In short
How the “Epstein files” conspiracy—especially the alleged Jeffrey Epstein client list—has persisted in U.S. politics despite DOJ/FBI statements that there’s “nothing to see,” and how Trump’s attempts to manage the story backfired, fueling paranoid politics.
Guest backgrounds
John Alsop is a New Yorker writer who authored a piece arguing Trump used conspiracy theories to regain office and has enraged supporters by not releasing the fabled client list.
Key claims
Trump’s “clumsy” distractions (executive orders, ICE raids, bombing Iran) didn’t work on Epstein. Pam Bondi said a client list was “on my desk,” then released “phase one” binders that lacked new material, then walked it back. Axios reported DOJ/FBI concluded Epstein killed himself and there’s no evidence of a client list or blackmail ring, and they won’t disclose more. Trump denies a Wall Street Journal report alleging a coded message tied to Epstein.
Notable examples
Bondi’s “phase one” binders; missing jail security footage minutes (Wired report); Trump’s JFK-files release as a contrast; AOC’s “electing a rapist” tweet; Mike Johnson delaying an Epstein-files vote.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VORecap of the Epstein Story
3:58 to 4:16
A brief overview of the events surrounding Jeffrey Epstein and his death.
“So let's start by bringing everyone up to speed on the Epstein story, since it's been almost six years now since he died in jail.”
Trump Supporters' Beliefs about Epstein
4:16 to 6:11
Discussing various conspiracy theories surrounding Epstein and Trump supporters' beliefs.
“What do Trump supporters believe about Epstein?”
The Promise of the Epstein Client List
6:11 to 8:02
Analyzing the claims regarding the existence of an Epstein client list and the political implications.
“And he says, yes, but, you know, only as long as it doesn't implicate innocent people who might be in them because there's a load of like phony stuff in that world.”
Wall Street Journal Revelations
8:02 to 9:01
Discussing the revelations from the Wall Street Journal article about Trump and Epstein.
“She then walks that back subsequently and says she was referring to the kind of Epstein dossier as a whole that wasn't really ever about a client list.”
Public Reaction and Political Implications
9:01 to 14:00
Examining the backlash from Trump's base regarding the Epstein situation and its political repercussions.
“And before we talk more about the mess and sort of the conservative backlash here, maybe we should stop for a minute and talk about the recent Wall Street Journal article.”
Trump's Response to Epstein Obsession
14:00 to 17:06
Examining the disconnect between Trump's anti-establishment persona and his handling of Epstein-related inquiries.
“And, you know, there was this kind of almost messianic idea that Trump was meant to be the guy who would put an end to that and sort of vanquish them.”
Democrats and the Epstein Discourse
18:06 to 22:36
Discussing the Democrats' reaction to the Epstein controversy and its implications for their political strategy.
“Just 3 % of Americans said that they were satisfied with what the administration has shared about Epstein.”
AOC's Controversial Tweet
22:36 to 25:36
Analyzing AOC's tweet about Trump and the Epstein files, its political implications, and moral concerns.
“So do you think that this is good politics for the Democrats, even if it's kind of toxic?”
Media Coverage and Conspiracy Theories
25:36 to 28:00
Exploring the media's role in covering Epstein and the line between reporting and indulging conspiracy theories.
“And I think, yeah, that's why I say there's kind of a middle ground there.”
The Complexity of Epstein's Case
28:00 to 30:00
Exploring the murky waters of Trump's ties to Epstein and the public's reaction.
“And that story is pretty clear, probably because it was lawyered to within an inch of its life about what it can claim and what it can't.”
Show all 17 chapters
Paranoia in American Politics
30:00 to 31:28
Discussing the historical context of paranoia in U.S. politics and its implications.
“I mean, we often focus on the Republicans and their relationship with conspiracy because of their election denialism, which is just so high profile and so politically toxic.”
The Role of Social Media in Conspiracy
31:28 to 33:28
Examining how social media has fueled conspiratorial thinking in politics.
“Yeah, the title really actually gives a lot about the essay and the argument away.”
Trump's Chaotic Relationship with Conspiracies
33:28 to 34:23
Analyzing Trump's inconsistent approach to various conspiracy theories.
“On the other hand, though, he then gives them a mainstream platform and encourages people within his political party to understand that maybe there aren't costs to publicly embracing these types of theories.”
The Dilemma of Conspiracy Transparency
34:23 to 36:17
Discussing the implications of potentially releasing Epstein-related files.
“I want to talk about what it means to have a paranoid electorate and whether there's anything that we can do to get things back on the right track or whether we're cooked.”
The Limitations of File Releases
36:17 to 39:39
Exploring the potential ineffectiveness of releasing conspiracy-related files.
“old relationship with Epstein that we already knew about, is a perfect example of why he might not want it to be in the news just based on things that people already know or that sort of thing.”
Trust Issues in Trumpism
39:39 to 42:01
Investigating how Trump's handling of Epstein could affect his support base.
“I suspect that the off-ramp in the end will just be that the news cycle will eventually move on to something else, as it always does.”
Analyzing Trump's Political Vulnerabilities
42:01 to 46:06
Explore how Trump's handling of the Epstein conspiracy may impact his support and political future.
“Like, will his supporters ever lose trust in him or are we just looking at a situation where everyone loses trust in everything?”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:06Hey, Jon. How's it going? Hey, Tyler. Thank you so much for having me again. Yeah, thank you so much for being willing to come on the podcast to talk about literally the most fraught subject of our time, which is the Jeffrey Epstein files or lack thereof. I guess I would say that everyone in the media knows that Donald Trump is very good at controlling the news. We'll be talking about one executive order and then he'll sign another one and we all shift to talking about that. We'll be focused on ICE raids in L.A. and then Trump will bomb Iran, changing the news cycle again. But what's interesting is that when it comes to the Jeffrey Epstein story, Trump simply has not been able to change the subject.
