In short
The episode asks whether Washington can regulate AI, after Trump withdrew an AI safety executive order and public backlash against AI is growing (including boos at Eric Schmidt’s speech and protests over data centers).
Guests
Nate Soares, executive director of the Machine Intelligence Research Institute; former Google software engineer (since 2014); co-author of If Anyone Builds It, Everyone Dies.
Guest backgrounds
Soares focuses on AI safety and the risk of superintelligent systems ending human civilization, arguing current AI is hard to interpret or control.
Key claims
(1) Superintelligence could kill humanity as a side effect, not from malice, by redirecting resources and building self-improving infrastructure. (2) “Stopping a data center” won’t prevent the risk because advanced models can affect society without local infrastructure. (3) AI safety work is split between “AI evals” (testing for dangerous behaviors) and interpretability research (understanding internal mechanisms), but neither is sufficient. (4) Politics lags due to Silicon Valley influence and “inevitability” narratives pushed by investors.
Notable examples
Claude “Mythos” (Anthropic) described as a superhuman hacker finding long-standing software vulnerabilities; Trump’s proposed 90-day national security review; David Sachs lobbying to kill the order; comparisons to nuclear arms control and the difficulty of global coordination.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOInitial Reactions to Trump and AI
1:46 to 3:25
The hosts discuss Republican reactions to Trump’s proposals and legal issues.
“I think maybe more of like that there was a sort of a reflexive gag that took place for a few seconds among Republicans in Congress.”
The Political Landscape of AI
3:25 to 6:28
The hosts delve into the societal fears surrounding AI and its implications.
“Welcome to The Political Scene from The New Yorker, a weekly discussion about the big questions in American politics.”
Backlash Against AI and Inequality
6:28 to 9:01
Discussion on the growing backlash against AI and its impact on social inequality.
“going to make a policy that's going to get us out of, you know, navigate us toward the future.”
Public Sentiment on AI Control
9:01 to 11:24
Hosts analyze the public's frustration over lack of control regarding AI development.
“millions of dollars that have been spent by Silicon Valley companies in order to ensure that gridlock essentially benefits them.”
Understanding AI Risks
12:22 to 14:02
Nate Soares explains the potential existential risks posed by superintelligent AI.
“The core argument of your book is something that sounds to most people like science fiction.”
Analyzing AI Safety Efforts and Challenges
14:02 to 23:03
Explore the complexities of AI safety and the responsibilities of tech leaders.
“You know, whether it's Sam Altman or Dario Amadei making predictions about how dangerous this technology is.”
Political Responses to AI Regulation
23:40 to 28:00
Discover the political landscape surrounding AI regulation and industry pressure.
“my colleagues and I try to make sense of what's happening in this chaotic world.”
AI Race and CEO Perspectives
28:00 to 29:00
Discussion on AI company CEOs' reluctance towards rapid AI development.
“You know, the Marc Andreessen's, the David Sachs, they don't seem to really believe in radically smarter than human AI that could radically transform the world.”
Regulating AI: Insights from Washington
29:00 to 30:20
Exploration of Washington's potential to regulate AI amidst a tech race.
“I think it's much easier to say like, oh, we can't regulate this as just normal technology if you don't believe in it yet.”
Hope for AI Regulation in Congress
30:20 to 32:00
A look into growing concerns around AI regulation among Congress members.
“How do you see the politics of standing athwart history saying, slow down?”
Show all 17 chapters
Geopolitics of AI and Nuclear Arms Control
32:00 to 33:30
Comparison between AI regulation needs and historical arms control discussions.
“And we haven't had it yet, but there's a lot of pressure building up to it.”
Global Cooperation on AI Regulation
33:30 to 35:30
Discussion on the challenges of global cooperation for AI regulation.
“But we're going to come together on this thing.”
Public Sentiment on AI and Extinction
35:30 to 38:10
Insights on public perception of AI risks and existential threats.
“I think there's every chance that they'll say, well, it's time to start regulating this stuff.”
Discussion on AI Regulation and Public Trust
40:24 to 42:04
Analysis of public trust in government regarding AI regulation.
“I did want to also ask you about this study that shows that of all the countries that have been studied by Stanford, the United States has the least faith.”
Political Implications of AI and International Cooperation
42:04 to 45:56
Explore the challenges of political systems to manage the AI threat amidst global tensions.
“But I fear that his bigger point, which is that we've got the wrong frame for this, that this is we should be thinking about this like a threat, like nuclear weapons.”
The Populist Movement and AI's Influence
45:56 to 47:28
Discuss how AI could reshape populism in American politics and its impact on upcoming elections.
“And this is part of the reason why they were building their doomsday bunkers was because they could see this coming.”
Media's Role in AI Discussions
47:28 to 48:08
Evaluate the media's coverage of AI issues and its influence on public perception.
“dude pushing 80 right now, who is not likely to shape the AI future, actually.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00If you're a fan of the Political Scene podcast from The New Yorker, I hope you'll join us for a special live taping of the show at 92 NY in Manhattan. We'll be talking about Donald Trump's falling approval numbers, the prospects of a comeback for the Democratic Party in the midterms. And the potential threats to the election that are coming directly from the president himself. I hope you can join me, Evan Osnos, and my colleagues Susan Glasser and Jane Mayer on June 4th at 7 p.m. Ticket information at 92ny.org.
