In short
Whether Democrats are poised for a “blue wave” in the upcoming midterms, and what structural factors (gerrymandering, limited seat switching, turnout) could prevent it—especially in the Senate.
Guests
Amy Walter, editor of the Cook Political Report and PBS NewsHour commentator; described as a nonpartisan election observer. Hosts: Susan Glasser, Evan Osnos, Jane Mayer (discussing their own 9/11 experiences and midterm expectations).
Key claims
Democrats need only 3 House seats and 4 Senate seats to win control, but polarization and district design make waves unlikely. House: gerrymandering and fewer competitive seats reduce Democratic “exposure” compared with 2010/2018. Senate: Democrats must flip states Trump won by double digits; that’s historically hard. Trump’s approval “floor” is lower, but it’s unclear whether disaffected Republicans will vote Democratic or stay home.
Notable examples
West Virginia and NYC conversations; Texas polling in the Rio Grande Valley showing Democrats leading on the generic ballot; Maine and Michigan as Senate “watch” states; Iowa/Ohio/Alaska/Texas as red states where Democrats are “outrunning” Kamala Harris by double digits; rural health and diesel prices as identity-driven issues; Josh Turek’s Iowa profile (spina bifida, Agent Orange exposure) as a candidate example.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOReflecting on 9/11 Experiences
0:03 to 0:31
Hosts share their personal experiences on 9/11 and its lasting impact.
“It's weeknight dinners, sitting around the table, everyone talking all at once.”
Reflecting on 9/11 Experiences
1:29 to 5:26
Hosts share their personal experiences on 9/11 and its lasting impact.
“So I actually don't know your guys' story of where you were on 9-11.”
Discussing the Upcoming Midterms
5:42 to 10:44
Hosts analyze the current political landscape and expectations for the midterm elections.
“So we're going to talk this week about America's polarized election.”
Examining Structural Challenges in Elections
10:44 to 14:00
Discussion on gerrymandering and the structural challenges affecting elections.
“Amy, the Cook Political Report is our lifeline to some kind of objective assessment in these definitely unobjective times.”
Analyzing Key States for Senate Control
14:00 to 14:54
Learn about the critical states that could determine Senate control.
Democrats' Challenges in Red States
14:54 to 15:51
Explore the challenges Democrats face in traditionally red states.
“But we know that in order for Democrats to net the number of seats they need to be just a bare majority, they need to knock off two states that Trump carried by double digits.”
The Dynamics of Voter Turnout
15:51 to 16:52
Understand how voter turnout influences election outcomes.
“I think this is a really important point.”
Trump's Changing Approval Ratings
16:52 to 18:05
Discuss the implications of Trump's declining approval ratings on elections.
“That no matter what was happening, you still did not see a dissolution of his floor.”
The Impact of Trump on Republican Enthusiasm
18:05 to 19:25
Analyze how Trump's presence affects Republican voter turnout.
“I mean, you know, this week, Donald Trump has thrown this unusual midterm convention in Dallas.”
Democratic Strategy Beyond Trump
19:25 to 21:50
Examine how Democrats are positioning themselves beyond Trump as a focal point.
“the ones who say in polls they're not as enthusiastic, are not the MAGA Republicans.”
Show all 17 chapters
Corruption as a Central Campaign Theme
21:50 to 24:16
Discover how corruption is being framed in current political campaigns.
“and instead you've seen the success of other candidates, some of whom are aligned with Democratic socialists, not all.”
Key House and Senate Seats to Watch
25:28 to 25:56
Identify critical races that will impact the election outcome.
“If you've been enjoying the show, please leave us a rating or review on the podcast platform of your choice.”
Key House and Senate Seats to Watch
26:46 to 28:00
Identify critical races that will impact the election outcome.
“Lincoln Rejuvenate does not operate unless the vehicle is in park.”
Analyzing Competitive States for Democrats
28:00 to 40:45
Explore which states are critical for Democrats to secure in upcoming elections.
“Each one is unique, even though they all look similar.”
Analyzing Competitive States for Democrats
40:48 to 41:45
Explore which states are critical for Democrats to secure in upcoming elections.
“It's weeknight dinners, sitting around the table, everyone talking all at once.”
Halloween Decor Promotion
42:00 to 42:19
Learn about shopping for Halloween decor at Wayfair.
“Because the best Halloween memories aren't made in just one night.”
Analyzing Rural Voter Dynamics
42:20 to 46:58
Explore the complexities of rural voter identity and election dynamics.