0:45So why is this the scandal that won't go away? Yeah, it's pretty extraordinary how long this Epstein story has gone on for. I mean, this is approaching a time of recording this conversation like two and a half weeks, I think, since Axios first reported that the Department of Justice and the FBI had essentially said there's nothing to see here. Everyone should move on. And, you know, I think this morning on the day that we're talking, you have those same Justice Department officials now saying they're going to try and talk to Ghislaine Maxwell. And it doesn't really seem like there's an end in sight.
1:14And, yeah, I think there's a few things going on. I think that most obviously Trump's attempts to change the subject have been incredibly clumsy and have had the obvious effect of keeping the subject in the news, right? Obama created the Epstein files, like these crazy things that like, yeah, they don't feel as strategic and as effective as they usually do. It seems like he's really just grasping around for something. right and suing the wall street journal for defamation seems like a good way of kind of getting figures in your base who maybe have been wavering a bit to rally back around you and say actually you know we remember that the real enemy is the nasty mainstream media and rupert murdoch but it will have the effect if he actually pursues that lawsuit to its you know conclusion whatever that may be of keeping that story in the in the news it's pretty classic streisand effect stuff right this idea that you know sometimes in trying to make a story go away on the internet you just amplify attention towards it.
2:10You'd think that someone who is sort of prone to thinking like that himself and again has trafficked in these theories to electoral benefit, he would have a sort of more innate understanding of that. And yet you see him sort of explicitly saying, you know, we're going to release more material. It won't be enough to satisfy people and doing it anyway, rather than just sort of shutting the whole thing down and by not talking about it, which is sort of interesting. I did also think that there's a certain kind of sad irony in the fact that it's been so hard to keep attention trained for longer than a few days on any of these really important consequential stories that you have mentioned.
2:44And the thing that seems to like have everyone still talking about it for two and a half weeks is a story that is obviously like very sad and tragic and consequential and has had real world consequences. I don't want to say that it hasn't, but it's not really a matter of like urgent political concern. It's sort of like a story that might in another ecosystem have functioned as a distraction tactic in itself. So the fact that it's now something that has really held on and that he can't distract from is almost like the kind of snake eating its tail of Trumpian distraction tactics, I guess. That's John Alsop, who just wrote a piece for The New Yorker about how Donald Trump, who used conspiracy theories to help propel himself back into office, has enraged his base by not releasing the fabled Jeffrey Epstein client list.
3:31It's unclear if the Epstein client list is even real, or if Trump officials just built up the idea of one for political gain. But the tension between Trump and his base shows how dangerous it can be for an elected official to weaponize conspiracy theories, especially ones that they can't deliver on. I wanted to talk with Alsop about the style of paranoid politics that we're seeing today from both parties and what it means for the future of our country. This is The Political Scene. I'm Tyler Foggett, and I'm a senior editor at The New Yorker.
4:08So let's start by bringing everyone up to speed on the Epstein story, since it's been almost six years now since he died in jail. Notice that I'm not taking a stance on how he died. Yeah. What do Trump supporters believe about Epstein? And how has the Trump administration's posture on Epstein changed in the past few months or since Trump took office, basically? Yeah. Yeah. So as with many conspiracy theories, I think there are different versions of this one, right, that sort of range from thinking, huh, you know, it's kind of weird that he killed himself in jail when you think he was a very high security priority prisoner who I believe tried to kill himself before.
4:47And it seems sort of strange that that was allowed to happen, particularly given he was connected to all these rich and powerful people. I'm sure there are some many, in fact, Trump supporters who just have that kind of haven't really thought about it, but it does seem odd level of concern or questions about it. And that then ranges right through to the sort of full kind of QAnon adjacent version of it, which is that a cabal of satanic paedophiles are running not just the government, but the entire world. And they drink children's blood to stay young. And Epstein is sort of at the center of this network.
5:19And there are probably all sorts of prominent people in this list that he obviously kept. And why won't the government just release it? It's kind of a whole gamut of things. and it's an interesting one because a lot of people in Trump's orbit or in the MAGA orbit and who now serve in his administration including in positions ironically at the top of the FBI really sort of stoked the fires of this in in recent years you know going on podcast and the internet and just sort of saying the Epstein stuff is super suspicious we don't really know what's going on there we need full disclosure. Trump himself did indicate during the campaign that he would be open to releasing the Epstein files as they've become known in shorthand.
5:59But he never, he didn't really sound particularly kind of proactive or enthusiastic about doing so. He was asked in a, what has now become a kind of infamous and much recently played interview on Fox last year, would you release the Epstein files? And he says, yes, but, you know, only as long as it doesn't implicate innocent people who might be in them because there's a load of like phony stuff in that world. And, you know, it's all a bit dicey and we want to be careful about that. It was not kind of a ringing, yeah, sure, you know, this is like the big one in conspiracy theory terms, and I can't wait to kind of get in there and peel open the envelope.
6:29So at the heart of Trump's project, you always have this sort of ambivalence or at least sort of like two sides to how different figures were approaching this. So they come into power in January and about a month after they've taken power, Pam Bondi is on Fox. and she's basically asked, is it possible that you will release the Epstein client list, which is, you know, in this law, this is the master key, I guess, to all the people who would have been implicated in Epstein's crimes. And she says, it's sitting on my desk right now for review. But she sort of then situates that claim in the context of, and so are the Kennedy files, so are the MLK files.