0:38NPR understands your curiosity is boundless, but your time isn't. That's why they make Up First, the three biggest news stories of the day, with the reporting and analysis to understand them in under 15 minutes. A few things I've recently turned to Up First for, Labor Secretary Lori Chavez de Reamer's resignation, Virginia's redrawn state congressional map, and high-level dismissals at the Pentagon. Up First doesn't just give you the headlines, it gives you the context. Recent episodes covered how American citizens are getting caught in ICE's growing surveillance web, what the Iran War means for the U.S.
1:12economy, and why Attorney General Pam Bondi's exit is bigger than it looks. Every morning, I get three stories fully reported in under 15 minutes. Up First does something most daily news shows don't. It asks better questions to get better answers. Not just what happened, but how it came about, why it's a big deal, and what happens next. That's the difference between knowing the news and understanding it. Follow NPR's Up First podcast so you can understand what matters and what happens next. It's hard news through a human lens. Are we detecting briefly, temporarily, the presence of a spine in the United States Senate in the form of Republican resistance to Donald Trump?
1:55Maybe rational exuberance, man. I think maybe more of like that there was a sort of a reflexive gag that took place for a few seconds among Republicans in Congress. Even they couldn't swallow the whole thing. Yes, this week when faced with a bunch of Republican senators saying, absolutely not, I will throw up on you. They said Donald Trump's proposal for a$1.8 billion, and I'm not going to use his insane language to characterize it, but$1.8 billion for a slush fund to pay out to people that he believes are aggrieved and wronged as he has been from the government. in addition to granting himself what appears to be permanent immunity from ever having to face any accountability if he doesn't file another tax bill again in his life.
2:46How can this possibly be legal? Oh, it's so profoundly not legal. But I have to say I am pretty wowed by the ingenuity of the machinations here. Like, who thinks of a deal for themselves like this? I mean, it's a level beyond. Well, I mean, the old line is, you know, that he's going to keep pushing and pushing and pushing until he hits bone. And I sort of think, actually, he just pushed, pushed, pushed until he came out the other side.
3:25Welcome to The Political Scene from The New Yorker, a weekly discussion about the big questions in American politics. I'm Jane Mayer, and I'm joined by my colleagues Evan Osnos and Susan Glasser. Hi, Evan. Good morning, guys. Hey, Susan. Hey there. Great to be with you. Last December, Time magazine selected its person of the year for 2025. And this time, it was the architects of artificial intelligence. Interesting.
4:00So today we stand on this edge of another technological transformation. one that will be larger, faster, and more consequential than what came before. It will touch every profession, every classroom, every hospital, every laboratory, every person, and every relationship you have. I know what many of you are feeling about that. I can hear you. There is a fear.
4:33There is a fear in your generation. That was former Google CEO Eric Schmidt getting booed at the University of Arizona last week. Remarkable reaction from the audience. And as you can hear, Americans, especially young Americans, are souring on AI. We see it anecdotally. We see it in polling. We see it in the major backlash against data centers going up in the communities across the country. People are worried about their jobs, their privacy, their kids. Yet this week, President Trump did a remarkable turnaround. After saying he was going to sign a new executive order, putting the brakes on AI for safety reasons, he canceled it.
5:24Why did he change his mind? And what is going on? Susan, do you have any idea what is behind this U-turn on AI in Washington? Well, Jane, your guess is as good as mine as to what's in Donald Trump's head. My guess is that he's not, you know, a huge student of the nuances of artificial intelligence policy. Washington has been in quite a panic since this new model mythos from Anthropic was so dangerous that the company said it wasn't going to release it, except to companies and government agencies that needed to urgently protect against it. This artificial intelligence executive order has been withdrawn.
6:07It appears, according to reporting, due to the lobbying of former Trump official and Silicon Valley heavyweight David Sachs, who appears to have called the president on behalf of industry to kill it. I personally am not super confident that a non-transparent Trump administration that's already taken millions, if not hundreds of millions of dollars from many of the self-interested parties in this are going to make a policy that's going to get us out of, you know, navigate us toward the future. I was very struck by reporting in Politico that there's already a turf battle to the death between the Treasury Secretary Scott Besant and the national cyber director of the country, Sean Carencross, who, according to Trump administration officials themselves, is, quote, in over his head.
6:58a former longtime lawyer for the Republican National Committee and protege of Reince Priebus. This is who Donald Trump has assigned to help us get to the AI future. Oh, my God. And Evan, what are you seeing about and how do you explain what feels like a brewing backlash out in the country? Well, what Susan just described with the White House essentially at the last minute evidently buckling under to the demands of what the big tech companies wanted is exactly in the opposite direction from what the public is registering. We started today hearing those boos at these commencements. What's amazing about it is usually young people are the ones who are adopting new technology.
7:42And in fact, what we're seeing instead is young people coming out and being really at the forefront of registering their frustration and their fears around AI. And this is not some unfounded, vague sense of, you know, suddenly everybody's a Luddite. It's about the fact, and this is where it's political. After all, we're having a political conversation about AI today. It's about the fact that people feel as if they have no voice in this process. They have no control over this process. We're basically, as a public, being told this thing is about to wash over you like a tide. It's going to wash over your job, your education system, your sense of relevance and status in society.
8:25And there is nothing you can do about it. It's the presentation of inevitability. And that's where this is becoming such an interesting political problem. Is it true, do you think, either of you, that it's too late, that, you know, basically this is an unstoppable technological development? development. I think it's very important to point out Washington has failed over and over again over the last two decades to keep pace with disruptive technologies and essentially has never revised the major law governing a huge swath of our tech industry, in part because of the millions and millions of dollars that have been spent by Silicon Valley companies in order to ensure that gridlock essentially benefits them.
