In short
Graham Plattner’s Senate campaign collapse in Maine after sexual-assault allegations, and what it signals about Democratic Party identity, messaging, and electability. The episode also compares Maine’s dynamics with Michigan’s Senate primary between progressive and establishment-leaning Democrats.
Guests
Neera Tanden (CEO of the Center for American Progress; former Biden advisor; longtime Democratic strategist and early skeptic of Plattner).
Guest backgrounds
Tanden is a policy/strategy leader associated with the Biden White House and CAP; she has publicly criticized Plattner for both allegations and political strategy.
Key claims
Plattner’s “victim” suspension video avoided remorse and attacked “structures,” reinforcing distrust. Democrats’ dilemma is balancing progressive energy with “character” standards and winning swing-state voters. Tanden argues working-class voters are not culturally radical; they prioritize security issues (crime/immigration) and economic affordability.
Notable examples
Maine primary turnout (Plattner won 72% despite later allegations); comparisons to Texas primaries and swing-state character voting; Michigan race framing (Abdul El-Sayed vs Haley Stevens; Mallory McMorrow dropped).
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOGraham Plattner's Campaign Suspension
1:00 to 1:54
Discussing the implications of Graham Plattner's suspension from the Senate race.
“It could be chronic migraine, 15 or more headache days a month, each lasting four hours or more.”
Graham Plattner's Campaign Suspension
2:47 to 4:36
Discussing the implications of Graham Plattner's suspension from the Senate race.
“By now, everybody has probably heard Graham Plattner has suspended his Senate campaign in Maine after an allegation of sexual assault torpedoed his candidacy earlier this week.”
Analyzing Plattner's Video Statement
4:38 to 8:40
The hosts analyze Plattner's video announcement and its implications for the party.
“Now, to be clear, Plattner denies the allegations against him.”
Interview with Neera Tanden
8:41 to 14:03
Neera Tanden discusses the fallout from Plattner's campaign and the state of the Democrats.
“Neera, we played Plattner's video statement before you came on, and in responding to that video, you've said that Plattner has betrayed the people of Maine.”
Democratic Primary Turnout and Voter Dynamics
14:03 to 16:44
Explore the recent high turnout of Democrats and their changing voter base.
“I also think that we are seeing across the country in every primary Democrats are turning out at huge levels.”
Challenges of Attracting Working Class Voters
16:44 to 19:34
Understand the struggles Democrats face in appealing to working class voters.
“But in the Midwest, plenty of states around the country, it's really crucial to be able to attract some group of working class voters.”
Existential Threat and Democratic Leadership
19:34 to 21:48
Discuss the implications of viewing Trump as an existential threat to the Democratic Party.
“I mean, who can beat Susan Collins and therefore hopefully take the Senate.”
Future of the Democratic Party and Upcoming Elections
21:48 to 23:53
Examine the Democratic Party's strategy and perspectives for the upcoming elections.
“I mean, you know, you you worked in the Biden White House.”
Michigan's Democratic Primary Contest
25:38 to 28:00
Analyze the dynamics of the Democratic primary race in Michigan.
“Nira, the Michigan race is, as a lot of people know, it's shaping up as a contest between two very different visions of the Democratic Party.”
Vetting Candidates in Competitive Districts
28:00 to 36:52
Discussion on the importance of vetting Democratic candidates and their appeal to moderate voters.
“test, right, because he, like McMorrow, is very good on his feet.”
Show all 15 chapters
Transition to Break
37:50 to 38:08
Brief transition before a break in the show.
“In the U.S., there's a break-in every 26 seconds.”
Transition to Break
38:19 to 38:57
Brief transition before a break in the show.
“The chairs are held together by optimism.”
Analyzing the Future of the Democratic Party
38:57 to 42:00
Discussion on the Democratic Party's strategies and future prospects based on recent elections.
“Well, guys, just a tremendous amount of interesting stuff there.”
Examining Democratic Strategies Ahead of Elections
42:00 to 45:59
Discussion on the importance of Democratic strategies in battleground states and the implications of Biden's decisions.
“I mean, she's basically saying Democrats don't go way left on immigration and on policing, on crime.”
Examining Democratic Strategies Ahead of Elections
47:48 to 48:12
Discussion on the importance of Democratic strategies in battleground states and the implications of Biden's decisions.
“Starting a business can seem like a daunting task, unless you have a partner like Shopify.”