“So, guys, I thought that was extremely helpful.”
Transcript
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1:49Jane, where were you on 9-11? Well, believe it or not, I was at the gym about getting ready to go to work. And I watched the first plane fly into the building. And the second one, because, you know, it was a TV screen, I said, that's it. This is terrorism. And went back to the office and I worked all day. And the most important thing, well, two important things happened. One, my daughter was the only kid left in school because I was working all day. So she may never forgive me. And the other thing that happened was that that night, the most important thing for me anyway was I ended up at the cathedral, Washington's Episcopal Cathedral, where there was the most unbelievable impromptu gathering.
2:39Wow. And the priest said, this is a test of us, not just of them. And the most important thing he said was not to lose our humanity as we faced an enemy who had shown us no humanity. And from that point on, I began to think of the war on terror as a test of our values, not just their values. Wow. That's prescient, Jane, I have to tell you. I mean, I was living in New York on 9-11 in 2001, but on that day, I happened to be on my way to West Virginia for some reporting. I was on my way to the airport, and the time it took me to get to the airport, I was flying from Washington, D.C., was basically the time between the two planes hitting.
3:25And by the time I got there, the airport was shut down. I ended up covering the Pentagon that day, which was in flames. and then went back to New York. And to be honest, guys, it was like, it feels like it was the beginning of my entire adult life. You know, I'm turning 50, it was half my life. And it's been shaped by, as you put it, Jane, sort of by the moral shadow cast by that moment. And I ended up writing a book about how much it changed us as a country. I was in Moscow, actually, which was a very disconcerting place to be on September 11th. And I was in the Russian defense ministry. We got in the motorcade with them.
4:08And that's when the first plane hit. We're on the way to a press conference. By the time we got to the press conference, the second plane had hit. The Pentagon official goes in, gamely starts the press conference anyways. A reporter, Patrick Tyler from the New York Times, stands up and he says, Sir, why are you here talking about missile defense when this is obviously a terrible act of terrorism that has occurred and your missile defense would do nothing to stop it. And, you know, this is literally minutes into this kind of incredible, horrible global event. And while he's stuttering and trying to figure out how to answer, that was when the plane hit the Pentagon.
4:52And, you know, it was just, it was this moment that I think was this kind of collective end of innocence. You know, for 10 years after the end of the Cold War, we just, we were a superpower unchallenged by anything. We didn't believe that planes could come out of the sky and affect Americans where we lived. And it just, it was an inconceivable event that sort of changed everything for how Americans looked at the world.
5:26Welcome to The Political Scene from The New Yorker, a weekly discussion about the big questions in American politics. I'm Susan Glasser, and I'm joined by my colleagues Evan Osnos and Jane Mayer. Hey, Evan. Hey, guys. Great to be with you. Hey, Jane. So good to be with you. Great to see you both.
5:49So we're going to talk this week about America's polarized election. We're less than two months out from election day. I want to start with a few numbers that relate to the midterm elections. 58. That's Donald Trump's average disapproval rating as of today, Thursday, September 10th. 41. That's the number of seats that Republicans lost in the House in 2018, the last Trump midterm election. 105. That's the amount that a barrel of Brent crude oil costs today. And believe me, it's a lot more than it was just a few months ago. And the final two numbers I thought we should start with today. Three and four.
6:38Three seats is the number of seats that Democrats need to pick up in the House this fall. Four seats is the number that Democrats need to pick up in the Senate if they are to win back that chamber. We will discuss all of that and more with our guest this week, Amy Walter, editor of the Cook Political Report, commentator on PBS NewsHour, And I think really America's best nonpartisan, dispassionate election observer. But, you know, I want to start first by asking you, Evan and Jane, what are our baseline assumptions going into these midterms, right? Like it seems like three seats in the House, there's almost no one in Washington who doesn't think that the Democrats are almost a lock to win back the House.
7:25And yet I know we're all intuitively, instinctively wary of the conventional wisdom about a blue wave. How are you guys feeling heading into this fall campaign season? You know, I am out on the road right now where I'm doing some reporting. I was in West Virginia yesterday. And the thing that kept going through my mind, of course, was how much does the Trump effect still hold? I mean, West Virginia is a place that has had more or less pretty thorough support for him. There are pockets of people who don't support him. And so I kept running into people and hearing these little indicators of the way the Trump world or call it the Trump effect was grading on them.