9:09And so when I hear part of the conversation here, Not only does it seem disconnected, people like us, we're certainly not well-equipped to understand and to evaluate these radical competing claims about the future of technology. But it's also true that in Washington, we tend to have a debate as if we can still opt in or out of this technology. My main informant on these matters, my son, I think has a great metaphor. He says that AI is, like a lot of new technologies, an accelerant. And when it comes to our politics, the fear is that it's going to accelerate this inequality that we have, the polarization that we have.
9:49And, you know, for some people, the uber wealthy of Silicon Valley, it may accelerate their becoming trillionaires. But for so many of the rest of us, those college kids are booing because they fear that the latter is being pulled up on the American dream for them. Evan, you're an expert on the trillionaire-to-be class. I mean, do you think this could also accelerate the backlash against concentrated wealth and rising anger, populism, pitchforks? Absolutely. I mean, we're having this conversation in a week in which we got news of the IPO for SpaceX, the first steps of an IPO for open AI. And it was described as this will mint a whole new generation of trillionaires.
10:31billionaires. And you know what's fascinating? And I think this picking up on something Susan said about how this feels to people as if we don't have access to it because it's technically complex. I will tell you that is a strategy. That's a PR strategy to make it seem impenetrable. This actually is very similar to what we saw in the run up to the financial crisis. There was a great, I remember, memorable expression by Carl Levin, who was, of course, the senator from Michigan, who was responsible for investigating some of these exotic financial instruments. And he used to say these are deliberately positioned as what he called megos, meaning my eyes glaze over products.
11:11And that is something to be vigilant against, that we shouldn't allow ourselves to say, well, you know what, this is too complicated for us, so we're just going to have to just take it on faith. And I think that's what this public is rising up against, particularly young people. It struck me that one of the lines in Eric Schmidt's speech that really drew booze was when he said, the question is not whether AI will shape the world. It will. The question is whether you will help shape artificial intelligence. And the public, frankly, there just said that's a canard because we're not being given any tools with which to shape it.
11:44Such a good point. So today on the show, is AI an existential threat and is anyone, including our government, doing anything about it? Is America's political system up to the AI challenge? Few people have thought more about these questions than our guest today. Nate Soares has been working in the field of AI since 2014 and was a software engineer at Google. He is the co-author of If Anyone Builds It, Everyone Dies, and he's the executive director of the Machine Intelligence Research Institute. Nate, welcome to the show.
12:24Nate Soares:Good to see you. The core argument of your book is something that sounds to most people like science fiction. That is, if we build superintelligence AI, it won't just pose risks to humanity, it will end it. So let's start there. Before we get to the political debate about how to contain it, tell us briefly, why might we all die? You know, the very basic reason is people are trying to make machines that are significantly smarter than humans. Right now, the way the world is arranged, it's by humans, because we're the smartest creature around. If we stop being the smartest creature around, then we stop being the ones in control of the planet.
13:09Nate Soares:And the predictions of humanity being wiped out, it's not because the AI would hate us. It's not because the AI would be malicious. It's that if you make things that are much smarter than us, that think 10 ,000 times faster than us, that can make their own technology, that can build their own civilizational infrastructure. And if they don't care about us, and they just start replicating lots of factories and lots of technology to do whatever strange things they're trying to do, then the default thing that happens is it takes all the resources and we die as a side effect. So, Nate, I think what's so interesting about this question of the risks is it's now been many years that we've been talking about what is a really dire set of scenarios, and you've laid them out in the book very clearly.
13:55I mean, back in 2018, we had Elon Musk saying that AI is far more dangerous than nukes. And you fast forward to today, and we've heard, You know, whether it's Sam Altman or Dario Amadei making predictions about how dangerous this technology is. And, you know, to some people, they would say, OK, well, that was a bit of a marketing strategy, perhaps, to convey how important it is. But here's the thing that always puzzles me. When they lay this out, they then get to the point. I'm talking about really the leaders of these of these enterprises, the leaders of these organizations. I never hear them say, and this is what I myself am going to do to then prevent these terrible risks.
14:35Can you explain what it is that they are doing, if anything, to actually prevent the kind of outcomes that you've helped us understand?
14:43Nate Soares:A lot of them will sometimes acknowledge that there's a lot of work to do. And if you sort of point out how their plans are lacking, they'll say, well, if I don't do it, the next guy will do it and he's worse. the sort of stuff that they talk about doing there's sort of two big focuses of attention in what you might call ai safety work these days one focus is on uh what's called ai evals which is sort of trying to figure out how dangerous the ais are these are the ones who sort of figure out how difficult to test they as can do these are the ones these people sometimes test like you know will the ai try to avoid being shut down will the ai take opportunities to blackmail the users and the answer is sometimes and these are the guys figuring that out then there's another group that does what's called interpretability research which is trying to figure out what is going on inside these ais because even the people making them don't know what's going on inside them we don't handcraft them like traditional computer programs it's not like a bunch of if then if then statements uh we sort of grow them like organisms and then there's a group that's trying to figure out what's going on and an analogy i like to use here is if someone was building a nuclear power plant in your hometown and you went to them and you said hey i heard that this uranium stuff you know it can give you energy it can also melt down and irradiate the town uh what are you guys doing to make sure this nuclear power plant gets us you know the the benefits not the drawbacks if they said well don't worry we have two crack teams working on the nuclear power plant one team is trying to figure out what's going on inside there the other team is trying to measure whether it's currently exploding yet.
