why would you not explore the new construct with the existing talent that everybody already knows and loves? If it's one thing television hates, it's a new face or a new idea. We would rather reboot, remake, take the face you love and put them back in something different and remix it. It's the latest show with Stephen Cook. It's the Colbert Hour. like it's the same thing netflix did with letterman what if we just got rid of paul shaffer and an audience and just put letterman on stage with a person let's try that so there were a million other tiers of experimentation that could have happened if it was purely financial and so you know no i i agree with a lot of my other colleagues in late night that But, you know, there was a lot of politics involved in this decision as well.
11:56And I don't think also to the CBS side of it, when Taylor Tomlinson declined to come back for a third season, rather than find a new host, they just canceled after midnight. And it don't get much cheaper than three comedians making jokes about TikToks. That's as cheap of a show as you can get. But what I also don't believe, and I could be wrong because I don't know a lot about TV. I'm no George Cheeks. But I also don't think that the networks are going to give that time slot back to the local affiliates. We're not going to be bombarded with Chuck Norris exercise machines and Laronco deep fryer commercials at 1230 anymore.
12:39But I just don't think anyone has an idea. and they're all too scared to experiment with anything, especially CBS, because they're going into a merger. And I think that what will eventually happen, and again, I could be wrong, but what I think will happen with late night is something similar to sports, where you will see the acquisition of IP that is already pre-established and then it is deployed throughout the network. The same as what ESPN has done with Pat McAfee in acquiring his program, which he built himself from the ground up. The same with David Portnoy and Barstool and their relationship now with Fox Sports.
13:15So I just think that that's probably where things end up. But the irony of it all is that most of these original new concepts will probably be ideated by the same people that you're going to alienate and downsize and try to force out over the next couple of years. I actually wanted to ask you about, I mean, first of all, you know, maybe this makes me a biased journalist, but I was sort of a, I hope Roy Wood is the next host of The Daily Show back then. So I'm just going to cop to my bias here. But I understood why you left when you did, and I've heard you talk about it. And the fact that even then was having to do with this potential merger with Paramount is interesting.
13:55And I think it suggests a couple of things. One is just that these things can drag on and have unpredictable effects in all kinds of ways. Another thing, though, that I would like you to talk about more is just like whether it's always just been that there's these arbitrary business decisions and rich people making shady deals that they're not really being fully clear about. or if some of this is different under Trump, right? Because we know that Donald Trump is a particular kind of person with a particular thin skin who particularly doesn't like being made fun of and is willing to use formal and informal power that previous politicians have not.
14:33So going back to your experience doing this over the years and your experience on The Daily Show and when you decided to leave and what you've done since, does it feel really different now under this administration or is this just what it's always been? I think that we're in a different time now in terms of the pressures of an administration and a misinformed public pushing back on people who are just supposed to just be cracking jokes. And you use that to decide what your own truth is. You know, I left The Daily Show because there was a degree of, in my opinion, uncertainty within the company as a whole and not knowing where I would fit on the other side of a merger.
15:12And if I'm not host, whether I fit into the new offense, quote unquote, that whatever new quarterback they hired brought in. So I figured if there's ever a time to leave, it's now. My decision was more about the state of that show and that company. Whereas now I feel like there's a larger conversation about the state of late night as a vehicle for criticism. And, you know, it's really not that different when you look at how the president chooses the podcast. that he wants to go on. He could go on Andrew Schultz. He could go on Theo Vaughn. He can go on places where he feels like he's going to get a little bit of a degree of friendly fire for the most part.
15:54So there's always going to be places. And to the converse of that, you have a pod save America or you have a love it and leave it. There are going to be places where whatever point of view somebody wants to expouse, there's going to be a pulpit for it. So getting rid of late night or attacking comedians isn't going to stop that. And I wish the administration would realize that you're just playing a game of stupid whack-a-mole, you know, for no reason whatsoever. I don't know how much we're, you know, considering I work at CNN, he already don't like us. So it's not like it can get much worse. They kick CNN out of the room and I don't know, gave BuzzFeed their seats.
16:36No disrespect to BuzzFeed. It wasn't BuzzFeed, but you get what I'm saying. They picked like random right wing outlets and gave them better offices in the press. So there's always going to be these pity, these ticky tack battles that the administration fights. Yeah, we've talked a bit on this podcast about the financial precarity of newspapers and magazines right now and how that has enabled Trump to go after them just because you have like a, you know, Jeff Bezos owning the Washington Post. But like the actual thing that he cares about taking care of is Amazon. And so if Trump is able to threaten Amazon, then all of a sudden you see changes happening at the Post.