8:09I mean, I was with a retired coal miner who said, you know, nobody's buying American coal right now because of the trade war. He didn't go further than that. But then I was at the home of a retired social worker, and this is the small example of how it ripples through people's lives, that getting the grass cut by the kid who lives next door is now more expensive because the gas is expensive. So they're not cutting the grass as often because they don't want to pay$5 gas. And yet on the bookshelf, I saw there a mug that said, hell yeah, I voted for Trump and I'll do it again in 2024. And, you know, I just thought to myself, which of those two instincts is going to prevail for many Americans this fall?
8:53Well, I'm seeing the opposite end of America. I'm in New York City and talking to people here who are expecting a huge blue wave. And I'm thinking, you know, superstitiously, don't count on it. You never know, really. I mean, all kinds of things can happen. Our polls have been so kaflooey this year, and there are a million reasons why the fundamentals look like they would support a blue wave, but you never know. So people are certainly counting on it here, though. Susan, what about you? What's kind of on top of mind for you? Yeah, I mean, look, I think you see this incredible anxiety and distrust that we're talking about just now baked into the system.
9:37I've known our guest Amy for a long time, since before 9-11, actually. And it used to be that there were like 100 competitive house races. Now there's only a handful, according to her ratings and others. And so the structural shifts, the question we have, right, is like, is that thing that's staring us in the face that seems glaring and obvious, Jane, the blue wave, is there some structural shift? Is there some outrage that Donald Trump is going to perform on this that is going to undo what seems an almost inevitable result? In 2018, Democrats won 41 seats in the House. It's hard to see how even though Trump is way more unpopular, he can do that this year when there's only 18 competitive races.
10:27So I'm looking forward to sort of hashing it through with Amy, and I'm really glad we're starting off the campaign season with what, you know, I thought was a great episode to just kind of level set our expectations, what's realistic, what should we be paying attention to to try to assess. Well, now let's bring on Amy Walter of The Cook Political Report.
10:52Amy, the Cook Political Report is our lifeline to some kind of objective assessment in these definitely unobjective times. You know, we need not just numbers from you. We need a picture and a story to help us understand. Like, you know, are we crazy to think that history and the numbers suggest the blue wave is baked in here? How are you approaching these midterms?
11:19Amy Walter:Yeah, it is sort of the essential and existential question, Susan, because we live in a time, especially over the last 10 or 12 years, where our politics is basically a red and a blue America that are essentially the same size. And the difference between one side being in power and the other side being in power is literally just a shifting of a handful of districts or states in every one of these elections. And it's these same sort of purplish states that move and districts that move a little bit one way and a little bit the other way. And so while there have been wave elections, we're kind of just moving the same types of seats and states from one party to the next.
12:06Amy Walter:versus a wave election where one side actually gets deep into the other side's territory, right? And that's where, if you look at the numbers where we sit today, in another era where we were not as polarized, where voters were more willing to vote, say, for the candidate rather than just keep their blue or red jersey on, And these numbers that you read off would be absolutely devastating for the party in power. And yet the structural realities of our political system are what is keeping this and people like us from saying, oh, well, yeah, right. Like Democrats are absolutely going to sweep the Senate and they're going to win 40 seats in the House because it is still very hard for those structural barriers to completely disintegrate.
13:03Amy Walter:And so that's where we are. What are the structural barriers you're thinking of? That's very interesting. Walk us through. Yeah. Maybe I'll put it into two camps. There are two structural realities. The one is the ways in which the districts, so let's look at the House side, the districts have both been gerrymandered, which we all know about that, including this recent round of gerrymandering in the mid-cycle. And then the other reality that just so few folks sitting in these districts are switching between one side or the other from one election to the next. And back in, say, 2010, there were 61 seats Democrats were defending that Obama had either lost or had carried by less than five points.
13:54Amy Walter:This year, there are 14 of those. So even if you say, well, this is a terrible night for Republicans, their exposure is much less than it was for Democrats at that time in 2010, or even where Republicans were in 2018 when they had 37 of those seats. So that's structural on the House side. On the Senate side, if the battle for control of the Senate were going through those seven key states that we talk about all the time on the presidential level, the blue wall states in the upper Midwest, the Pennsylvania and Wisconsin and Michigan, if it was Arizona and Nevada and Georgia, and then, of course, North Carolina, If those were the only seven states in play and Democrats just had to win those seven states to win control of the Senate, you could feel much more confident saying, well, that's likely to happen.