7:06But obviously she was explicitly asked about a client list and she did explicitly say, it's on my desk for review. So a lot of people understandably took that to mean that there is a client list and it was on her desk waiting for review. In the meantime, a few days after that interview, she released what was dubbed phase one of the Epstein files. And a bunch of kind of B or C list conservative influencers were brought into the White House and given these like binders and given advanced access to them. And there's this amazing picture of them all kind of like wielding these binders outside the White House.
7:36But it pretty quickly became clear that there was nothing in them that was even new or interesting. I think a lot of it was already published. It was like flight logs and things like that. And so you see people on the right saying, you know, what the hell? You kind of promised us this was a big thing. Bondi then goes back on Fox and says something to the effect of, you know, this isn't actually all the material. You know, I asked for FBI field offices or whatever to put this all on my desk. And it turns out there's stuff missing and we're going to get to the bottom of this. And then fast forward to earlier this month.
8:05and yeah Axios reports first I think on a memo from the from the DOJ which says you know the DOJ and the FBI leadership have come to the conclusion that Epstein did kill himself or at least there's no evidence that he didn't that there's no evidence there's a client list and that there's no evidence he was sort of leading this big blackmail thing oh and by the way also we're not going to disclose any more information about any of this because it would be unwarranted and inappropriate and of course it invites some questions right I mean Bondi of course has said on Fox that there's a client list that she's going to review.
8:35She then walks that back subsequently and says she was referring to the kind of Epstein dossier as a whole that wasn't really ever about a client list. I actually find that somewhat plausible, given that she never personally used the word client list, although she, as the nation's premier law enforcement official in a sensitive area, should have been more careful. But then, you know, why do they put out the Epstein files phase one in February if they never intended to follow up on it? So, yeah, obviously it invited all sorts of questions and that has created the current big mess and furore and we are where we are.
9:02And before we talk more about the mess and sort of the conservative backlash here, maybe we should stop for a minute and talk about the recent Wall Street Journal article. What were the revelations in that piece, which, as you mentioned earlier, Trump is now suing the Wall Street Journal for publishing? Yeah. So it seemed like there'd been rumors going around media circles for a few days that the journal was preparing this kind of bombshell report on Trump and Epstein and that Trump wasn't happy about it and it sort of tried to kill the story. So for context, it's obviously well known that Trump was friends or at least associates with Jeffrey Epstein in the kind of early 2000s.
9:38And before there's this New York magazine interview, or it's a profile of Epstein. Actually, Trump is interviewed for it in, I think, 2002 and says something along the lines of, you know, Jeff's a terrific guy and he likes women as much as me. And, you know, it's often said that they're on the younger side, which obviously becomes a kind of very ominous comment in light of everything that is subsequently revealed about Epstein, although it should be noted that was before Epstein was ever held criminally accountable for anything. And I believe the journal story kind of drops into that context. I think it's 2003, it's Epstein's 50th birthday.
10:12And Jules Maxwell, I believe, is putting together a kind of binder for his birthday and an album, I guess. And one of the messages allegedly has been contributed by Trump. And based on the journal's description, it's like a super weird message that's sort of a kind of dialogue, imagined dialogue between Trump and Epstein that sort of alludes to some kind of secret. And it's then, if I'm remembering correctly, sort of like encased on the page in like a kind of line drawing of a female figure. A naked female figure, right? Yeah, which then allegedly sort of has Trump's scrawled signature as the pubic hair.
10:48So the journal basically reports this as a bunch of other context in the story. And Trump furiously denies it. He says, one of my favorite Trump quotes in a while. I never wrote a picture in my life or words to that effect. And that's not my language, he said, of like the, I think the, what he signed off with in the letter, allegedly, which was, I think it was may every day be another secret or something like that. Yeah. And things about how enigmas never age, which led to all this discourse about whether Trump uses the word enigma. And in fact, he does use it. But to go back to his supporters and how upset they are.
11:20I guess I'm curious what your take is on why they care so much. I mean, obviously, there's this hypocrisy element, right, that the administration has kind of pulled this bait and switch. But I don't know, my entire family is Republican. And while I'm sure that they would love to see the Epstein files, and while they would love to see Bill Clinton's name on a client list, I'm also pretty sure that Epstein was not on their minds when they cast their ballots for Trump. I mean, they were voting for him because of his, you know, policies on immigration and for tariffs and that sort of thing. So like how salient of an issue is this actually among conservatives?
11:54Or are we seeing a situation where like some of the more vocal new arrivals to the Magiverse? I'm thinking about podcasters like Andrew Schultz who kind of helped Trump get elected, but who aren't necessarily Trump's base. You know, how they are the people who are kind of acting as though they feel betrayed by what's happening here. Yeah, I think that is a super important and also complicated question given how hard it is to measure public opinion, which is obviously this kind of very fast moving and sort of amorphous thing. And I definitely think there is a risk of sort of overstating how, even though this is at the kind of center of beltway discourse or media discourse at the moment, I don't personally think this is likely to be a very big issue come the midterms next year, which some pundits seem to think it definitely will be.
12:41I don't think it's anywhere near as important to people as more kind of kitchen table issues. This is a prediction which I can make here, and I don't know if this will age better or worse, but I actually think that bombing Iran was potentially a more consequential kind of action that Trump could take to sort of break with a certain type of person who voted for him on the understanding that he wouldn't do things like that. So this has got like way more attention. I think it genuinely has energized the base in a negative sense more than anything we've seen in the second administration so far. But, you know, again, I think we need to be a little bit modest about what we know about its likely kind of long term political ramifications.