16:18Nate Soares:You might be like, well, I'm glad that those two teams exist, but this is just not what it sounds like when you know what you're doing. So it's interesting, since we're the political scene, you know, let's take your nuclear power plant analogy, because obviously regular Americans were no more equipped to evaluate the actual risk from nuclear radiation than they are today to evaluate, you know, sort of the safety standards being applied, you know, by tech moguls to their new AI products. You know, and yet there are models of how societies take back control from the sort of masters of technology.
17:01And what I hear you saying is that we've got to let go of those models that actually what we think of as how to regulate something dangerous and new in technology in our political system might not work given the power of what is being developed by Silicon Valley today. That actually this threat is a different one and that the analogies we have in our head for let's take a community that comes together to stop the nuclear power plan or to stop the data center, you're saying, okay, fine, you can do that, but, you know, does it really matter if actually what they're inventing is already going to doom our society.
17:38Am I right in your interpretation about what this means for our politics?
17:42Nate Soares:You know, there's lots of questions about how people want to regulate AI in their daily lives, how people want to, you know, talk about AI in schools and how people want to deal with with some of the job loss. And these are important issues that, you know, there's arguments on both sides about how to do it well, and the sort of like normal approach to society figuring out how it wants to handle a new technology. I sort of expect that to work with questions of like, how are we going to put large language models in our school system? How's that relationship going to work? But there's sort of a different problem than the problem of making smarter than human machines.
18:19Nate Soares:That's not a problem that can be solved by stopping a data center in your hometown. The AI does not need to be running on a data center in your hometown to affect you. It does not need to be running on a data center in the United States to kill Americans. Can I just ask, it seems like one of the key words in your discussion of this is if we build a technology that doesn't care about human existence, is it possible to program it so that it does care? I mean, can you train it to keep us on top in some way or to protect us? it's probably possible in theory and it's nowhere close to possible in practice at least not with anything remotely like the current technology or current understanding so the way that modern ai is made is it's not sort of programmed like a traditional computer you know a lot of people think of these computer programs as like a bunch of like if this then that if this then that written in like a pigeon english where the the programmers if something goes wrong the programmers can go look through it and be like oh whoops you know we told it to do this thing and that's why it's doing that thing and then they can change it and it'll do something else that's not how ai is ai is these huge computers that have an automated process tuning a bunch of numbers inside them nobody understands what those numbers mean people think that it's just trained to predict it's actually initially trained to predict but then it's trained to solve hard problems and so you have this like huge computer and you're giving it like thousands of tries to solve a hard problem and then you like look at which try is best and then you have some automated process tune all the numbers inside to make it to sort of like reinforce whatever made it like act better.
19:57Nate Soares:And that'll make it even better at solving problems, but it'll do that by sort of like methods that nobody really understands. It'll reinforce whatever was good at solving the problems. And often what's good at solving those problems are drives that we didn't want in there. You know, we see cases now where you give an AI a hard problem and you're like, here's the tests to see whether you've solved a hard problem. And sometimes the AI will edit the tests to make those tests easier to pass. And sometimes when the AI does things like this, it'll then cover its tracks. It'll hide the logs of it editing, right?
20:33Nate Soares:And that implies that not only is it doing something we didn't want, but in some sense, it must know we didn't want it. Otherwise, why is it hiding its tracks? So it's devious. It's acting sort of like one of these rogue traders that ends up taking down an entire national economy. And what's fascinating about this, Nate, is you've described, as you say, these drives that become active within the model. I'm interested in the drives within the model makers. I mean, here we have, we've talked about this assemblage of emphatic warnings over the last decade about what's coming. And, you know, we'll put aside, there are some outliers, people like Jan LeCun who say, actually, no, it's not so dangerous.
21:15You know, my cat is smarter than an AI, whatever. But given all of these people who are, in fact, they have their hands on the tiller of the machine and they are, in fact, still building. I'm curious about how you understand their drive. Is it profit? Is it competition? Is it a belief that this is inevitable and therefore they want to be the ones that get there first for the sake of history? And at the risk of putting too much weight on the joint here, how do you think they are metabolizing what is pretty clearly a public backlash that is now growing against them?
21:52Nate Soares:You know, a lot of these questions you have to ask them, but some of these questions, they've said things about it or they've written things about it. And so I think we have an okay idea in the leaked emails around the founding of open AI. You see a lot of these people expressing concerns that if they don't start open AI, then Demis Asabis of Google is going to have all this power, right? And I was actually in some of those conversations back before OpenAI started, and I was sort of trying to say, it doesn't matter if Demis builds the superintelligence if it doesn't stay on a leash. Like, the issue here is that we don't know how to make radically smarter than human things that are docile and stay on a leash and do exactly what you wish.
22:28Nate Soares:And it sort of doesn't matter who builds it. But, you know, these guys were worried that the other guy will do it worse. And then, you know, Anthropix started because they lost confidence in Sam Altman, And they thought Sam Altman was kind of a bad guy. And so then they started worrying, oh, what if Sam Altman does it? And then, you know, a bunch of people split off and made Anthropic. And then like another wave of those happened and Elias Utskiver left and made his company. And so what you sort of see here is all of the AI executives fear the incompetence or the bad character of every other AI executive.