14:54Amy Walter:But we know that in order for Democrats to net the number of seats they need to be just a bare majority, they need to knock off two states that Trump carried by double digits. And even if you go back to 2006, the last time Democrats knocked off both the House and the Senate, and they did that by winning five states that Bush had carried in the previous election. Bush had carried all those states but won by single digits. So it just keeps coming back to just how much redder and bluer these states are than they were even 20 years ago. So, Amy, does this mean that basically the whole thing rests on the same small group of sort of purpley voters that everything turns on each election?
15:51or is it possible that the difference might be turnout where just the enthusiasm difference, rather than the same people changing their mind, going back and forth, it might in fact be a bunch of people who didn't bother to vote before or this year have decided not to.
16:12Amy Walter:I think this is a really important point. So every election is a new electorate. You know, there's that ancient saying of, you know, a man can't cross the same river twice. An electorate is never the same river twice, right? It is always changing and it's always different. So when I say people aren't as willing to switch their votes, I don't mean exactly that there's like, you know, in the old days there was that one person who every election would go like, I'm going to be a Democrat, I'm going to be a Republican. It was more that the idea was that events had, I think events had a more salient impact on people's choice in how they were voting, right?
16:51Amy Walter:That there were still deep blue and deep red areas, but that, let's just think about the last Trump administration, the fact that he went through, we had impeachments, we had COVID, we had Charlottesville, we had all the things, and his approval ratings, there was always that floor there, right? That no matter what was happening, you still did not see a dissolution of his floor. What's different about this time, Jane, is that you are seeing his floor lower for the first time. So instead of coming into this election at 42%, 45%, you know, right now he's sitting at 38%. That means that he's losing some of those people that had been kind of with him all along in the first administration.
17:41Amy Walter:And the question I think that we're all asking is, well, where do those people go? And that's your question, too. Do they show up and vote for a Democrat? Do they stay home? And right now, what we're seeing is a lot of Republicans are not interested in showing up at all, which is obviously a big problem for Republicans. But the deeper red the state, the more that Democrats need to have not just Republicans staying home, but they also have to get some of those Trump voters to show up and vote for them, vote for a Democrat. So let's talk about the Trump factor. I mean, you know, this week, Donald Trump has thrown this unusual midterm convention in Dallas.
18:29And of course, it is. It's all about Trump. I'm not on the ticket. You got to pretend I'm not on the ticket. You got to do me a big, the biggest favor you've ever done me. You've got to do this for me. You've got to pretend I'm on the ticket. I'm on the ticket. I'm on the ticket. He's on the ticket. Pretend I'm on the ticket. He's the keynote speaker on the first night. He's the keynote speaker on the second night. He's going to talk for many, many hours. He's going to have his name plastered all over everything. There's a lot of Democrats who are delighted at the idea that Donald Trump would like to make this election a referendum on Donald Trump.
19:05But there are also some Republicans who see this as actually their only hope, and that is to motivate voters as if Trump were on the ballot, although we know history suggests that's hard to do. What's your take about the Trump factor when it comes to Jane's question here of who's actually going to show up?
19:23Amy Walter:Yeah, so the Republicans who are the least likely to show up right now, the ones who say in polls they're not as enthusiastic, are not the MAGA Republicans. So, so many pollsters have started to ask this question, which I'm really glad they have. They ask voters, not just, are you Democrat or Republican, but like, how do you identify? Do you identify as progressive? Do you identify as MAGA? Do you identify as a traditional party person? Basically what they're trying to figure out is, all right, are you a Trump voter because you're just all in on Trump or are you a Trump voter because you're basically a conservative and you identify with the Republican Party.
20:01Amy Walter:And what you see in the polling out there is that folks who identify as MAGA say, I'm really excited to go vote. They're still big thumbs up on Donald Trump. And they're not as pessimistic about the economy or Trump's handling of it, as are those Republicans who don't identify as MAGA. Those are the folks that are like, I don't know if I'm gonna show up to vote. Those are the ones who are saying, I think the economy's actually not doing well. and they don't think Trump's doing a good job on the economy. And so to me, those are the voters that become the most important, sort of to Jane's question, because you need those regular Republicans to show up, the ones who they just really wouldn't vote for a Democrat given a choice on it.
20:47Amy Walter:So when Trump says, well, when I'm not on the ballot, he's not wrong. It is true. Turnout drops when he's not on the ballot. he does bring new people to the polls. But a presidential election is so different. And where I think Trump does so well in presidential and getting new people out is because he's able to make the race uniquely a choice between himself and then this other one person that he can caricature, you know, crooked Hillary and doddering Joe and crazy Kamala, For voters, they are able to really cleanly see, all right, so my choice is Donald Trump and then this other person. This election is really truly what he's saying is, I want you to vote on whether you think I'm doing an awesome job.