13:17And just quickly, it seems, you know, based on polling, obviously, there's been different polls saying slightly different things. It seems to me that two things can be true. There is a kind of very broad level of dissatisfaction about how Trump and his administration have handled this. But also, it hasn't necessarily kind of eaten into Trump's approval rating among Republicans, like in terms of that top line number, at least not yet. So, you know, those are important caveats. At the same time, I think it is very important and there's clearly a lot of people do care a lot about it. Obviously, there is a type of Trump based voter for whom this was always very important because they're like super bought into QAnon or sort of adjacent theories about a shaggy cabal of very unsavory people running the world.
14:03And, you know, there was this kind of almost messianic idea that Trump was meant to be the guy who would put an end to that and sort of vanquish them. Obviously, it would be very distressing to then see him, if you are in that frame of mind, turn around and say, actually, there's nothing to see here. So I think that's part of it. I then think that, though, that even the people for whom it's maybe like a more casual obsession or the type of supporter who listens to a lot of a certain type of Manosphere podcast or spends a lot of time on the internet. His sort of response to it has been weird and shifty, I think it would be fair to say.
14:36Now, I'm certainly not sitting here and saying that means that he is actually hiding anything particularly substantive. I actually think there are, you know, perfectly legitimate reasons to not release these documents that they might have run into. But no, but I'm totally with you. I mean, going so far as to insinuate that the people who care about this are weaklings when Trump's whole thing is stirring up conspiracies and getting people riled up about them. It's just very strange that he sort of created this monster and then he's insulting the people who continue to think about it. Yeah, exactly.
15:06And then so maybe that then sucks people who don't care so much about this kind of a priori in because they then start thinking, oh, why is he behaving like this? You know, I voted for him and I've been a loyal soldier for him or whatever. Why is he sort of saying that people in his base are losers or whatever, weaklings, as you said? And I think that then speaks to a bigger idea, which, you know, you sort of hear repeatedly put forward by people who are very plugged into the MAGA base, which is that it's not really necessarily about Epstein per se for a lot of people. It's that Epstein is sort of seen as, among some of the more kind of extreme conspiracy theorists, like a master key to loads and loads of other things that they think are wrong.
15:45It's this idea that if the government is covering this up, then what else could they possibly be covering up? The sort of Epstein files might be the sort of master key to a greater conspiracy that is out there that goes beyond just Epstein and maybe the people in his immediate orbit. But then I think there's a more abstract version of that idea, which I probably do think has quite a wide appeal, which is just, which I think could probably be boiled down mostly to the idea that Trump was supposed to be anti-establishment, right? He's consistently has had this anti-establishment posture, which when you think about it for more than 30 seconds is totally absurd, especially given that he had already been the president by the time the second, you know, his second presidential election rolled around.
16:21But it's this idea that he was meant to be this kind of tribune of the people going into the swamp and, you know, exposing all of the dirty secrets and lies and cleaning the place up. So obviously it then feels discontinent to see him come in and say there's this big scandal and actually you're not allowed to know about it. And I think that that will be something that logically gives pause to people who are not sort of ride and die QAnon conference attendees. So I think it has a kind of broad salience in that way, even if it might not be the most animating issue for most of the people who actually pulled the lever for him last year.
16:57When we come back from the break, I'd like to talk about how the Democrats and the mainstream media have reacted to this story and what it says about American politics writ large. More from the political scene from The New Yorker in just a moment.
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18:05In your piece, John, you cite a recent CNN poll. Just 3 % of Americans said that they were satisfied with what the administration has shared about Epstein. and more Democrats than Republicans are dissatisfied. So does this suggest that Democrats are just as conspiratorial as Trump Republicans when it comes to Epstein? Or do you think that Democrats are just running with this because they realize that it's really bad for Trump? Yeah, super interesting question. And I think if you'd asked me this even a year ago, certainly two, I'd have been like, you know, it's absurd false equivalents to suggest that there's anywhere near the same amount of conspiratorial thinking on the liberal side of public opinion to the conservative one, you know, obviously the defining political characteristic, arguably, if this moment is the sort of mainstreaming of conspiratorial thought on the right.
18:50And I would say, broadly speaking, to be clear, I do still believe that, but like probably with more caveats than before. And I was quite struck by that poll that you just mentioned, which showed that more Democrats than Republicans were dissatisfied or prepared to say they were dissatisfied with Trump's handling and his administration's handling of this Epstein controversy. And I think actually that was a number for Democrats that tipped into like an actual outright majority. I think it was like 52 percent or something saying that they were dissatisfied. Obviously, you do have to be somewhat careful with numbers like this because clearly this is a very polarized country and a very polarized time.
19:26And if you ask people questions like, do you disapprove of Trump doing X if you hate Trump, then you're probably kind of likely to say yes, regardless of what the issue is. Right. So it's not necessarily dispositive. nonetheless i i have been i think this issue has taken on in the last couple of weeks a more bipartisan valence in a sincere way than i would have predicted and i certainly don't think a couple of years ago i would have foreseen so many senior elected democrats being willing to sound functionally like the trump people did on this issue you know where are the files when you release the files.
20:04I mean, they're not sort of doing the very out there kind of QAnon version of it. They're certainly seemingly prepared to lean into a version that is asking for more transparency. So why are they doing it, I guess, is the question. The most obvious answer would seem to me to be political advantage, right? And this is a moment where the Democratic brand is in the toilet, to put it mildly. They are kind of scrabbling around for relevance, but also any sense that they're kind of making inroads into Trump's popularity. And anytime I think that there's a wedge in his base, they're going to try and jump on it.
20:37And they've spotted that here, I guess, because Epstein hasn't really been an animating issue really in any way for them before. They don't feel like kind of freighted with a ton of like baggage. They don't feel like they need to necessarily be consistent with what they've said in the past. I think there's a fair amount of trolling going on as well. Haha, Trump, you know, you've stoked this conspiratorial movement that is now sort of eating its children. And we're going to like absolutely hold your feet in the fire here and make you own the consequences. So yeah, I don't necessarily think it's entirely sincere, but some of it actually does seem kind of sincere to me from the outside, which, as I mentioned earlier, polarized country.