23:03Nate Soares:Fascinating. We have to take a quick break. And when we come back, let's talk about what does regulating AI look like? What do we do about it in politics and whether our system, our political system is up to the challenge. So the political scene from The New Yorker will be right back.
23:29Comprehensive. Witty. Speculative. Critical. Insightful. Profound. Wide-ranging. Hopefully doesn't take itself too, too seriously. I'm David Remnick, and each week on the New Yorker Radio Hour, my colleagues and I try to make sense of what's happening in this chaotic world. I hope you'll join us for the New Yorker Radio Hour wherever you listen to podcasts.
23:50Nate Soares:Thoughtful. Exquisite. Just, you know, real.
24:06Before we get back to it, quick question. What do you think the overlap is between our listeners and people who are, let's say, anxious about the 2026 midterms? I would say the overlap is significant. Probably some cautious optimists out there, too. People with very strong opinions. Either way, it's a lot. Whatever you're feeling about the midterms, though, please come and see us live. We are doing a special taping of the podcast at 92 NY in New York City on June 4th. Yeah, we're going to be talking about election integrity, what's at stake, whether Democrats can actually capitalize on Trump's falling approval numbers.
24:46And whether some of these once safe Republican seats are really as competitive as they look. And by the way, what happens if Democrats actually do take back Congress? What does it mean for 2028? For anyone with a VIP ticket, there's also a meet and greet after the taping. So the political analysis will continue over drinks. It's true. And if you're not in New York, good news because we have streaming set up so you can watch from wherever you are. So head to 92ny.org for more info or check the link in our show notes. We hope to see you there on June 4th.
25:28So, Nate, you've been working very hard on this issue and trying to wake up elected officials to the perils of AI. Just this week, we've seen this drastic U-turn at the White House. Trump, he was poised to sign an executive order requiring 90 days of national security review before new technology could be publicly released. He just backed off of it. what do you think's going on? What do you see when you try to talk to officials in Washington?
25:58Nate Soares:You know, I think what's going on in this case is there was an AI released a couple months ago called Claude Mythos, which to oversimplify a bit is a superhumanly good hacker. You know, very roughly speaking, it can make a webpage where if you just look at the webpage, it owns your complete computer. You don't need to click on anything. You just load the webpage and it can take over the entire machine. It used to be that, to put it glibly, and who knows exactly how many entities there were that used to be able to do this, but it used to be that roughly the people who could do this were Mossad and the NSA.
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26:32Nate Soares:And then overnight, it becomes Mossad, the NSA, and Anthropic. In particular, Anthropic's Claude Mythos model, right? And this thing was finding critical vulnerabilities in key software that had stood for over 27 years with no human finding them. This sort of made a lot of national security experts take a bit of notice. And my guess is that that's behind a lot of the push inside the White House that maybe we need to actually take this stuff pretty seriously. Now, there's also counter pressure from, you know, these VCs who sort of want to let the AI stuff keep going. You know, before this moment, a lot of people were saying, well, it looks really hopeless.
27:09Nate Soares:It looks like they're never going to understand. It looks like, you know, everyone's saying we can't stop the train, like you can't regulate the industry, you need to let it run. And I sort of said, you know, these things can change really fast when people notice that they have a problem. It sounds like from early news reports on this, that David Sachs called President Trump and said, if this executive order is signed, it's going to slow down the industry. How powerful do you think the industry is in pushing back and getting its way in Washington at this point. You know, one thing that's kind of interesting about this situation is that the industry in the sense of the people building the AI is a little different than the industry in the sense of the venture capitalists who invest in AI.
27:57Nate Soares:You know, we've seen Demis Asabes, the head of Google DeepMind, say, I would really prefer this stuff to go slower. We've seen Elon Musk say, like, I didn't really want to be in this race, but it was going to happen anyway, so I'd rather be a participant than a spectator, right we've seen Dario Modi of Anthropic say uh yeah it it would be better if this were all going slower and following Demis a lot of these folk sort of sound like they don't really want to be in this race and feel a little bit trapped there and I think would not be you know it's it's you don't see um the CEOs of the AI companies calling Donald Trump you know who is David Sachs in some sense he's not he's not one of the guys building these things the people who are like oh no we can't do anything, they often don't really believe in the power of the technology in the same way as the people building it.
28:44Nate Soares:You know, the Marc Andreessen's, the David Sachs, they don't seem to really believe in radically smarter than human AI that could radically transform the world. They don't seem to believe that we're going to have like, you know, a country worth of geniuses in a data center or that we're going to have, you know, a hundred years of scientific progress compressed into a month, right? I think it's much easier to say like, oh, we can't regulate this as just normal technology if you don't believe in it yet. Once you can sort of see where this is going, that's a much harder stance to take. And I think that'll become clearer with time.
29:13Nate Soares:And you know, the sort of superhuman hacking was one, you know, smart people can look at that and say, well, what about when it's a superhuman AI researcher, and the AI is making a smarter AI, that's making a smarter AI, rather than just saying, oh, I guess it's superhuman at hacking, but maybe it'll stop here, right? And I think with time, those sort of smarter views will get more and more traction as it becomes more and more obvious. I'm curious for a sense of the texture that you're picking up in your conversations in Washington, because, you know, there is, let's to be blunt about it, not a great track record for DC in terms of regulating technology.