21:42You've given us a very good sense of the way that Trump is putting himself at the center of the Republican picture. Now let's put this over onto the Democratic side and understand something about the Democrats. Because one of the surprises has been, given how intense feelings are about Trump, one might have imagined that Democrats who were the sort of heroes of the resistance, those kinds of candidates, people who had defined themselves explicitly for their efforts in opposition to Trump, they actually have not done as well as one might have expected. and instead you've seen the success of other candidates, some of whom are aligned with Democratic socialists, not all.
22:27How do you make sense of that fact, that Trump is both, on the one hand, immensely powerful as a piece of dark matter in this, but evidently not completely?
22:38Amy Walter:Right. He still is the straw that stirs the drink, right? Like, I mean, everything does revolve around him. And I think where the Democratic base is right now, some of it is a frustration with the fecklessness they see of Democratic leadership. But the other piece is, I think you also have a percent of the base that want to get beyond this being just about Donald Trump. And look, if you watch the campaign ads, not just in primaries, but watch campaign ads now that are starting in the general election, what you're hearing really is, a message that is basically that the challenge that we have in our politics goes beyond Donald Trump.
23:22Amy Walter:It is more systemic. It is corporate greed. It is a status quo political system of elites who are taking lobbyists' dollars. So there's this piece of the Democratic Party, much like we saw during the Tea Party era on the Republican side, that wants to purge the party of the old guard, And it is an old guard that they feel like has become too, Washington has become too attached to a way of doing business that has hollowed out the middle class. So the corruption issue is playing not just as corruption against Trump's corruption, but against the whole corruption of money and politics and the kind of takeover of politics by the oligarchs or the billionaires or whatever you want to call this sort of insider powerful group.
24:20Is that what you're seeing out there?
24:21Amy Walter:Yeah, 100 percent. And it's the connection between corruption. Look, Republicans are using it, too. It's a smart strategy, right? They can't go out and say everything is terrible in the economy because of Joe Biden. People don't, they don't buy that. Well, they are saying that to be clear. To be, some of them are. Yes, for sure. But not in their advertising. And so this is always the fascinating thing about Donald Trump that while he is the centerpiece of this campaign and he is what is going to help turn out Democrats, what you will see in messaging really is one that is about the system being problematic more than it just being, this is Donald Trump's fault.
25:10Amy Walter:This is why you got to vote for Democrats or vote against this Republican. So we're going to take a quick break. And when we come back, Amy, let's get a little bit nitty gritty. Are Democrats actually going to take back the Senate or the House? More with Amy Walter. The political scene from The New Yorker will be right back.
25:40If you've been enjoying the show, please leave us a rating or review on the podcast platform of your choice. And while you're there, don't forget to hit the follow button so you never miss an episode. Thank you so much for listening. This episode is brought to you by Palmolive. Family time isn't just the big moments. It's weeknight dinners, sitting around the table, everyone talking all at once. So when the plates are empty and the sink is full, use Palmolive Ultra. Palmolive's most powerful formula removes up to 99.9 % of grease, leaving your dishes sparkling clean. And the new convenient pump makes cleaning even easier, so you can spend less time tackling dishes and more time together.
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Read the full transcript
27:28Okay, Amy, we're going to get a little bit nitty gritty here. You've said there are 18 toss-up seats in the House. Democrats need to pretty much run the table, including in some very hostile places to them to win back the Senate. Walk us through the map. What should we be paying attention to, right? Like for listeners of this podcast, for us three befuddled hosts, Give us some races that if we understand what's happening in them, we're going to understand the outcome.
27:58Amy Walter:Right. You know, every race, it's sort of like a snowflake. Each one is unique, even though they all look similar. I don't know. We're crossing the river at the same time with the snowflake. Snowflakes, I'm mixing my metaphors desperately. Look, I think, I'm trying to think about how many different categories. So category one to watch is states that should be, because of this political environment, easier for Democrats to hold or flip, but because of some unique circumstances or not. Michigan and Maine fall into that category. Maine, because Susan Collins is such a strong incumbent, and we obviously had the weirdness of that Democratic primary.