21:11So if you say, do you disapprove of Trump doing X, then you will. But I think that goes hand in hand with the sense that Trump is a genuinely suspicious and shady figure for reasons that are driven, we should be very clear, by actual, very real, solidly reported things that he has done and has alleged to have done in the past, in addition to any sort of fantasizing about this particular story. So I think that people maybe are looking at him and thinking, yeah, this doesn't add up. This is really weird. But it is certainly a little bit jarring to see mainstream MSNBC Democrats say things like, well, Elon Musk has alleged that Trump is in the Epstein files, so we really need to get to the bottom of this.
21:45Whatever the reason, yeah, it is just a very, very weird shoe on the other foot moment that I'm having a little bit of a hard time processing, if we're being honest. Yeah, before we get more into the mainstream media coverage, I want to talk a little bit about this tweet that AOC posted on X, which she's gotten a lot of flack for from conservatives, which is, wow, who would have thought that electing a rapist would have complicated the release of the Epstein files? On one hand, it sounds like there is a bit of, you know, like the trolling that you were just referring to happening here, where AOC sees an opportunity to go after Trump, And it doesn't sound as though she's like clamoring for the release of the files because she's desperate to get to the bottom of this situation.
22:24And yet the tweet is also kind of conspiratorial, right, in the sense that it's alluding to Trump covering something up because releasing that information would be bad for him. So I feel like it is kind of like stoking the flames a little bit. So do you think that this is good politics for the Democrats, even if it's kind of toxic? Yeah, I think there is a strategic kind of slash political answer to this question and a moral answer to this question. And then maybe a middle ground where they can meet, which that AOC tweet is arguably kind of in. But let me explain what I mean. I think that strategically, the Democratic brand has become very clearly associated, not just unpopular, but associated with a kind of incredibly sterilized focus group kind of campaign consultant driven inauthenticity.
23:17And I certainly don't want to sort of insinuate that Trump is authentic, whatever that means. But I think it's fair to say the Democrats are seen as and probably actually in practice in many ways inauthentic. so when Trump who has managed to claim that mantle of authenticity to some degree is really faltering on that key tenet it absolutely does make sense to then jump in and kind of appeal to the populist urges that are feeling betrayed by him and in part I think there is a legitimate point to be made here which is that the Epstein story is true in the sense that the stuff that has been alleged about him is true and he was a very powerful man and had a powerful circle.
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23:54You don't have to believe in the existence of a client list. In fact, you just have to follow the public reporting to think that his behavior, while extreme, is a kind of horrible indictment of the American class system, for want of a better way of putting it, how elites are kind of able to operate with a certain degree of impunity. I mean, we all know, obviously, that Epstein got this very suspiciously lenient deal the first time that he was criminally held accountable for some of this behavior before eventually, of course, being arrested and then killing himself in prison. There is a kind of anti-elite social justice argument to be made somewhere in this.
24:31And yeah, I think the AOC tweet that you mentioned is in context kind of conspiratorial, but also she's making a point that Trump has been credibly accused of sexual assault. And this doesn't seem to really have figured in the broader discourse around him as much as certainly it would have done for any other politician, but not really at all. So I think there is a legitimate point here in addition to the sort of strategic sense it makes of trying to kind of lean into an anti-establishment appeal. At the same time, conspiracy theories generally are bad. They generally are corrosive of public trust.
25:06I think it sort of would be good to have one of the two major parties in American political life kind of tethered to the ideas of due process and evidence and fairness. And so to see that all kind of jettisoned in favor of this kind of Tucker Carlson-esque, oh, we're just asking questions, but isn't this all really suspicious? Please release the files mentality. I find that kind of concerning and kind of gross. And I don't think it's sort of an endorsement of Hall Monitor, let's go and moderate social media and be very kind of finger-waggy politics to say that. And I think, yeah, that's why I say there's kind of a middle ground there.
25:45I think there are kind of points that can be made in relation to this story that don't stray into that territory, but I do find the whole thing a bit unnerving. No, I agree with you. And I think it's only going to get worse. I mean, I just, I'm looking at a push notification that I got from the Times just a couple of minutes ago. And it says that Speaker Mike Johnson said he would shut down the House until September to block a vote on calling for the release of the Jeffrey Epstein files. So I think that we're only going to see this news cycle continue and not just happen, but also spin out. Going back to what you were saying earlier about the media and their role in this and how you're still kind of processing it, you recently wrote in a separate piece that you did for the CJR newsletter that when you take in the media coverage of Epstein, you, quote, can't avoid the conclusion that some of it has slipped all too eagerly from covering conspiracy theories around him to indulging them.
26:35What articles or cable news segments have left you with this impression? Yeah, I think it's a hard line to locate and is subjective. And as I hope I made clear in that piece, this was the generalized conclusion that I had reached in the process of consuming just loads and loads and loads of Epstein coverage rather than something where I would want to maybe call out two or three sort of bad examples. In particular, I think it's more of a general impression. I certainly don't include the Wall Street Journal story in that. And there have been other good stories in the last couple of weeks that have taken unresolved or emerging questions about the Epstein case as a starting point and then actually done reporting and sort of put some evidence on those bones.
27:19There was a story in Wired that has got a lot of attention across the political spectrum. The FBI, I think, or the DOJ They released a jailhouse security camera footage from the night of Epstein's death and said this is the kind of raw footage. I think that's their exact wording. And it turned out that three minutes was missing and it had been stitched together from two separate streams of footage or something along those lines. Now, there might be an innocuous explanation for that, but it is inconsistent with what they said. And obviously, investigative journalists' job is to scrutinize publicly available documents, public statements, and to say, well, this doesn't stack up sometimes.