Transcript
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2:28Welcome to The Political Scene from The New Yorker, a weekly discussion about the big questions in American politics. I'm Evan Osnos, and I'm joined as ever by my colleagues Susan Glasser and Jane Mayer. Hi, Susan, and hi, Jane. Hey there, so great to be with you guys. Hey, good to be here. By now, everybody has probably heard Graham Plattner has suspended his Senate campaign in Maine after an allegation of sexual assault torpedoed his candidacy earlier this week. And it's a stunning fall. Just over a month ago, Plattner had won the Democratic primary with more votes on primary day than any Maine Senate candidate in more than a century.
3:09The fallout from this extends well beyond the state of Maine. Control of the Senate is on the line this fall. And this is a test case for how the Democratic Party navigates its own divisions. So today we'll assess the wreckage of the Plattner implosion and turn to Michigan's Senate race to understand how some similar divisions are playing out there and what they reveal about where the party is headed. In a few minutes, we'll be joined by Neera Tanden, an early Plattner skeptic who is the CEO of the Center for American Progress and a former Biden advisor. But before bringing her on, guys, I want to play a clip of Graham Plattner's video announcing the suspension of his campaign, and we'll get your thoughts.
3:50This is incredibly difficult because I know that some will think it's an admission of guilt, and it most certainly is not. We're not doing it because of the allegations. We're doing it because of the structures that are being taken away from us by those in power. We went toe-to-toe with one of the most entrenched political systems in the history of the world, and we won. We beat them on June 9th in overwhelming numbers. We did it the right way. We built a campaign. We engaged in electoral politics. We motivated people. We banded together. We did it the way that we were told we are supposed to make change.
4:29And we won. And now they are not going to let us have it. Not if it's me. Now, to be clear, Plattner denies the allegations against him. But Susan, what did you make of this video and the end of this campaign? Well, let's just say sorry is not in the dude's vocabulary. You know, narcissists come in all varieties. And I think this week was a reminder that ideology is no bar to a scandal-tarred candidate. If anything, Democrats might have caught a break by having a new opportunity to pick somebody else who might have a better chance of not only winning this particular Senate race, but keeping Democrats in the hunt overall for winning back the Senate.
5:20This came really just literally days before the July 13th deadline in order for Maine Democrats to actually get a new candidate on the ballot. So there's that logistical thing. But I do think, Evan, Jane, that we're looking at it's not just a story about a Senate race or we wouldn't be having this conversation, right? It's a story both about politics in the Trump era. I think for Democrats, what you're seeing is a big struggle to figure out the party's identity, both its ideological identity, the strength of the progressive left, but also its sort of calibration on the insider-outsider axis. What does it mean to channel the righteous anger of people, but at the same time not find yourself in the thrall to, you know, such a flawed outsider that nobody really knows, you know, where he comes from?
6:12So I feel like it's an important conversation, not just about this one clearly very flawed dude in Maine, but about a bigger story about where our politics is headed. Yeah, it is striking. He found a lot of people to blame in that message. But as you say, there is this underlying question about how much do the issues that he represented, how much will they continue to percolate through this season? Jane, what did you make of the video and the fallout? I mean, honestly, I thought that was one of his worst moments. He makes himself out to be a victim. He says they are doing it to him. Who is this unknown they?
6:55It's a different sort of mode than his earlier part of the campaign where he was much more forthright about his own problems that he's had and struggles. And I think part of his appeal was what people took to be authenticity, that he'd gone through a lot of troubles and he did take responsibility or he said he did. And I think that appealed to people. Now, when you hear the way he's bowing out, you see a different side of him, one that's totally not taking responsibility for what was a complete car wreck of a campaign and not being forthright enough about his vulnerabilities with anyone, even now.
7:34And I see something else in this that I think is really important, though, also, in addition to the flawed candidate we've seen here, is that he struck such a nerve. Even somebody with these obvious vulnerabilities and the skeletons in the closet, baggage, call it whatever you want, everything from the Nazi tattoo to the women problems and the egregious accusation of actual rape. Despite all of that, he did incredibly well. He beat a very seasoned governor, Janet Mills, in Maine with over 70 % of the vote in the primary. He was saying things and articulating problems and speaking to people in a way that they're hungry to hear.