28:40Amy Walter:So her strength is what keeps the seat that really should be nowhere close to being competitive. It should be in the Democratic column. And in Michigan, of course, it's the weakness of the Democratic candidate that is keeping that seat from being more safely in the Democrats column. So those are two to watch. But then the real question to me comes down to which are the states that Democrats are overperforming the most? and I look at Texas where, you know, you have a combination of a number of things. It's the president's unpopularity, even in Texas, means that the state is more competitive than it was.
29:23And then the next question really comes down to Ohio, Iowa, and Alaska.
29:30Amy Walter:And the thing that Alaska and Iowa have in common is really strong Democratic candidates. But here's what I'm looking at. So we talk about the challenge historically of being able to outrun a margin that is double digits, right? That even in good years, the seats that flip are the ones that the president had carried or lost by single digits. Once you start getting into double digits, those seats become harder. But if you look at the polling right now in all four of those red states, and Democrats would need to win two of them, the Alaska, Texas, Ohio, and Iowa, the Democratic candidate is outrunning Kamala Harris by double digits.
30:23Amy Walter:And so to me, in so many of these races, it's going to come down to the question of whether they have hit their peak, right? So you can outrun her by 12, 13 points, but that's all you can do. And so where the Democrat is today at 48 % is where they end up. Or whether they can do a little bit more. But if you're looking for like, what do we see on election night? Democrats don't need to win both Ohio and Iowa, But if they're losing both of those, that's a bad sign for Democrats. And to me, it also begs the question, if Democrats can't win in states like those, states that once used to be battleground states at a time where all the things we just laid out, the president's unpopular, diesel fuel is the highest it's ever been, like literally ever.
31:21Amy Walter:There's a health crisis in rural America. If all of those things combined isn't enough to get Democrats over the top, boy, you got to wonder if those states can ever become competitive. Just to take the flip side of that equation, what is it that is making the Democrats so toxic that they can't compensate for all of those factors that seem so real? What are Republican voters looking at when they see the Democratic Party? I think so much of it is a cultural piece that these are people who just do not relate to us at all. We don't understand them. They don't understand us. Some of it is that Democrats have, I mean, we've been hearing this from rural Democrats for a while, that Democrats have basically just given up on rural America and said, well, we don't really need rural America because we can just run up the score in the urban areas.
32:16Amy Walter:And now we're doing really well in suburban America, which we used to not do as well in. So let's just run up the score in those areas and we can win. Well, that's actually not going to get you as far as you need to in an Iowa or an Ohio where you still need to win over some rural voters. It's not saying that Democrats need to win those voters. They just need to not get annihilated with those voters in the way that they used to. So you can make the case, again, if you look at a Josh Turek in Iowa, There's nothing about him inherently that makes you say, boy, they nominated, right? They didn't nominate Mom Donnie in Iowa, okay?
32:59Amy Walter:They nominated a guy who is a Paralympian champion, a spina bifida who's in a wheelchair, who was elected from a pretty conservative part of the state. Now, look, Republicans have a very good candidate too, and Ashley Henson, who's been in the House for a couple of terms. but that is the kind of profile that should work. And if this race ends with Hinson winning, you'd have to go back and say to voters in that state, okay, so what was it? What were you worried about? Was it about the candidate himself or was your worry about a Democratic-controlled Senate that you know you disagree with? You know, what's so interesting, Amy, is Josh Turek's race in Iowa, which you mentioned.
33:49He is, as you say, he is in a wheelchair and comes from a more conservative part of the state. He's a basketball champion. He's a fascinating case. And the very first words out of an ad that kind of went viral was, I was born an underdog. I was born an underdog. 21 surgeries by the age of 12. Spina bifida, caused by my dad's exposure to Agent Orange in Vietnam. A kid wearing Goodwill hand-me-downs with the wrong color lunch ticket. But I never doubted my right to the American dream. In some ways, that idea of being an underdog is a thread that runs through many of the themes you've mentioned today.
34:28You know, getting outside of the establishment of, you know, challenging corruption. And so he's kind of found that special sauce. I happen to be talking to you today. I'm on the road. I was in West Virginia. Yesterday I'm in Southwestern Virginia today. And this idea of rural voters as a sleeper issue in this race rings really loudly. You've written a bit about this idea that it may turn out that we're going to be paying, when the dust settles here, it may turn out that rural voters are playing a big role this year. I mean, this idea that there's a health crisis in rural America is a very present fact in people's conversations.