27:55Ditto the Wall Street Journal story. That is, and again, we should stress that Trump completely denies it, but it is based on documents. It's based on reporting. And that story is pretty clear, probably because it was lawyered to within an inch of its life about what it can claim and what it can't. At the same time, in neither of those stories and others besides, is there a sort of smoking gun that says X happened to Epstein in prison definitively and Trump's relationship with Epstein was Y and this is the full extent of it. There are unanswered questions there. and I think just in this kind of big like content industrial complex that we have where the lines between stuff on the internet and stuff that's being said on tv and stuff that appears in newspapers where those lines are kind of really blurry you can have a tv host for example talking about that wall street journal story on air in a way that takes the very definitely reported details of the story and then applies a bit of spin to them or starts to ask a guest this is strange isn't it you know why is trump behaving so shiftily around this and then it just sort of I think creates this slippery slope and the point I made in the piece maybe it's kind of best made in the negative but this is sort of what I was referring to earlier about transparency and I think this is a kind of a good example of what I mean to me in the aggregate it seems like the sort of Occam's razor here or the sort of simplest explanation for why Trump is behaving the way he is is that he must be trying to cover something up you know like the reason they're not putting the Epstein files out there is surely because he is in them or they contain some embarrassing information about him.
29:24And I think that idea, at least implicitly, has quite wide purchase. We sort of talked about that, you know, within the Democratic Party, but also within the liberal media. And it seems to me that like there are really, really obvious reasons why you can't just dump a bunch of evidence from a criminal investigation into the public domain with no vetting, and especially in such a sensitive case that involves disgusting, explicit imagery. And I sort of feel like some of the rush to answer unexplained questions here and to fill in gaps has forgotten those sort of basic principles. But I also feel like we have seen this kind of thing go on for quite a while and that it's something that both parties are kind of complicit in, to be honest.
30:04I mean, we often focus on the Republicans and their relationship with conspiracy because of their election denialism, which is just so high profile and so politically toxic. But they were also the party of Joe Biden being too old to be president, which is a conspiracy theory that they were right about. And then I feel like on the Democratic side, you have prominent figures in the party like Dmitry Melhorn, a political advisor to Reid Hoffman, and Joy Ann Reid, the MSNBC host, making statements subtly insinuating that the Trump assassination attempt may have been staged, for instance. And then, of course, there's the idea that Russia worked with Trump to steal the election in 2016, which got a ton of coverage and launched a lot of discourse.
30:44So I feel like it's tempting to argue that, you know, we've seen something shift with Epstein, that everyone is freaking out now. But I feel like you can also argue that a lot of this shifted when Trump rose to power. And then in your piece, you also talk about how there's this paranoid style in American politics that's been pervasive for many decades, going back to the 60s, kind of like post the JFK assassination. So would you say that Trump is the progenitor of paranoid politics or is he the product of it? Yeah, that's a question I grappled with quite a lot while writing this piece. And actually, I was going to, in response to your question, deflect by referring back to Richard Hofstadter in his essay on the paranoid style in American politics.
31:23Can you explain the argument in that piece for people who aren't familiar with it? Yeah, the title really actually gives a lot about the essay and the argument away. It really is just this idea that pretty much from the beginning, American politics has had this strain of paranoia in its politics. And he's very clear that he's talking about a style, so almost like a kind of aesthetic of how this sort of thing manifests, more so than necessarily talking about the kind of merit of the underlying claims. But he points out very explicitly quite early on in this essay that this is not just a right-wing thing.
32:00at the time writing in the context of the kind of Goldwater revolution on the right. And he's saying, you know, we're really seeing this paranoid style of politics manifest there. But he's very clear to say that this is actually not really an ideological thing, that it's kind of something that anyone could fall prey to. And this very clearly is right. I think, you know, this is an essay I've turned to a few times over the years. Clearly, there is this kind of rich vein of sensationalism and conspiratorial thinking that sort of runs throughout US history, which is why I have had had a bit of a hard time in the Trump era with this sort of vein of analysis that's like Trump invented conspiracy theories and was helped in doing so by Mark Zuckerberg and Twitter.
32:40And before any of this existed, everyone was sort of nice to each other and would go and like tend their neighbor's lawn with no suspicions and social media and Trumpism and mass entertainment have sort of ripped apart the American experiment. I mean, it's just laughably not true. At the same time, though, Trump and Mark Zuckerberg bear an awful lot of responsibility for the mainstreaming of it, right? Like very clearly when you have a poorly regulated kind of rage-driven online information architecture, that is going to throw gasoline on the ability to spread paranoid sentiment. Again, it doesn't invent it, but it does supercharge it, makes it more available and not only available, but sort of pushes it algorithmically.
33:20And Trump has really seized on that in a political way that then kind of muddies cause and effect. On the one hand, he's latching onto forces that clearly have long existed in American life that have, again, been supercharged by the internet. On the other hand, though, he then gives them a mainstream platform and encourages people within his political party to understand that maybe there aren't costs to publicly embracing these types of theories. And so it all snowballs. And so he is both the progenitor in a certain sense, but also the sort of benefactor of it. And I think that's actually the heart of what makes this Epstein episode so interesting, right, is that he is absolutely responsible for kind of cultivating the political influence of the sorts of people who believe that Jeffrey Epstein didn't kill himself and there's a ring of satanic pedophiles running the country.