17:18And it sounds like you're saying that there's something maybe kind of similar happening in late night comedy in the sense that because it's not thriving in the way that it used to be, maybe just because people aren't watching television as much. It is also in a financially precarious enough situation that you can see these kinds of deals and cancellations happen. Yeah, but I don't think that's going to stop the comedians from doing what Trump hopes this would do, which is silence them. Don Lemon got fired from CNN and now has a YouTube channel with almost well over, last I checked, half a million subscribers.
17:56Don Lemon is still out in the streets with a microphone talking and throwing grenades, as he should be. And so you're only going to get more of that if you just stop them from being on television. I think the big difference between late night and news, though, is that local reporters don't necessarily have that same level of ability to reach the masses. They can't pivot on a dime. You can get a sub stack and you can get an email list and subscribers and stuff like that. But I think where you have companies that have basically phased out the idea of local reporters, there are local papers in top 10 populated markets with a single local reporter.
18:42How are you supposed to follow what's happening with ICE with a single reporter? How are you supposed to follow what's happening with crime and local and state political corruption? Oh, do you cover ICE today or do you cover the flash flood that killed all the people because of the policy you didn't approve and the politicians? Which thing do you deploy your single reporter on? And that single reporter doesn't necessarily have the time, the resources or the energy to go and follow every other thing that they need to follow to keep us a well-informed democracy. So which atrocity are you going to send the reporter on?
19:22Now, I can sit there and do whatever I need, you know, as a jokester from a desk, but I cannot do the broader coverage of journalism. So I think what's happening with Bezos and cutting a lot of that staff, that to me is far more heinous of an issue.
19:45More with Roy Wood Jr. after the break. This is the political scene from The New Yorker.
19:55Hey, listeners. This is Liz Mainz-Amanzadi, the New Yorker's Puzzles and Games editor. If you're someone who likes making lists and organizing your bookshelf, we think you'll love Catalogs, our new daily game that challenges you to put things in order based on a hidden rule. You might be asked to sort peppers by spiciness, world capitals by population, or Martin Scorsese movies by release date. You can play Catalogs every day at newyorker.com slash games, and in the New Yorker app for iOS or Android. Here's a helpful hint. The app gives you free access to our entire archive of catalogs, along with our word scramble game Shuffalo and the mini crossword.
20:35So download the New Yorker app for new games to play every day.
20:46You know, one thing that Andrew and I have been wondering about, and I'm curious whether you have have thoughts on it. I mean, not long after, you know, there was this announcement that Colbert's show was being canceled, there was this South Park episode, you know, and South Park is also newly owned by Paramount. Paramount and the creators of South Park struck a$1.5 billion deal. And so this episode of South Park comes out. It's the first episode of the 27th season. And it absolutely skewers Trump. I mean, not just making fun of him and mentioning the Epstein files, but also like, you know, using this AI generated deep fake, essentially showing Trump naked with, and I'm sorry to even say this.
21:25A small genitals, yeah. Yeah, you know, a micro penis, as one might put it. He's a crybaby man boy who has a small penis who's always overly sensitive about stuff. So why does that fly? I mean, maybe first, I would love to hear more from you about whether you thought the episode was funny. You know, like if it was actually good comedy or if you think it was more just cathartic to people and kind of like a resistance era way. And then we can talk about, you know, sort of the fallout from it. I think that it was funny. And this is also coming from a person who laughed at the South Park episode where they had Randy Marsh say the N-word.
22:03Yeah. That was an all-timer, I can say. That show has constantly touched the third rail. This was not uncharacteristic of South Park in terms of, if you look at the arc over 27 seasons, this isn't a departure. This isn't a very special episode where we're going to finally take a stand. Like it's, and this analogy isn't one-to-one, but in terms of cultural pivot from what you normally expect, this isn't Kate McKinnon as Hillary on the piano the week after the election. Like that tonal cold open for SNL. You get what I'm saying? And like, I thought it was funny. I definitely think they went a little harder than they normally do.