35:05Amy Walter:I mean, look at any local, I'm sure you're seeing it out there, Evan. And like, if you open local papers, that's what that's all about. Exactly. You know, you're closing maternal health centers, right? There are no birthing centers in Maine, you know, for miles and miles and miles. And then you've got cuts, Medicaid cuts, that are putting these health systems on the edge of bankruptcy. Yeah. And I think this question of whether people can put aside the red jersey or the blue jersey in order to vote for these, what are profoundly local issues, strikes me as really one of the defining themes of this year.
35:43Amy Walter:Right. But if you were a rural voter, I mean, this is, if you read some of the academic research on this, growing up, we used to define rural voters, again, as people who were really defined by the issue set, right? Like, oh, you have to care about agriculture and you have to care about getting rural healthcare and getting roads built or infrastructure. Now it's an identity. Yes. Right. And if you identify as rural, then it says something about you as a person more than what your issue set is. And if you then are a rural voter, you say, okay, at the end of the day, am I happy with the way things are going?
36:24Amy Walter:No. Do I think that Republicans are taking care of us on these issues? Not really. No. Will Democrats do any better? are Democrats talking about rural health care? Is that what they're going to talk about when they come to Washington? Are they going to put us on the front burner? Or are we going to be just like we always are with Democrats? We're going to be on the back burner because they are going to prioritize the Green New Deal and they're going to prioritize so many of the issues that matter to people in suburban and urban America because that's who their constituency is. and if we vote for them, are we going to get left behind?
37:07So Amy, one question to circle back to where we began, which is with the House. And, you know, the numbers there, the math is nowhere near as daunting for Democrats, obviously, as it is in the Senate. But I just would love your bottom line take on what really matters there, given how much effort Trump and the Republicans have expended to change the playing field. You know, this unprecedented mid-decade redistricting, I believe, you know, your smart analysts at the Cook Political Report have, you know, assessed that maybe there's a, you know, 15 seat at most benefit that Republicans may have given themselves from this.
37:46But, you know, it still seems like a long shot. Is there anything that we're missing in the House playing field here?
37:53Amy Walter:Look, the odds are definitely with Democrats here, as you said, because of just how few seats they do need to actually flip. And the reality is, even with all of the redistricting that's been done, not all of it is necessarily going to come to fruition for Republicans this year. Texas is a great example of this. We just did a poll conducted for the Cook Political Report and Univision, which was our partner in this, that looked at Texas Hispanics. And then we specifically keyed in on the Rio Grande Valley, which is where at least three competitive house races are. This is also part of the state that got gerrymandered.
38:38Amy Walter:And if you look at those districts when they were the way they were gerrymandered, these are double digit Trump districts. So on paper, boy, you're right, it looks like Republicans drew themselves some new seats in South Texas. But in our polling coming out of there now, Democrats actually have a 14-point advantage on the generic ballot. And what that means is that support Republicans were getting from Latinos in Texas has collapsed. Now, does it mean it's gone forever? No. But it means it's not there this cycle. And so I think two things are happening with the gerrymander. The first is it's unlikely that Republicans are going to net as many seats out of it as it looked on paper when they started because just of how bad the environment is for Republicans.
39:30Amy Walter:The second is California was a big deal for Democrats. It did help to cut into the gains that Republicans made through places like Texas and North Carolina, et cetera. And now you have the courts also weighing in on behalf of Democrats. One was in Utah. Now we see in Missouri the Supreme Court weighing in and throwing out the Republicans' gerrymander there. So at the end of the day, maybe Republicans drew themselves four seats advantage. It's not insignificant when the control of the House can come down to a handful of seats. You know, the challenge for Democrats, really, and their one worry point would be they just don't have a lot of room for error.
40:14All right, Amy, a master class in what the map looks like today. And I should say we still have not quite two months to go. Hopefully we can have you back. You might not sleep very much between now and then. It would be great. Thanks, Amy. Thanks, guys. Talk to you later. The political scene from The New Yorker will be back in just a moment.
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42:19All right. So, guys, I thought that was extremely helpful. In particular, the incisiveness about, OK, Trump has lost a percentage of the Republican electorate that is really pretty pissed off about where the country's at. But that doesn't mean we know what those folks are going to do when it comes time for the election. What did you take away from it, Evan? You know, we talked a lot with her about the role that rural voters may play here. And I thought she was just absolutely right in drawing attention to the fact that, you know, diesel fuel is the highest it's ever been. And yet people are being asked to choose not just practical decisions, but really they're being asked to make a choice about their identity, that being a rural voter has become this all-encompassing thing about who you are as a person.