8:21And I think it's at the party's peril that they just sweep out the whole thing and don't pay attention to whatever those signals are because they better deal with the problems people are feeling and facing and come up with some answers of their own if they don't like the ones that the far left is coming up with. Well, we are going to get into exactly this question and where it's taking the party in the future with a guest who's thought a lot about this, and that's Neera Tanden. Neera Tanden, welcome to the show. Thanks for having me. Neera, we played Plattner's video statement before you came on, and in responding to that video, you've said that Plattner has betrayed the people of Maine.
9:01I wondered if you would just start us off by talking about that. What do you mean, and what's on your mind now? Well, when you're a candidate in a race like this, your job is to defeat, you know, your primary opponent, but really to defeat the Republican. This is a seat that Susan Collins holds. Graham Plattner knew of a lot of problems that he had and chose to run. he did get people genuinely excited about his candidacy. And I think that what is particularly tragic about this whole situation is that there were a lot of people in Maine who invested time and energy in supporting him. And he demonstrated no remorse in that video for what he did to basically betray that trust.
9:55And ultimately, the real problem with Graham Plattner's candidacy was that issue after issue became so big that people couldn't look past them. And I think that when you've made mistakes like this, it's best to say I made mistakes and move on instead of attacking so many other people. You know, Neera, I guess one of the big questions, right, is like, is this just one of those like disastrous one-offs or does it tell us something larger about the state of party politics right now, where the Democrats are at? Why did it take so long for Democrats to draw a line with Plattner? And I think that's why we were hoping to have you on this week is you are in a way on the front line of that question.
10:40And I was really struck that in the last few days, you know, you've been out there mixing it up both with the people who brought Graham Plattner to the party. Morris Katz, who's someone we had on this podcast, who even when we didn't ask him about it was puffing up Graham Plattner, called him a generational political talent. You've been exchanging sharp Twitter commentary with him. Thought this was a particularly good line here. You said Frankenstein was also deeply disappointed in his monster in response to something that Morris Katz tweeted that he was very, you know, upset about the allegations when Politico published them this week.
11:22But you're also on television the other night doing combat hand-to-hand with somebody many, many, many people on the left love to hate, and that's Scott Jennings making the point that the party of Donald Trump really probably should shut up when it comes to this controversy. Tell us a little bit about sort of being on the front line and what it tells us about where Democrats are right now. Well, I think there's actually a through line to both of these issues, which is, as some may know, I was a Plattner skeptic, not only because of the substance of the allegations and realities. I mean, he did have a kind of Nazi-adjacent tattoo.
12:02That's not in contest. But my argument about this over the last several months has been to look away from some of these issues really does kind of open up the Democratic Party to a charge of hypocrisy. And I think sometimes a lot of liberals looked at the Plattner situation for months and months and months and said, Donald Trump is president. So why are we holding our leaders to standards? Like, he's a criminal. He has credible, several credible accusations of rape and assault. And why are we holding ourselves to that standard? And we are in a way, there are a lot of liberals who think we're suckers for holding ourselves to that standard.
12:47Now, the truth is, when you do cold, hard analysis of swing state elections, there are actual non-MAGA Republicans who vote for a Mark Kelly or Ruben Gallego because they do have character concerns about the Republican in the race, Carrie Lake, others. So, you know, you can look at the last 10 years and say character doesn't matter. But actually, in these swing states, character does matter. That makes a lot of sense. At the same time, I wanted to know, what do you make of the fact that 72 % of main voters in the primary voted for him anyway? Not everything was known at that point that is known now.
13:34The woman who accused him of rape had not yet come forward. But there was a lot out there. I mean, what do you make of that, that he did so well? I think it's a combination of issues. I do think he tapped into a deep anger in the party. And it is the case that lots of liberals, I'm sure lefties, but like even moderates are angry at a party that was supposed to beat Donald Trump and didn't. And many elements of it haven't seemed like they are up to the moment that we're in. I also think that we are seeing across the country in every primary Democrats are turning out at huge levels. I mean, just to step back, for the first time in 24 years, more Democrats voted in Texas in the Democratic primary than in the Republican primary, more than more Republicans vote in the Republican primary.
14:33So that hasn't happened in decades. And that is in part because I think Democrats are just really motivated out there to express in any way they can that they want to take down Republicans. And honestly, this was helping Graham Plattner a lot in this race. But I think another really crucial element that we should all really wrestle with is Graham Plattner was weak in the primary and in the general with working class voters. Right. You actually look at the numbers. Right. And he was much drew much more support, as has been the case in other races around the country that feature candidates from the progressive left, from the left wing of the party right now.