22:46But I think that was also to deliberately put their parent company in a rock and a hard place. You owe me a lot of money, but you're also kissing his ass. Well, I'm going to put out an episode that's going to infuriate him with you. So if you try and come and try to Colbert me, it's going to cost you way more than what it cost you to do what you did to Colbert. So I don't know if Trey Parker and Matt Stone are two people you want to be ticking off right now. You know, if you're Paramount Skydance or whoever the hell is coming in, I think you leave them alone and let that one slide. And I think for Trump, it's better off that you just shh, because they're not nice like Colbert.
23:29Colbert told you to F off. Trey Parker at Batstone made a CGI AI generated image of you walking naked in the desert with your penis talking. You better leave them boys alone. Them potheads from Denver. I don't know if they're potheads, but they smoke every night. You got to smoke to make a talking turd called Mr. Hankey. So you've smoked something at some point in your life. So I think that you have to just let that one slide. And I think animation, that's a little different from late night in a way, because it's understood to be crazy town, whereas late night is seen as the truth. I just, you know, late night is not going to become a cavalcade of docile hosts.
24:22It can't be a bunch of just easy docile stuff because that's going to get you YouTube numbers. And that's not profitable either. Well, let's talk about that exact thing about the docile versus having teeth. This is a thing that has constantly come up with comedy. I mean, comedy is to some extent having teeth. That's part of the job description. I mean, I saw you refer to your influences as George Carlin and Master P, right? Like that's, you know, watch George Carlin special and then go listen to Master P. That's a pretty good mix right there. Master P was a hustler. He was self-made. Of course, of course.
24:58And so if you have, but that George Carlin thing, that's built on, and Master P also, it's built on being like too dangerous for late night, too unpredictable for network, that kind of thing. And when you go around the country doing clubs, I'm sure you can do things that there's no way you can do on a network show or on CNN for that matter. So like, how do you bring those that teeth or that truth to power ethos and infuse it into TV without being South Park on CNN? Like, how do you walk that line? I don't know if you can anymore. I think that we live in a world where people are so entrenched in their own viewpoint that they are not willing to allow you to even make a joke about something they don't agree with.
25:49Mike Birbiglia said it best, comedy only works when we all agree on the premise. Most of the time now, we don't agree on the premise. And, you know, I don't know how you, the question you're asking is rooted in, how do I get people to accept the joke with which the premise they don't agree? And that's your problem. That's not on me. I remember in prep for my correspondence dinner, watching other people's correspondence dinners. And the broader note I figured out is that you can't copy or really learn anything because every presidential year, the tone, the political climate is different. So there's no way to like really learn anything, but you still see jokes.
26:36I'm like, oh, wow, that was a good joke. There's no way you could do that joke now. Like what? No one would allow that. I remember Cedric the Entertainer, He did a George Bush era correspondence dinner. And there was a Condoleezza Rice joke. It was nothing disparaging, but Condoleezza was in the room. If I did anything like that under the Trump administration, that would just be seen as patting them on the head. It would be the liberal version of Jimmy Fallon touching Donald Trump's hair. if I if I'm in the room and I go oh Caitlyn Jenner's here or oh so-and-so Bayer from Fox News is here oh here's a friendly joke that's chummy and meets in the middle of the aisle liberals would have a field day with me the next day and go they how could you when you know that he did the interview and he spews the blah, blah, blah.
Read the full transcript
27:34There's a totality with which we view people now that didn't exist 10 years ago. To get back to this time that you're talking about, we would still have to respect that there's some degree of humanity or decency in most people that could be reached and accessed and reasoned with. And I don't feel like as a society that we believe that about most people that stand on the side of defending things that we think are ridiculously heinous. Yeah, hearing you talk about kind of, you know, navigating the current political climate, and it just makes me think about how for years, you know, we had comedians saying that wokeness was kind of a threat to comedy in the sense that you can't say or do anything or people are going to cancel you.
28:16And now we suddenly have this much more pointed threat from people in power. And it also seems like what the boundaries in terms of like what you're allowed to say and do have expanded a bit. So, like, I guess I'm wondering, like, how you think these two threats compare. Ooh, I think one is worse because you still, when you're talking about an administration that knows no limits and it's still constantly finding where the high watermark for corruption is lies, you run the risk of being on the wrong side of people that are extremely petty and vindictive, and you don't know to what depths that's going to go.