43:15And, you know, I remember the first time I saw a Confederate flag up in New Hampshire, which is a long way from the Confederacy. And I came to realize, oh, this is now actually more about an announcement of where you sit in the political spectrum than it is about your geography. And I think that's something that may be one of these issues that after the fact and the postmortems, we realize Amy is absolutely right. This turned out to be a big sleeper issue. What about you, Jane? What jumped out? Yeah, I was very interested that she's saying that the Democrats have no room really to mess up, that they've got to really hit every mark if they're going to really have a wave.
43:58And that was interesting. And that many are sort of at 48 percent maybe now, but that getting over that last 50 percent is really tough for a lot of parts of the country. So I was interested in that. But it was more of a cautionary note. She's saying all the fundamentals look like it should be a huge blue wave. But in fact, there's structural things holding the country back from really reacting to the reality on the ground. Well, you know, like as an example, and Susan, I'm curious what you make of this. I mean, we all talk about affordability as this kind of dominant national blanket that sits across every district.
44:37Everybody's feeling it. Except if you listen to Bill O 'Reilly, who is right now, you know, was on Fox yesterday. I was listening to it in the cars and driving around. And it's what a lot of people are listening to and watching if they're in Trump world. And one of the things he's saying is, if you talk to me about affordability, you're telling me that you're not a diehard MAGA Republican. And so there's kind of a way of trying to compartmentalize that, demonize that idea. Do you think that that has any effect? Not just obviously, you know, one guy saying it, but this idea that you can jawbone people out of their concern about that.
45:12Yeah. I mean, I do think, again, I just really enjoyed this conversation because I felt like it got at the heart of some key unanswered questions about what to do with that rage about where the country is at, that rage about those prices at the grocery store. If you're a deep down dyed in the wool Republican, if maybe not a MAGA Republican, I think it's not yet clear what you do with that, to your point. I don't think Donald Trump can convince you that no, don't believe your own lying eyes at the grocery store. I don't think he can convince many Republican voters who aren't absolute Trump groupies of that.
45:47But I don't know that that means that they're going to vote for Democratic candidates this fall. Historically, the answer to this conundrum is that they just don't vote, that they don't come out. And there are some structural reasons that we didn't talk about, by the way, for Democrats actually having an advantage now in midterm elections, that Democrats, as they become the party of the college educated, of the wealthier suburbs, that historic advantage that Republicans had in the off-year elections has switched to Democrats. And so there's an argument that this is going to line up much more in conventional terms than we expect in terms of the turnout that, you know, people who are upset with Donald Trump but are in their own party, that their response to that fact set is going to be to not not show up for Republicans in November rather than switching and becoming Democrats all of a sudden.
46:39And, you know, I just appreciate, frankly, that, you know, we still have, call it like you see it, folks like Amy to help walk us through. Yeah, I agree. I thought it was great. We'll see where we're at two months from now. But maybe we should all just take a long nap. Sounds more tempting. I say we keep at it. It's an incredibly important moment in American politics. I mean, seeing that this election comes through in some way that whatever the outcome, we've got to make sure that democracy is still working in this country.
47:15Guys, thank you so much. This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. And I'm Susan Glasser. We had research assistance today from Alex D 'Elia and help from Rhiannon Corby. Our producer is Nora Ritchie, mixing by Mike Kutchman. Stephen Valentino is our executive producer. Our theme music is by Alison Leighton-Brown. We are actually off next week, but we'll be here talking with you again in two weeks. Thank you for listening.
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From the publisher
The Washington Roundtable is joined by Amy Walter, the editor-in-chief of the Cook Political Report and a political analyst for PBS NewsHour, to take stock of the midterms map. With Donald Trump’s approval rating at a historic low and economic issues squeezing voters nationwide, conventional wisdom suggests that a decisive Democratic blue wave is coming. But the margins are razor-thin. “The odds are definitely with Democrats here because of how few seats they need to actually flip,” Walter says. “They just don’t have a lot of room for error.” Plus, the hosts reflect on the quarter century since 9/11, and share their memories of that day.
This week’s reading:
“Troy Jackson Is Still Surprised That He’s Running for Senate,” by Jesús Rodríguez
“Is the Democratic Party Still Too Woke?,” by Jason Zengerle
“Has the A.I. Job Apocalypse Been Postponed?,” by John Cassidy
“The U.S. Was Never Going to Win the ‘War on Terror,’” by Robin Wright
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