29:48They're sort of, you know, the last to the party and trying to figure out how to handle social media using the CDs from AOL. And I think that that's also a caricature on some level. And I think there is a younger generation of people coming into Washington who are more attuned to what's happening. And I mean, you can be blunt. Does your experience in D.C. give you confidence that, in fact, there is either an emerging sensibility around these issues that is capable of pushing back on the what I would call the illusion of inevitability? Or is there a technical capacity? How do you see the politics of standing athwart history saying, slow down?
30:33Do you see that as a possibility?
30:36Nate Soares:You know, my interactions over the last couple of years have actually given me a lot of hope, which maybe is because I started from a very low baseline. But, you know, there have been a number of members of Congress, a number of senators who have expressed concerns, especially behind closed doors. It's always hard to tell who's just trying to say what you want to hear. But, you know, there's some people working hard behind the scenes. There's also some more and more people who are starting to express those concerns openly, who are starting to ask questions like, where's this tech going? Who are, you know, willing to talk about super intelligence and like, what the heck is our plan for it?
31:13Nate Soares:You know, the most vocal of them has maybe been Bernie Sanders recently. I don't know if you've seen some of his AI stuff, but he's sort of is like, what the heck are we doing here? You know, we need more conversation. This is potentially civilization ending. But we also see, you know, on the Republican side, you know, I think Senator Banks recently was raising some very sharp questions on this issue. There's also a bunch of reasons why it's sort of moving slowly. People in D.C. operate in a slower time than San Francisco. And there's, you know, especially on the Republican side, there's people who are like, well, I can't say anything about this publicly because David Sachs is too strong in the White House right now or whatever.
31:46Nate Soares:And there's lots of that, too. But one of my hopes here is that I think things can probably change fast. I think it's a little bit like the emperor has no clothes situation where a lot of people are worried. A lot of people can tell the emperor has no clothes and they're sort of waiting for the moment where some kid shuts it out and where everyone can sort of act. And we haven't had it yet, but there's a lot of pressure building up to it. Can I just, before we let you go, ask about the sort of geopolitical equivalent of that. If you've had those conversations here in Washington, particularly struck by your kind of comparison to arms control or, you know, that we need to have a global pact with China.
32:23It's very interesting to me. It's coming at exactly the moment when basically the international order as we've known it since the end of World War II is unraveling when the arms control agenda has been unraveling. Right now, there is less international agreement over how to deal with nuclear weapons than And really, since the advent of the nuclear age, not only that, but China, which is the main competitor of the United States, refuses even to discuss with the United States and Russia a kind of, you know, any kind of trilateral or any kind of new nuclear arms regulation. So we don't have modern precedent.
33:00Obviously, when it comes to the Internet, you have the United States, Russia and China with radically different visions of, you know, what that would look like. So we've never come anywhere close to a kind of global regulation for the Internet era. And we just had this interesting Trump visit to China, which Evan was on, in which, you know, Trump is still talking about in terms of a race that he wants the U.S. to win. So help us to understand how we would get from we can't even talk to each other about, you know, civilization ending nuclear weapons in the 21st century. But we're going to come together on this thing.
33:37Nate Soares:You know, I think if you were standing in 1954, when the first hydrogen bomb was tested, you might think that it looked really grim, right? You're sort of in like Hiroshima and Nagasaki were not enough for the world to stop building more nuclear weapons. that happened and then the ussr got the bomb and then the world was racing to create even more destructive bombs invented the hydrogen bomb and you're you're in this historical context where world war one happened and then the the world assembled the league of nations to try and prevent that from ever happening again and it immediately fell apart and world war ii happened and you're sort of like in this world where you're like wow you know we can't coordinate even after the bombs were dropped we we kept racing uh we're every day we're inventing more and more destructive bombs at one point these are going to fly they're going to kill us all um that's it would be sort of an easy story to tell but world leaders understood the danger of the nuclear weapons and how that would actually ruin their day if the nuclear weapons were launched and the world decided not to go down that path and it wasn't a very you know happy political climate this required the u.s to work with the ussr despite huge ideological differences in the middle of a cold war right but uh we still did it and i would say it's in part because war leaders saw the danger and felt the danger and even if they were going to survive a nuclear weapon launch it wasn't going to be very nice for them to live out the rest of their life in a bunker and i i think part of what we saw with you know this new fight in the white house about are we going to have the executive order part of what we saw with uh trump floating the idea of talking guardrails with Xi Jinping.
35:12Nate Soares:I think that's downstream of national security professionals seeing the real capability of these models. And this is just the start. And so I think if people notice that we have an issue, if people notice that these AIs are going to get really quite powerful if they don't do anything, and that we have no way to sort of keep them on a leash, I think there's every chance that they'll say, well, it's time to start regulating this stuff. And when they do, it'll be a lot easier to regulate AI chips than uranium. Uranium is a rock that you dig out of the ground. AI chips are the peak of the supply chain that require a ton of effort to produce and wouldn't be that hard to regulate if we had the will.
35:49You know, Nate, it's Susan mentioned that I was just in China on this presidential trip, and I happened on the flight home, long flight home, I happened to rewatch Oppenheimer. And I was reminded of the fact, just a strange coincidence that he and Sam Altman share a birthday. But my question actually is this, which is that, you know, here we are in some ways, we're having a conversation this week prompted by the booing of commencement speakers who were raving about AI. And in some ways, it feels like that mood is catching up to where your book was going. And I'm curious, A, how it's been for you personally, what it's been like to write something that is so sharply critical of a tendency that some very powerful people want to have continue and whether you feel as if the public mood is now actually moving in a direction where it is possible to have a more candid, full-throated conversation about the need to slow down.