28:57And you don't know who's going to be there to fight for you because you're still a comedian and nobody really cares about us. If we're being honest in terms of the people who are going to go and try and lay on the grenade of change and make things better. We're disposable to a large part. We're very we're very disposable. And so, you know, you hear these stories of, you know, protesters getting arrested and disappeared for weeks on end and their rights taken away from them. I do believe that there's a lot of that that happens in this country. And, you know, you have to be very careful about when and where you choose to speak these words.
29:38Freedom of speech is not freedom from consequence. And so I think that anything coming from an administration is a very grave threat because it also runs the risk of emboldening and empowering the supporters of that administration to say or do whatever at you or towards you. You know, I get evil eyes sometimes when I'm out. But it's funny because there's people who don't like CNN, right? But I'm a comedian on CNN. So I'm kind of not a journalist on CNN. But I'm on CNN. man. So I can see people sometimes conflicted with whether or not to give me a middle finger or airdrop me a Trump 20, 20, 28 JPEG as the crafty person did one to get to keep your airdrop sentence to contacts only people had mindset to everyone.
30:42And everyone sent me a picture one time LAX has said Trump 20, 28. with a couple slurs under it. So, you know, it's just an interesting time. And I just think people feel emboldened and empowered by what's out there. All right, well, we really appreciate you. You've been very, very generous with your time. Thank you all. Thank you so much for your time, Roy. That was Roy Wood Jr., who was the host of Have I Got News for You on CNN. His first book, The Man of Many Fathers, is out on October 28th. More on Trump's attacks on the media and his plans to reshape it in just a moment.
31:37So I think Roy was saying a lot of interesting stuff there. And part of what he was saying is the way I heard it was the intersection between politics and business has always existed. So it's not like unprecedented that, you know, you want to avoid pissing off powerful people or you want to make sure you're in tune with your audience. And so then the question is just how much does it matter that Donald Trump is mad about something? And I think for that, it might make sense to step back and just talk about like, what is Donald Trump trying to achieve through his FCC? And also, what does that have to do with the broader context of what he's doing in general, right?
32:26We've been doing this series of how much is our democracy in trouble. And it can seem almost frivolous to be like, is our democracy in trouble because we have one fewer late night comedy show? Or is it? But it speaks to his control over what we are able to see and hear. I mean, I guess like, yeah, your question about like how much does it matter that Trump is mad about something? That's really the key, right? Because like we've seen Trump go after so many people online, like Rachel Maddow is a classic example. But is there any concern about Rachel Maddow getting fired by MSNBC? Probably not, unless Trump sues MSNBC and it's a lawsuit that they're really worried about losing or that's going to be super expensive.
33:12And so all of a sudden they have to craft a settlement and there's some weird stuff that's baked into that settlement or until MSNBC merges with someone. I mean, I think it's kind of boring to talk about because it's like literally, you know, corporate mergers. And who cares about that unless it's, you know, in my case, I guess like the biggest merger ever would be like Oritzia merging with like J.Crew or something. But like, I mean, you get what I mean. It seems like people are safe until they're not. Right. And this is part of a theme that we've discussed before in other areas. I mean, we talked about what's going on with the media in Hungary and how does that compare to what's happening here?
33:49We've talked about this with the courts. We've talked about this with universities. Like the fact that a lot of this is happening kind of in the weeds or behind the scenes can be part of what makes it effective or kind of creative, right? Because a lot of the basic premise is, oh, well, this can't be authoritarian or it can't be truly novel or unprecedented because something like it has happened before or because it's not a formal power that is granted to the president. And so there's this kind of way of trying to, I guess, normalize it where you sort of hear people saying a version of, well, this isn't really censorship because Trump didn't sign an executive order saying, I have canceled Stephen Colbert because of the words he said.
34:33Right. So it's not like a bright line First Amendment violation, but it creates this kind of climate or this cloud of, you know, it's like a narrowing space for the First Amendment to exist in. And so, again, this is very continuous with the way we've been talking about this all along. It's not like this was the day American democracy died, but the space is kind of narrowing. And that happens through business decisions. It happens through behind closed doors, ambiguous stuff. I mean, there's also, again, to your point, a lot of the stuff talking about independent executive agencies can be pretty in the weeds and pretty technical.
35:09But there have been a huge raft of Supreme Court cases that have just come out about whether the president can fire people from the NLRB, from all these independent agencies, and also from non-independent agencies like the Department of Education. what that has amounted to is basically the supreme court inching toward this unitary executive just giving the president more and more power to fire people and the end result of that is yeah these words that someone like trump says like i want to reshape the government in my image those words are more likely to be able to be real because the thing that would have stopped him from doing it in his first administration those guardrails are sort of eroding one by one yeah i mean that's an important thing to clarify that when we say that Trump is using the FCC to get Paramount to do certain things, it's not like this is just like a president who has always had that power, who is now using it in a way that like Barack Obama didn't because Barack Obama didn't abuse the FCC.