15:16They're actually drawing more support from white college educated voters than they are from working class voters. And so I just I think it's a fascinating thing because it's also about kind of what what story you tell yourself right now in this very fragmented media environment and, you know, what conversation you're a part of. And, you know, we've seen versions of this debate every two years for the last decade of the Trump era, right? This sort of idea like, is it an ideological rift inside the Democratic Party or is it an extreme kind of online left that's creating kind of a fantasy football version of what they think a working class populist Democrat looks like?
15:57And I'm curious, you're sort of on the front line of that question as well. Is it about ideology or is it more, as you framed it, a kind of style of politics, right? Like we want to fight Trump more aggressively. We want to be after it. Is it that voters like the style of outsider candidates like Plattner or is it that they actually want democratic socialism in America? I mean, I think when you look across the country and look at candidates, I think the most important thing to do is to actually, you know, kind of listen to working class voters who are in contest. And I will say it is really important in a lot of states for Democrats to be able to attract working class voters.
16:43In blue states, a lot of people, you can win elections with just running up the score with college educated voters. But in the Midwest, plenty of states around the country, it's really crucial to be able to attract some group of working class voters. Now, there is, I think, the Plattner campaign. I mean, I was at a dinner with Morris Katz where he was making this whole case about Plattner. This was several months ago. And he basically his argument was that if you have a candidate who is themselves working class, kind of looks working class, that candidate can tap into a real, you know, an economic populism where working class people are, you know, they're really very left on economic issues.
17:28And I think that this whole situation kind of belies that. And, you know, if we want to be candid, working class voters, like you can do polling or focus groups or chit chats or whatever, but working class voters are pretty moderate on cultural and what I would call security issues, crime and immigration. they feel more vulnerable to security issues. You know, just on the issue of crime, they, working class people experience crime at higher rates than college educated people. And so, you know, I think the challenge here is that there's kind of been an argument that actually, you know, like working class people are kind of mini socialists on economic issues.
18:08And I think this is a, you know, they do believe that corporations have too much power. And that is like a kind of baseline view. So do I. But, you know, the idea that they are just, you know, as left, as some people argue, is just belied by the facts. I mean, that question, exactly what you were talking about, which is how do you parse out which elements of the populist platform are in fact popular versus which elements are not, is going to be front and center, I'm guessing, over the course of this very busy period ahead, figuring out, well, now, what does the Democratic Party in Maine do? I mean, I think there's an element here that as much as this is a mess today, there is a silver lining for the Democratic Party because it's a chance to find a new candidate.
18:55How are you thinking about this process of how do you find somebody in this now very tight schedule who's going to be able to excite Democrats enough to take out Susan Collins? I mean, my personal view, although I should say that people of Maine and the Maine Democratic Party will know a million times better than me what to do. I think in the Trump era, if you believe that Trump is an existential threat to the country, that as a voter in a Democratic primary, you should be thinking about who can beat Trump. I mean, who can beat Susan Collins and therefore hopefully take the Senate. And just to say the stakes here, because I think we kind of lose sight of this.
19:44I hope Democrats, I believe Democrats will take the House. But and that's important. But if you want to stop Trump nominees, the way to do that is through the Senate. There's so much more power in the Senate. So the fact that we're it's possible to get a Democratic Senate with the map is a testament to how poorly Trump is doing. But nothing is guaranteed here. And the main race is really crucial. So to me, I think people should really be thinking of not who makes them the happiest, although it's good to make people happy, but who can actually put together a coalition that pressures people who voted for Susan Collins in election, in election, in election to vote for the Democrat.
20:27So I am curious what you think of the National Party's intervention in this in the form of Schumer trying to knock out Plattner early and put Mills in. Is that a helpful thing for the Democratic Party to do or not? I mean, I don't think anyone could look at the last year and say, well, that was a really good move, folks. I mean, I think, honestly, what's really interesting here is look at North Carolina and look at Maine. I think Chuck Schumer really like really recruited Roy Cooper, who was an older candidate and seemed to work out well. And then in Maine, he recruited Janet Mills. And I will say, I think there is definitely an overhang in the Democratic Party about like a real concern about older candidates and older candidates not really having the stamina or will to fight.