36:49Nate Soares:I mean, it has given me hope, how the conversation has been changing, even over the last, you know, nine months since the book came out, especially since, you know, 12 years ago when I started working on these issues. and in in some ways the public outcry is there's some ways that i think it it misses you know there's a lot of people i think who say oh ai is just slop it can't do anything it's not going to go anywhere it's it's dumb it's all just overhyped and so on and i think that can be a bit counterproductive i think i sort of understand where it comes from of like not wanting the people at the heads of these labs to have all this power and not wanting to acknowledge it but i i don't think we can survive this by denying that they have any chance of succeeding right it's like someone's you know trying to build nuclear weapons and the the the enrichment of the uranium is increasing and we're like ah let them keep going they'll never get it enriched enough to be a bomb it's like shouldn't we stop them like even if we're not sure whether they'll succeed shouldn't we be stopping them but then by a different token i think it's been i think there's a lot of pieces of the of the public uh discontent that are pointed in the right direction and some reporters are like oh well aren't they just concerned about you know the the data center water use and not your extinction issues.
37:59Nate Soares:And I'm like, man, the press is for some reason more loathe to report on the extinction issues. But if you actually talk to the people who are concerned, they tend to be concerned about both environmental impacts and extinction issues. And these sort of aren't in competition. And a lot of the people who are there protesting data centers, it's not that they only think there's this one narrow problem. My impression is that a lot of the people protesting data centers can sort of tell that this AI stuff is taking the world somewhere they don't want. They can tell that there's this like big corporate race that will either kill them or make them, you know, a permanent underclass or make them rely on corporate handouts and generosity.
38:39Nate Soares:And they're like, look, I can tell that one way or the other, this is like a race to a world that I don't really have a say in and it's not really good for me. That sounds so accurate. Nate, you've given us a lot to think about. Thank you so much for joining us today. And thanks for your book. And I hope we can check in with you again someday before extinction. You too. Thank you, Nate. Extinction issues is a phrase I'm not going to forget anytime soon. Truly. The political scene from The New Yorker will be back in just a moment.
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40:22So, what did you guys make of that? I did want to also ask you about this study that shows that of all the countries that have been studied by Stanford, the United States has the least faith. People who live here have the least faith that their government is up to regulating AI as a challenge. So, what did you guys take away from this? You know, what was fascinating was his observation that many of the people who are operating the companies, the actual engineers, are the ones who are being explicit and have been for a long time about the risks, as he puts the extinction issues, which is an extraordinary phrase.
40:58But it's, in fact, the investors, the venture capitalists, the David Sachses of the operation who, let's remind ourselves, he is not somebody building an AI. He's somebody profiting off of the investment in AI. That they are the ones who are driving this sense of inevitability. That was an important thing for me. I totally agree with you. I thought that distinction was so interesting. And so the money people, the people who are just trying to get a great profit out of it are driving hard to keep it going. whereas the people who understand the risk are saying, let's freeze this for a little bit.
41:31Some of them. Some of them. And, of course, which ones are in the White House? David Sachs, the VC. Well, and look, this goes to your point, Jane, about Americans and their lack of faith. I think Americans aren't confident that Donald Trump and Republicans in Congress can deal with the data centers, never mind the extinction of humanity. And so I think that's one thing is that it's just more familiar in our politics. And by the way, I actually do think this wave that is cresting right now will shape our midterm elections. It will shape our politics. But I fear that his bigger point, which is that we've got the wrong frame for this, that this is we should be thinking about this like a threat, like nuclear weapons.
42:14I have to tell you, I think he is overestimating the ability of our political system, both domestically and internationally, to address that. And when you look to the dawn of the atomic age, I thought that was a really important history he brought up. But I would say that, look, it was also power vested in a much smaller number of people. And people who thought of themselves as guardians or stewards of the country actually had a freer hand to act to make deals for good and for ill at the dawn of the atomic age than right now, where our public clamor and the noise of our politics makes it really hard for me to see Donald Trump and Xi Jinping getting together and deciding on what's best for humanity.
42:58I thought that analogy was really interesting looking back at the dawn of the atomic age. And one difference is at that point, there was not a gigantic amount of money being invested in nuclear bombs. And these companies are driving and holding up the stock market in this country. No, but it makes a huge difference in terms of what people who are elected officials will and can do in terms of when there's that kind of incentive on the other side. You say there's not as much of a free hand. And I agree with you. I think people's hands are tied partly by the amount of money. We see it flowing into Washington on these issues.
43:42Well, I mean, Eisenhower came up with the notion of the military-industrial complex as a response to the arms race at the beginning of the Cold War. And I think that the fear is that right now it's an arms race where we don't have an Eisenhower leading the country. We don't have somebody to prevent a rogue general. You know, we don't have the systems in place that we did even at that time. But I will say this is to the prospect of international cooperation of some kind. I agree, of course, with the obvious challenges. But it is also worth recognizing that in the Biden administration, they set out with this goal to say we need to figure out a way to get China and the United States to agree that we will have human beings running the chain of command when it comes to releasing nuclear weapons.