36:12We're talking about something that like the president is literally not supposed to be able to do, which is take control of an independent agency, install certain people within it, fire people who are already there and in some cases close them all together, which is what we saw with like the CFPB. Yeah, the whole idea. Right. Or is that still around? I mean, it's hard with these sometimes. Well, it is actually hard to know if they're still around because what they usually do. So the CFPB is a good example and the DOE is a good example. Often what they'll do is this kind of like step by trial and error thing.
36:43So they'll say like Trump literally did sign an executive order saying I hereby abolish the Department of Education. And And then it was like, no, sir, you can't do that. That was created by Congress. The president isn't allowed to abolish a department that was made by Congress. So then, in effect, what it seems like he did was go fire as many people as he could through his education secretary, former pro wrestling executive Linda McMahon, who did a pile driver off the ropes to all of her employees at the Department of Education. That case was brought to the Supreme Court. and basically they said, yeah, you know, the executive, all the power of the executive is invested in one person.
37:26He can kind of do whatever he wants. And that is this unitary executive theory, which was kind of John Roberts' whole jam since he worked for the executive branch as a lawyer. And that's kind of coming into fruition now in a way that it hasn't for at least 100 years ever since the court told FDR he couldn't do stuff like this. and I think the reason that matters look it's like very hard to get all worked up about the independence of independent executive agencies it's very hard to make that a rallying cry and I'm not particularly comfortable being like what we need is the way the procedures and norms have always worked a because it's boring and b because I don't love the way the norms and procedures work.
38:10I don't think anyone does. And it feels very intuitively like, well, no one likes the way the government has been going. So maybe we should try shaking things up and trying something new and maybe it'll be more effective. That has a kind of intuitive appeal to everyone. And I understand I feel that, too. I think the drawback of that, right, is that it can get very kind of galaxy brain like, well, if we keep the procedures the way they are, It might have this deleterious effect later while skipping the most obvious non-hypothetical thing right in front of our face, which is like if you get rid of all these checks against presidential power, you might have an impulsive, whiny baby would-be authoritarian in the presidency who tries to use that power to do all kinds of wild, arbitrary stuff.
39:03And one way you can tell that everyone, including the court, is worried about that is because even in these opinions where they're like, go wild, fire whoever you want, take over whatever agency you want. They put a little carve out in that's like, but you can't do that to the Fed because like don't mess with our 401ks basically. Which is interesting because it's like on one hand, I agree that Trump getting rid of Jay Powell at the Fed could be the most damaging thing that he could possibly do in some ways. But also there is kind of legal precedent for carving out the Fed in the sense that monetary policy is not necessarily supposed to be executive power because there's this precedent of like the Bank of the United States being like a corporation that has independence from the president.
39:49And so, like, just to be very concrete about it, when the Supreme Court's deciding these cases, they're deciding, can the president fire Gwynne Wilcox before her term is up, the head of the NLRB? So, again, it sounds super in the weeds. The reason it matters is because the way it's worked for the last 90-something years is you can only fire people for cause, meaning, like, if she kept showing up drunk to work, you could fire her. But you can't fire her because you just don't like the way she settles labor disputes. That just at a really basic level is just a check on presidential power. And so you can have this abstract debate about, you know, elections have consequences and shouldn't the president be able to do these things.
40:32But what it really comes down to is just like, does the president have more power or less power? And in the vast majority of these cases, the Supreme Court has given the president more and more and more power. I mean, apparently he can like has immunity from committing crimes. I mean, there's like a lot of powers that the presidency has now acquired that we don't know exactly how he'll use it. And you can zoom in on any of these things, whether it's the, you know, did Colbert get fired for financial reasons or political reasons? You could zoom in on any of these Supreme Court cases and you can make a really plausible argument for one or the other.
41:10But if you zoom out, the trend line is Donald Trump has way more power than I think the vast majority of people would have guessed a president would have in his position, like even if you compare it to Trump 1.0. And so it's these little, small, in the weeds things that don't even necessarily make the front page of the newspaper that in aggregate lead to a place where six months in or seven months in, you don't have like an absolute monarchy, but you have a presidency that has been vastly inflated in terms of administrative power from where it was even less than a year ago. But I feel like the thing that has been so shocking about the Colbert stuff is just like how overt it is.