21:20And I think this is a big overhang from The whole situation with President Biden and the 24 election. Can I ask you about that? I mean, I feel like part of what's fueling, you alluded to this earlier, this kind of visceral rage among the anti-Trump part of the electorate does seem to be a sense that the people who said that Donald Trump was an existential threat to the country didn't follow through, that they were hypocrites in some way, that they chose their own ambition as President Biden seems to have done. I mean, you know, you you worked in the Biden White House. Could you and other people in the White House have gone in and said, look, sir, you know, we're so grateful.
22:01But can you do what you said you were going to do and step aside? Yeah, I mean, I kind of wrestle with this all the time. I mean, I wasn't amongst the president's political advisors. And I genuinely think that if I had gone up to Joe Biden and like set myself on fire as a protester of him running, he would like not have listened to me and listened to his actual political advisors. I mean, he very much looked at me as a policy advisor and not as a political advisor. So, but, you know, it's like the perfect disaster in this sense, because the president's advisors look at Kamala not winning and can tell themselves a story of how maybe they would have won.
22:42And then Kamala didn't win. And she can tell herself a story and a very, very legitimate story, which is that she had a very shortened campaign and did really, really well. And I think what's really interesting about the last several years is people in other countries have taken important lessons here. You know, like Justin Trudeau stepped aside and then they picked someone, Mark Carney, who had no connection to Justin Trudeau, didn't serve in, you know, was in the same party but didn't serve with him. And he did really well. And Andy Murnum is likely he's going to be probably a U.K. prime minister.
23:17And he comes from a different wing of the party, but a very reasonable leader and seems to be doing well against the far right and polls. And I think that's an important lesson for parties, that if you tell people the country is facing an existential threat, you actually have to do the hard work of doing that. I think the truth is that everyone is looking, all the factions in the Democratic Party are looking at 24 and trying to make a case not about what happened in 24, but what should happen in the future.
23:53We're going to take a quick break. When we come back, we're going to turn to Michigan and we're going to look at how the tensions within the Democratic Party are playing out there. More with Neera after the break. The political scene from The New Yorker will be right back.
24:14If you've been enjoying the show, please leave us a rating and a review on the podcast platform of your choice. And while you're there, don't forget to hit the follow button so you never miss an episode. Thanks so much for listening.
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25:49Nira, the Michigan race is, as a lot of people know, it's shaping up as a contest between two very different visions of the Democratic Party. You've got Abdul El-Sayed, the Bernie Sanders AOC endorsed progressive, and then Haley Stevens, who's the four-term House Democrat, close ties to the party establishment. And then until recently, you had Mallory McMorrow, who was also in the race, who was viewed by many people as a sort of bridge candidate between the progressives and the moderates. But she dropped out, struggling in the polls. So, Neera, are these kinds of showdowns, this kind of contest about what the party represents, is this fundamentally healthy for the party?
26:28Is this the kind of process it should be going through, or is it actually corroding its power in the months before the election? I mean, I think primaries are very healthy. I think it's important to have primaries. I think we have learned it's really important for candidates to be tested. An election in a state like Michigan is no foregone conclusion. I mean, the thing that people should keep in mind is that unlike other states, all the candidates have been at best running a little bit ahead of Mike Rogers, who's the Republican nominee. He's a person who's ran before. He is not a MAGA fire-breathing candidate.
Read the full transcript
27:06And he's much more kind of normal-ish Republican to the extent we have those still today. I mean, obviously very loyal to Donald Trump. But I do think this is a really important element of this, which is that so many times we're kind of wish casting. A lot of wish casting happened in Maine and we shouldn't wish cast. This is a very, going to be a very hard race between whoever the nominee is. And I think it's really healthy to have a robust primary. I just think the thing about this race is it's important to remember that this is a state that Trump has won twice. You know, I think people should think about this like more like Arizona and less like Maine.
27:47You know, he's doing considerably better in Michigan than he is in a lot of other states. So that's why I think this is a really important conversation. And I've met Abdul Al-Syed. He is a charismatic and very smart candidate, you know, and he is a I think this is like a very interesting test, right, because he, like McMorrow, is very good on his feet. He's done a lot of videos. He's very charismatic. Haley Stevens has won a Republican district and she's won difficult primaries and won difficult general elections. And she's definitely not as media savvy as Abdul is. She just has actually a proven track record of defeating a candidate like Mike Rogers in the past.