34:04But at the same time, he seems to now be captured by it. And I think that's sort of a fitting, I don't want to say end because it's clearly not the end of the story, but a fitting outcome to that sort of bigger, like, super story. Let's take another break. And then when we come back, we can reveal the names on Epstein's client list. Great. Just kidding. I want to talk about what it means to have a paranoid electorate and whether there's anything that we can do to get things back on the right track or whether we're cooked. More from the political scene soon.
34:49So, John, earlier we were talking about the theories as to why Trump hasn't just released the Epstein files in their entirety. And, you know, I think we kind of went through the big ones. You know, maybe there just aren't any files to begin with. And the Trump administration played up the idea of files for political gain. And now they are kind of realizing that they don't actually have anything to release. The second one, as you mentioned, is that Trump isn't amplifying this particular conspiracy theory because it could hurt him and he has something to hide. And he only likes the conspiracy theories like the idea that the election was stolen that propel him.
35:21And then you mentioned a third theory in your piece, which you say is also your favorite theory. And I'm wondering if you can walk us through that. Yeah, I guess it's a bit of a cheat in the sense that I don't think it's entirely inconsistent with theories one and two. I guess what I'm trying to get at is that it doesn't really look like Trump is kind of running this like post-truth movement in a sort of coherent way where like everything that's kind of a wedge conspiracy theory that could be used to sow distrust. He's like super on it, has a very kind of tailored. This is our line on this thing, apart from in cases where it's not advantageous to him, in which case he tries to tamp it down.
35:59I definitely think it's a completely legitimate reading of his recent behavior to think that he doesn't want the Epstein story to be in the public eye because it reflects poorly on him. And I don't think you have to believe that he is at the heart of a satanic pedophile cabal to think that, you know, the Wall Street Journal article, which was, again, dipping into a context of Trump's old relationship with Epstein that we already knew about, is a perfect example of why he might not want it to be in the news just based on things that people already know or that sort of thing. So I don't want to sort of discount that idea.
36:31But equally, it sort of occurred to me that it's not as programmatic as him endorsing conspiracy theories that are immediately personally beneficial to him and then dismissing or soft peddling all the others in a way that feels kind of intentional and consistent. so the third theory i guess was to say that yes i think there's an aspect of the fact that this is a bit like the dog who caught the car certainly i think this is true of the people in the justice department if not trump himself right they've gone in and they've realized for whatever reason actually we can't just sort of irresponsibly dump all this information out oh what do we do now because we sort of promised that we would and i think there is also an element of yeah trump wants this to go away because it reflects poorly on him regardless of why you think that is.
37:12But his sort of the totality of his relationship to conspiratorial thinking is actually much like everything else with him. It's incoherent and chaotic. And if he hears one thing from someone one day, he might latch onto it and fervently believe it's true. And then it becomes US policy the next day. That might not be the case with another conspiracy theory. And the JFK files that he released, that he promised to release early in his term and then actually did, are kind of a good example, right? I mean, this is like the conspiracy theory par excellence of recent decades in American life, he could have released the remaining documents in that and sort of gone on some crusade to find something that appeared to be an inconsistency and said this proves that the deep state, you know, have always been lying ever since the 60s.
37:53And instead, he kind of shrugged. I think he did an interview where he was like, yeah, I think Lee Harvey Oswald shot Kennedy and maybe he didn't act alone. But, you know, these files are kind of unspectacular and that's probably a good thing, actually. Like he didn't really seem to care about it in any way. So I think, again, it's just worth bearing in mind that his response to the Epstein files is not like a total, total departure from how he responds to other strains of conspiracy theory. Again, that's not to say that they're motivated by the same thing. Again, very well might be self-interested this time.
38:24But his whole relationship to conspiracy theories is a lot more sort of nonsensical than something that can be explained by like pure rational self-interest, I think, which is interesting to me. What do you think is the off ramp here? Because I think, you know, as you mentioned earlier, Trump has told Pam Bondi that she can release more of the Epstein files. And it's unlikely that unless they release all of the files, that this will do enough to kind of quiet the insatiable conspiracy-driven supporters who are asking for all the files. And then even if they did release everything, then if those files did not contain what people expect them to contain, that would also breed more conspiracy.
39:03And, you know, as you mentioned, like Trump has released the JFK files. That was the biggest conspiracy ever in the sense that, you know, like even just normal people on the street would be like there had to be a second shooter. And I don't know if after those files were released, if all of a sudden the entire world is like, yeah, you know, it was just Lee Harvey Oswald acting alone. Like you get the sense that I'm sure that there are some people who poured over those files and who are now pouring over the MLK files. But you don't get the sense that releasing files in any form, even in their full entirety, that that is something that really changes minds or hearts.
39:38So what do you do when you can never really satisfy the people? I suspect that the off-ramp in the end will just be that the news cycle will eventually move on to something else, as it always does. It's sort of striking, as we were discussing earlier, that this one has gone on for like two and a half weeks and counting at time of recording. But this isn't going to last forever. Obviously, there'll be other major things in the news. That being said, the behavior of him and congressional Republicans around this and now the Justice Department is not consistent with the strategy I would advise if they were trying to make this go away, which would simply be to sort of stop talking about it and hope it burns itself out.
40:18I mean, the more they feed this beast, the more hungry the beast will become. And they seem to be also doing it in a really slow motion way. So I think you mentioned and I haven't had time to fact check this because we're talking live. But you mentioned that Mike Johnson basically said he's going to kind of gum up the house until September to stop this Epstein resolution from coming to the floor. Well, this seems to be just punting what is inevitably still going to be something that Democrats and then people on the Republican side who are like very hot on this issue wants to happen. It seems like they're just sort of inviting this story to then come back after recess, which is strange to me.