41:54Like if Trump wanted to make it seem as though he had nothing to do with Colbert's show getting canceled, he didn't have to like send out that like celebratory truth social post right after it happened. Like also the timing of it, the fact that it was just like a couple days after Colbert made a statement about the settlement that Paramount had just reached with Trump. Like, I don't know. It seems like they're not really trying to hide what's going on. I mean, the other thing we should just mention, like not that any of this apparently matters, but like the thinness of the pretext here, the whole reason that this settlement or bribe as Colbert and Elizabeth Warren and others have called it, the whole reason this was even happening was because of a total non-issue.
42:36Like the editing of a Kamala Harris interview on 60 Minutes to take her garbled answer and make it a clearer answer for a promo. But this is the whole thing that caused this$16 million settlement was this thing that happens all the time and is really not that controversial. So what that all goes to is like these lines of power, both formal and invisible, that are always shifting and where you have to think twice. I mean, to get to like the thing of this show that we're always trying to check back on, this concept of democratic backsliding and is our democracy backsliding or eroding? Is this what democratic backsliding feels like?
43:21three of the big shot scholars of democratic backsliding the the two guys who wrote how democracies die steven levitsky and daniel ziblatt and then lucan way who also contributed this term competitive authoritarianism these three guys wrote an op-ed in the new york times trying to boil down the concept of what does democratic backsliding mean what would it look like And the core sort of bottom line criterion that they came to was you'll know you're in a moment of democratic backsliding if your speech or actions have a price. If you have to contemplate whether you should do or say something because you might have to pay a political cost for it, then that's a hallmark of backsliding.
44:09Roy was just talking about how, you know, comedians for a really long time have had to deal with backlash from not like, you know, necessarily political figures, but from people online who are very political. So, I mean, wouldn't you couldn't you argue then that this backsliding has happened for a lot longer and that it starts with wokeism? Yeah, yeah, yeah. Yeah. Oh, actually. To put on my MAGA cap. Totally. Well, so we should talk about this. So I actually misquoted their thing. I just looked it up. how can we tell whether America has crossed the line into authoritarianism? We propose a simple metric, the cost of opposing the government, right?
44:44So this is a clear distinction. Does opposing the government have a cost versus does opposing, you know, wokeness or whatever have a cost? And so that's one, you know, it's not even a better or worse thing. It's just like government versus not government. Thank you, Andrew. Thanks. You can always count on me to start by talking about comedy and end by bumming everyone out.
45:14This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. I'm Tyler Foggett. Before we go today, I just want to take a moment to thank our amazing producer, Sam Egan. He's been a terrific partner in creating the show each week, and we're so grateful for everything he's done for the show. This episode was mixed by Mike Kutchman and engineered by Pran Bandy. Our executive producer is Stephen Valentino Chris Bannon is Conde Nast's head of Global Audio Our theme music is by Allison Leighton-Brown
From the publisher
The New Yorker staff writer Andrew Marantz joins Tyler Foggatt for the latest installment of “How Bad Is It?,” a monthly series on the health of American democracy. Their guest is Roy Wood, Jr., the host of the satirical program “Have I Got News for You,” on CNN. The group discusses the significance of CBS’s cancellation of “The Late Show with Stephen Colbert,” a recent episode of “South Park” that is searingly critical of Donald Trump, and the President’s deployment of lawsuits and the administrative state to try to intimidate his critics in the media and entertainment industries. “There's always going to be these petty, ticky-tack battles that the Administration fights,” says Wood. “But I don't think that's gonna stop the comedians from doing what Trump hopes this would do, which is silence them.”
This week’s reading:
- “‘South Park” Skewers a Satire-Proof President,’ by Tyler Foggatt
- “What the Cancellation of Stephen Colbert’s ‘Late Show’ Means,” by Vinson Cunningham
- “How the Israeli Right Explains the Aid Disaster It Created,” by Isaac Chotiner
- “Should Police Officers Be More Like U.F.C. Fighters?,” by Sam Eagan
- “Is Brazil’s Underdog Era Coming to an End?,” by Shannon Sims
Tune in to The Political Scene wherever you get your podcasts.
To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com.
The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine’s writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week.
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