28:30And I think the most important thing is to think, again, not exactly what makes a liberals heart go aflutter. But what makes an independent voter less scared of voting for a Democrat, more open to voting for a Democrat? You're saying basically Democrats have to stop in the cliche falling in love and instead fall in line, be practical and figure out, you know, how to win these races. I got a question that sort of covers both Michigan and Maine, which is, it seems like El Saeed is now facing allegations that he erased a record that he had of sort of more inflammatory social media postings and that the vetting didn't really catch this, which is sort of also what was said the vetting was deficient in Plattner.
29:19Is there a vetting problem in the Democratic side here? Well, first I want to say I actually believe it's a pretty healthy party that puts more liberal candidates up in blue districts and blue states. Like the fact that in New York City, some older candidates lost at the hands of younger candidates. Some of them have views that I think are like on prison abolition that I think are kind of extreme. But it's as a general matter, it's healthy for more lefty districts to elect more lefty people. What I'm really I am saying is that in districts and states where it's contested, where, you know, Republicans have won a lot, you should actually think as a primary voter who can win the general.
30:01And my genuine view is that's what happened in Texas. There were definitely liberals who loved Jasmine Crockett, who voted for Tallarico because they thought he had a better chance of winning. And I think that's all rational. You know, this is like part of the stakes in the whole vetting issue. I mean, I will say one of my concerns about Abdul Asayyad is that he has taken positions on defund the police that I think are a little hard in a general election in Michigan. And I mean, the primaries are here to vet, actually, and winning a primary is a way to vet. Now, the challenge with Abdul Asayyad is he has not won a primary or a general election in the past.
30:38So we don't really know all of these things. But I think that is for the voters of Michigan to decide. And, you know, I mean, I hope I hope they're all just thinking again, you know, sometimes liberals will think that, you know, you're in a swing cycle and everyone will win and you're just going to it's not going to be that hard because we're just in this great. Everyone hates Trump and it's we're going to be in a blue wave that will just crash and every single person is going to win. But it is actually possible that Democrats win a place like Iowa and lose a state like Michigan. Just to clarify, are you saying that you think there's a higher chance of Democrats losing Michigan if they nominate Al-Sayed?
31:20I think Abdul Al-Sayed has more risk from positions he's taken than I. Yeah, absolutely. Than Haley Stevens would. But I mean, this is a big question, right? Like Haley Stevens is not as good at the media and as savvy on, you know, podcasts and things like that. And she's just actually just much more normal. My job is to deliver for Michigan, you know, a record on the auto task force and things like that. So I think this is I mean, I definitely think that there's a question whether even even in the general, what is the most persuasive to moderate voters in Michigan? Is it that you've won voters before, that you're kind of normie Democrat?
32:02You haven't taken positions that could be alienating? Or is it that you can, you know, being charismatic online and being a charismatic communicator is going to win? I think that's a way voters could actually decide those things. We're talking about all these sort of granular details about Maine and Michigan. But obviously, the big picture question for a lot of people is just, is it going to be, in your view, having looked at a lot of these elections, an actual blue wave election? Or is this something more like akin to the Republicans Tea Party moment when you really have so much anger inside the party that, you know, we're entering a new era in effect for the Democratic Party as the Republicans entered a new era with bringing in all these outsiders to the Tea Party?
32:47In many ways, I would argue that led to Trumpism. It led to the Trump era in our politics because the Republican Party lost the plot. And it brought in a lot of people that were just willing to embrace extreme positions that had no real connection, that had no record, but were able to shout the loudest and say the things that people wanted to hear. I'm just curious, sort of being on the front lines. I've seen a lot of Al-Sayed supporters yelling at you this week. Clearly, they see it as part of a broader challenge for control of who is a Democrat going forward. Well, I want to say like Abdul Al-Sayed and Haley Stevens are both Democrats and it's what people should think of them as both Democrats.
33:32But what I would say to my moderate friends is we don't live in the Trump era and everything is OK in America. I think the debate in the Democratic Party is if the choice is between incrementalism and radicalism, people will go more towards radicalism because they think things are really broken. And you don't have Trump as president unless things are broken, you know. And so I believe that liberals, normal candidates have to offer ideas that are more transformative. And that's on the economy, on health care, on other issues. Trying to avoid radicalism that alienates kind of working class voters.