44:37You would think this would be an easy thing to get done. And actually, to your point, Susan, it took them an entire year of negotiations to get one sentence. But that's an important sentence. And the reason why. So you have to sort of keep both thoughts in your head at the same time. Yes, it's difficult. But this is at a time when these two sides in the Biden administration, you know, U.S. and China were pretty fiercely at odds and they were able to get something. So I think that we can't abandon the idea of some sort of international dialogue on this simply because there is such low trust. And it is interesting, isn't it, that it is something of an oddly bipartisan issue in terms of the backlash that's taking place.
45:17So you have Steve Bannon on one side for reasons that I'm not entirely sure I understand. But he, you know, I don't know if it's what's driving it. But anyway, he's part of the backlash on one side and you've got Bernie Sanders on the other side. It's maybe both a kind of a populist anti-corporate rulers sort of attitude. Well, I put the question actually back to you. I'm sort of curious. I mean, this is, as you described, strange bedfellows. And what's amazing to me, guys, is 10 years ago, I remember interviewing people in Silicon Valley who were already saying to me that they could predict that AI would cause a public backlash.
45:54They were talking about some of the people themselves who were doing this business. And this is part of the reason why they were building their doomsday bunkers was because they could see this coming. So in a way, the public backlash is not a surprise. It's just now upon us. And I'm curious, Susan, you mentioned the midterms. How do you think this is going to reverberate through the upcoming election season? Yeah, I think Jane's point is an excellent one. You know, it's the battle for the future of populism that we're seeing in the Bannon and Bernie Sanders both wanting to talk about this right now.
46:25Because, you know, I go back to this idea of the AI revolution as an accelerant to the political divisions and trends that we're already seeing. And I think it's going to turbocharge the billionaires into trillionaires, and I think it's going to turbocharge the populist movement in American politics. If anything, it's likely to fuel it more among Democrats in the center and the center left who have spent the last 10 years in a sort of reaction to Trump mode. What you're seeing right now, I think, is that that's not sufficient for them. And I suspect you'll see a much more robust version of liberal left-wing populist politics to match the anger, grievance, and disruption that has fueled the ascendance of Trump and Trumpism and Bannonism on the right.
47:16So, you know, I think this is not only going to be a potent force in these midterm elections, in the short term, but it's much more likely to really shape the conversation in many ways than Donald Trump, who ultimately is an old dude pushing 80 right now, who is not likely to shape the AI future, actually. It's going to be what comes after. One other thing I was struck with was that he said that in some ways it's the media that is not grappling with the full peril that he sees anyway, that we tend to focus on the data centers and the easier issues. And so I just want to pat ourselves on the back because today we dealt with the extinction issue and brought a really interesting voice to talk about it.
48:09So thanks, guys, so much for discussing our extinction together. That was fascinating. Very chilling in some respects. But I also think I'm glad we're talking about it this week when this has been so much on people's minds. Yeah. Well, one thing for sure is that's the sound of a lot of commencement speakers rapidly rewriting their graduation speeches. Putting it into ChatGPT and asking it to rapidly rewrite. Please delete all mention of AI. Make sunnier and less boo-worthy, please.
48:42This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. I'm Jane Mayer. We had research assistance today from Alex D 'Elia. Our producer is Nora Ritchie. Mixing by Mike Kutchman. Stephen Valentino is our executive producer, and our theme music is by Alison Layton Brown. We're off next week. Enjoy the long weekend, everyone, and happy Memorial Day. And before we go, a reminder that we're doing a live show at 92 NY in New York on Thursday, June 4th. We would love to see you there. Thanks for listening.
49:28This week on the New Yorker Radio Hour, UFC president and a close friend of Donald Trump's, Dana White. People can ask me about Donald Trump for the rest of my life, and I'll tell you all the great things that I love about this guy. What I'll be happy to be out of is politics. I don't want to talk about politics, whether they're his, Obama's, this guy, that guy, none of them. That's the UFC's Dana White on the New Yorker Radio Hour from WNYC. Listen wherever you get your podcasts.
50:00From PRX.
From the publisher
The Washington Roundtable discusses the growing political backlash to artificial intelligence, especially among young Americans, and asks whether Washington, D.C., is capable of regulating A.I. companies. They’re joined by Nate Soares, the executive director of the Machine Intelligence Research Institute and co-author of the book “If Anyone Builds It, Everyone Dies.” The group explores what was behind the White House’s sudden reversal on an A.I.-safety executive order this week, the outsized influence of venture capitalists in the A.I. industry, and how A.I. may turbocharge the next populist movement in American politics. “My impression is that a lot of the people protesting data centers can sort of tell that this A.I. stuff is taking the world somewhere they don’t want,” Soares says. “They can tell that there’s this big corporate race that will either kill them or make them a permanent underclass.”
This week’s reading:
- “Can Hakeem Jeffries Lead a Democratic Takeover of the House?,” by Jason Zengerle
- “Sam Altman Won in Court Against Elon Musk. But, Really, We All Lost,” by Gideon Lewis-Kraus
- “Can the Democrats Take Back the Senate?,” by Amy Davdison Sorkin
- “What Thomas Massie’s Race Says About Trump’s Influence,” by Jon Allsop
- “Clarence Thomas Against Progressivism—and Progressives,” by Ruth Marcus
- “A Republican Bloodbath in the Texas Senate Primary Is Giving Democrats Hope,” by Rachel Monroe
See the Washington Roundtable live at 92NY on June 4th.
The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine’s writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week.
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