40:51uh the wall street journal lawsuit likewise as we discussed earlier is something that if trump continues to wage it and it doesn't get settled or whatever is going to continue to be a talking point it's going to at least put his name next to that of epstein and the public consciousness so i think what we're likely to see and it's not necessarily an off-ramp really at all actually it's just that this will go away and then it will sort of come back and it will kind of come back in in cycles maybe not as as fervently and and as at the center of attention as we're seeing right now But I don't think there's any way to make it go away entirely.
41:22Yeah, I mean, it strikes me that the Epstein stuff, while kind of one of the biggest conspiracies of the Trump era, it's a conspiracy that is distinct from all the other Trumpian conspiracies and that it has nothing really to do with policy. Whereas there are all these other conspiracies that Trump likes to propagate that are interwoven with his political rhetoric and then what he actually does in office. So, like, he doesn't just want to cut bureaucratic bloat. He wants to root out the evil deep state. Much of his immigration rhetoric, too, is based on conspiracies about the number of people illegally entering the United States and then what it is that they do when they get here.
42:01So do you think that there's any world in which Trump's failure to confront in full the Epstein conspiracy, which is kind of its own separate thing, might threaten the viability of the other conspiracies, the ones that actually kind of inform how he goes about, you know, being president? Like, will his supporters ever lose trust in him or are we just looking at a situation where everyone loses trust in everything? I think he does have a vulnerability with people who are like less ride and die MAGA people. And the kind of hodcasters like the Manosphere types, you know, your Joe Rogans, your Andrew Schultzes, who backed him last year, but weren't necessarily like pure MAGA people are good sort of proxies for this.
42:44Not only because they have huge audiences and they're influential with those audiences, but because they have this kind of like pattern of performed normality, whether the multimillionaire Joe Rogan is a normal person or not. I'll leave for you to decide. But that's how they kind of present themselves right. And they sound, some of them, not all of them, sound pretty disillusioned, not only with the Epstein stuff, but with the Iran strikes, as I mentioned earlier, and with other aspects of Trump's agenda as well. Interestingly, kind of immigration on Rogan's case actually coming from a position of, you know, they're going too far.
43:16And I really, really think the Iran strikes are worth not sleeping on here because i would argue and have in the past that support for neocon or adjacent foreign policy is quite overrepresented in elite media circles but i think that those wars in afghanistan and iraq had a simply huge impact in fueling trump's rise both kind of directly and indirectly in ways that definitely get mentioned a lot but i think not necessarily to the extent that they actually deserve to be. And I think him appearing to be different on that is a significant part of his appeal for a certain type of voter who might be a Manosphere podcaster or listen into them.
43:58And it's interesting because you see this dynamic kind of crop up again and again in the Trump term where people who are not like massively keyed into politics or massively paying attention will sort of understand the like broad outlines of what he's doing. Like, you know, I'm clamping down on the Southern border and they'll be like, yeah, that sounds like what we voted for. That sounds good. But then the more they learn about it and the sort of more they learn about the way that he's treating migrants without due process or in sort of facially cruel ways, they become less supportive. This Iran thing to me seemed like the opposite of that, actually.
44:27It was like on the details, Trump could make a case to those who were anti-intervention, but like very clued into politics that what he did was a kind of limited projection of strength that actually was designed to get Iran back to the negotiating table. And it was about peace, restrain and all these other slogans. I think a lot of people understood that as Trump said he wouldn't bomb foreign countries and then he did and that if that's all they understood about it it really I think put a big kind of kink in his support as somebody who was different was going to come in and not do things like that and so yeah when you then see him say appear to say at least I will open up the Epstein files and then he doesn't do it that's another kind of demerit in the same direction and I think over time that can build up to disavowal or just despondency and how that sort of manifests electorally going forward is not known yet it is going to be super interesting because of course trump we sincerely hope is not running again um maybe he actually just doesn't care but presumably you know jd vance would want to kind of try and ride the same dynamics that trump road to power and appear to be different and appear to be anti-establishment.
45:37And yeah, I think we're going to have an interesting time seeing how those dynamics play out now that these people are visibly becoming the establishment if they ever weren't. And whether the Democrats will be able to kind of shed their very kind of like almost pro-establishment mantle and do something different or whether there'll be some energy that will come from somewhere else. I think it seems like an enormously kind of unsettled time. And I think this all kind of feeds into that in chaotic ways that are hard to predict at the moment.
46:06Thank you so much, John. Thank you for having me. John Alsop is a New Yorker contributor. You can find his latest piece, Donald Trump, Jeffrey Epstein, and Three Conspiracy Theory Theories at newyorker.com. This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. I'm Tyler Foggett. This episode is produced by Sam Egan with mixing by Mike Kutchman and engineering by Vince Fairchild. Our executive producer is Stephen Valentino. Chris Bannon is Condé Nast's head of Global Audio Our theme music is by Alison Leighton Brown Enjoy your week and we'll see you next Wednesday
From the publisher
The New Yorker contributor Jon Allsop joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss how President Trump’s refusal to release the Epstein files has fractured his base, and how the Democratic Party has increasingly weaponized the Epstein conspiracy theory in its attempt to combat the MAGA movement. How do we proceed given that our country’s politics are increasingly defined by conspiratorial thinking?
This week’s reading:
- “Donald Trump, Jeffrey Epstein, and Three Conspiracy-Theory Theories,” by Jon Allsop
- “Behind Trump’s Jeffrey Epstein Problem,” by Benjamin Wallace-Wells
- “What the Cancellation of Stephen Colbert’s ‘Late Show’ Means,” by Vinson Cunningham
- “Coldplaygate Is a Reminder That There’s No Escaping Going Viral,” by Kyle Chayka
- “In an Age of Climate Change, How Do We Cope with Floods?,” by John Seabrook
To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com.
The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine’s writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week.
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