34:20I mean, if you're basically saying your policies are kind of business as usual, then I think you're pressuring a lot of Democrats to go somewhere else to a more left candidate. And I think this will be a big debate for the president. And my counsel to anyone who would listen is that, you know, you see that people want action. I mean, Mark Carney is a pretty moderate guy, but he has a 60 percent approval in Canada. And it's obviously a different country, but he's one of the most popular leaders. And I think it's because he, even though he's a moderate, he's an activist prime minister. You know, he's doing a lot.
35:01He sees a lot of problems. He's solving them on housing. And he's willing as a moderate to say, I'm going to build public housing, too, because that I can control and we can do it fast. I mean, I just think it's not ideological as much as people are hungry for ideas that will get life better for people. And where this all meets is working class voters. I mean, the real opportunity for working class voters in the Democratic Party is that today, for the first time in like 10 years, there are people, working class voters who voted for Trump three times who are turning away from him, particularly after the Iran war.
35:42And the actual opportunity of the Democratic Party in 2028 is to have a realigning election where you can actually capture those voters back. But the people who are going to actually do that are people who listen to working class voters. They don't think here I'm like putting on like some jacket or something or I seem like working class. You actually have to listen to where they are. And they are populist in the sense they think that things cost too much and we should make health care more affordable and lower the cost of utilities and it costs too much to buy gas or food. and also, you know, they are moderate on crime and immigration.
36:22And I think that you saw that in people who won in 24 in states that Kamala lost. Ruben Gallego, Alyssa Slakkin, Tammy Baldwin, Jackie Rosen. They got that combination of issues better. That is the perfect note to end on. You've helped us understand not only what's happening right now, but also setting us up to talk about what's going to happen in 2028. We hope you'll come back to us. Neera, thank you so much for joining us today. Thank you for having me. We're going to take a quick break. And when we come back, the future of the Democratic Party, the political scene from The New Yorker will be right back.
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38:57Well, guys, just a tremendous amount of interesting stuff there. For one thing, I think Mark Carney has a good chance in the state of Maine, perhaps, or in 2028. Right. Or at least for Nira's vote, for sure. What do you make of that, Susan? What did you take from that conversation? Yeah, I mean, she strikes a pretty consistent theme. And I've known her years. We've talked about this before. I think here in Washington, we tend to overstate ideology as a factor in a lot of elections, especially now in this day and age with voters who may or may not participate all that regularly. And we tend to understate things like just the sheer appeal of somebody like a Graham Plattner.
39:35And then you have a lot of people who do have an ideological agenda kind of layering onto it. So I think, to me, there's a lot that resonates about if Democrats writ large are going to come out of this cycle having focused on what's needed to win individual races in order to take back both chambers of Congress or they do get mired in these ideological debates. To me, she's talking in a sort of practical nuts and bolts way about, hey, Democrats might lose the Michigan Senate race because what it takes to win in a battleground like that is a little bit different than what it takes to win in a solid blue state.
40:11And, you know, I haven't heard as much of that lately in this sort of the discourse. But the question, as always for me, is how much of the discourse is just an echo chamber talking to itself versus something that we should take seriously as a guide to what might happen in November? I sort of took away some of the other side of the arguments she was making more, which was that if you're going to be a candidate and you're going to be saying, I'm offering more of the same, you're not going to do well at this point. And you don't get someone like Trump as president without people being somewhat desperate and that you need candidates who are offering activist solutions to the problems people feel.
40:56And I don't know that it's so much, I mean, since Mark Carney is the ideal that she was mentioning, it's not so much left-right as someone, people who are running to say, we're going to fix your problems, we hear your problems, we have solutions, and we're going to enact them. And that the status quo is not cutting it, which is why the party in Washington seems kind of fallow and disliked and people are running against it. I think what I hear is that what people basically are looking for is less ideological than it is about energy, that that's essentially the core ingredient here is what do we mean when we're talking about an activist candidate, somebody who is saying, I have generative ideas, I plan to do something.
41:42But here's the key distinction is what she's saying is that, you know, people want somebody who can say, I know how to build houses. I know how to address the housing crisis, but perhaps is more moderate on crime and immigration. So it's this idea of can you be transformative without being radical or, you know, lowercase R rather than uppercase R. Is that too fine grained? Is that too subtle? No, especially on the security issues. I mean, she's basically saying Democrats don't go way left on immigration and on policing, on crime. If you do, you're going to lose. I mean, that seemed to be one of the ideological sort of markers that she put down there.
42:22Right. But she was saying how to win specifically in a battleground state and made the point, which I think is an important point that often gets lost in these conversations, that in New York City, in a far left district, OK, that's going to produce a primary is going to produce a far left candidate. And that is fine. But if you want to win Michigan and if you want to win the Senate, then you better not have a nominee who says defund the police. So I think it was it was certainly a call for let's win and let's but I just in the big picture sense. Yeah. Let's win because we're the party that's been telling you that Donald Trump represents an existential threat to the country.
43:02And we can't be hypocrites and not follow through on that. So that's where I personally did find it quite interesting and was glad I had the chance to ask her about Joe Biden. And she brought it up, by the way, herself, having worked in the Biden White House. And I'm still struck by that hangover from Biden's decision to run again and how much there is a visceral rage that so many people feel that that contributed in some very significant way to the return of Donald Trump to the presidency and that that's powering a lot of the anger in the Democratic primary electorate this year. Do you guys agree with that?
43:42Yeah, I do. And I do. And I think the other thing that at the beginning of our conversation that was interesting was when you were talking to her about why she's stuck her neck out and said character still matters. And we do not we don't want to look like hypocrites in the Democratic Party. She was saying Democrats can't attack Paxton. They can't attack Trump on their behavior if the Democrats are making, you know, rationalizations for a candidate that is accused of rape. And I thought she made a very strong argument for that. I think exactly as you describe it, the hangover from Biden is that you've got a lot of energy and anger among Democratic voters who feel as if they don't trust what the establishment part of the party is telling them.
44:31And yet, in some ways, their policy positions are more conventionally Democratic policy positions than the progressive edge of the party. So that's the in some ways, that's the challenge, because you have to figure out who is the candidate that has the credibility to be a new voice, a credible, authentic, to use the dreaded term voice, but is also not calling to burn it all down, because that, frankly, is not going to work in the swing states that the party needs to win. Is that where it comes down? Ultimately, Susan, what do you think? Well, we shall see. But I think a lot of people are going to worry.
45:12I know Jane has expressed this fear before that, you know, Democrats with Trump historically unpopular with so much energy to, you know, kind of react to the excesses and radical reinvention last couple of years that instead Democrats will lose the plot somehow. This week feels like the wheels were coming off a little bit. And I'm so glad that we had the chance to talk about it with somebody who's out there with strong point of view, but certainly is in the middle of these conversations. And she actually offered some pretty upbeat points in the midst of everything else, which are that there has been more Democratic voting participation than in years.
45:50People are psyched. They're out there and they're involved. And so there are some very positive signals out there as well. All right. Well, hold on because it's going to be quite a few weeks ahead, particularly in the state of Maine and elsewhere. It is terrific to be with you guys making sense of this. And we'll see each other next week. Great to see you. Great to be with you both. Thank you so much.
46:17This has been the political scene from The New Yorker I'm Evan Osnos We had research assistance today from Alex D 'Elia And editing today by Rhiannon Corby Our producer is Nora Ritchie Mixing by Mike Kutchman Stephen Valentino is our executive producer Our theme music is by Alison Leighton Brown Thanks so much for listening And we'll be back next Friday
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From the publisher
The Washington Roundtable digs into the stunning collapse of Graham Platner’s Senate campaign in Maine, and what it means for the Democratic Party’s performance in the upcoming midterms. The hosts are joined by Neera Tanden, the president and C.E.O. of the Center for American Progress and a former adviser to President Joe Biden. The panel grapples with the pressing question of how the Party might resolve some of its ideological divisions and position itself to attract voters looking for an alternative to Donald Trump. Across the board, Americans are seeking a break from the status quo, Tanden argues—regardless of where a given candidate falls on the political spectrum. “People want action,” she says. “It’s not ideological as much as people are hungry for ideas.”
This week’s reading:
“Graham Platner’s Point of No Return,” by Jon Allsop
“Michigan Is the Next Big Test for the Democratic Party,” by Jason Zengerle
“Trump and NATO Court Erdoğan, Turkey’s Strongman,” by Ishaan Tharoor
“How Political Is This Supreme Court?,” by Isaac Chotiner
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