In short
The episode examines how “moderate” has become a fuzzy, shifting label in Democratic politics, and whether “moderates vs progressives” is an accurate way to interpret recent primary results.
Guest backgrounds
John Alsop is a contributing writer at The New Yorker. He recently wrote about what it means to be a moderate in today’s Democratic Party.
Key claims
“Moderate” lacks a fixed meaning and changes as “extremes” shift. Politicians and voters use the term strategically; candidates on the left may downplay “extreme” slogans to appear “sensible.” Media narratives often overfit to tension and outliers. Issue positions (e.g., immigration enforcement, Israel) can make “moderate” and “extreme” seem contradictory.
Notable examples
Joe Manchin as a self-described “common sense” moderate fitting multiple definitions. Michigan Senate primary: Abdul El-Sayed (Medicare for all; critic of Israel) narrowly defeats Haley Stevens (establishment, technocratic, pro-Israel). Wisconsin governor primary: Francesca Hong (Democratic socialist) loses narrowly to David Crowley; Hong’s “woke” caricature and old tweets (“hated Thanksgiving”) are contrasted with campaign issues like early opposition to data centers.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VODefining Modern Moderates
3:22 to 4:11
Exploring the complexities of what defines a moderate politician today.
“I'm Tyler Foggett, and I'm a senior editor at The New Yorker.”
Wisconsin Primary Results and Implications
4:11 to 6:09
Analyzing the recent Wisconsin gubernatorial primary and its implications for moderates versus progressives.
“Like, is it as easy as Hong was too progressive?”
Michigan Senate Primary Breakdown
6:09 to 13:30
A deep dive into the Michigan Senate primary and its outcomes related to the moderate-progressive divide.
“Firstly, the moderate lane, quote unquote, in this race was a total mess.”
Media Narratives and Political Tension
13:30 to 14:00
Discussion on how media narratives shape perceptions of political races and dynamics.
“And I guess that's probably the explanation I would favor.”
Challenges of Narrativizing Political Trends
14:00 to 18:12
Explore the complexities of interpreting political trends and the pitfalls of media narratives.
“challengers after the moderates were caught off guard for the first few primaries.”
Defining Moderates in Today's Politics
19:33 to 28:00
Delve into the evolving definition of moderation in the context of current political dynamics.
“So, John, let's jump into talking about your recent piece on what it means to be a moderate.”
The Extremism Debate in Politics
28:00 to 29:40
Discussion around the implications of labeling candidates as extremists and moderates.
“essentially calling Mamdani's allied candidates in those New York primaries we discussed earlier, essentially calling them extremists.”
Voter Perspectives on Moderation
29:40 to 31:20
Exploration of how the term 'moderate' applies to voters and their diverse opinions.
“I'm curious about, I mean, we've mostly been talking about moderate and how that term maps onto certain politicians.”
Moderate Labels in Dating and Politics
31:20 to 36:20
Connecting the concept of moderation in political contexts to social behaviors in dating.
“on some definition be called a moderate or a centrist if the kind of aggregate point of all their opinions is like in the middle of that sort of imagined spectrum.”
The Shift in Progressive Rhetoric
36:20 to 42:01
Analyzing recent changes in how progressives, like AOC, communicate their stances on issues.
“Like, do you see that that comment is like marking a shift on the part of progressives like AOC toward moderation?”
Show all 13 chapters
The Evolution of Candidate Acceptance
42:01 to 45:27
Explore how the acceptance of candidates with past extreme views has changed over time.
“Whereas, you know, like several years ago or decades ago, that was absolutely something that was happening.”
Midterms and Candidate Profiles
45:27 to 48:25
Discuss the implications of the midterm elections on candidate profiles and party direction.
“Like, are there any races that might give us a sense of, like, who's up, who's down, what appeals to the voters that Democrats need to win over or perhaps win back?”
Concluding Insights and Future Predictions
48:25 to 49:53
Reflect on the upcoming elections and the potential impact of various candidates.
“It doesn't seem unlikely to me that Peltola could win that race.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:05Hi, Jon. Hey, Tyler. Thanks so much for being here. Thank you for having me. Given that you've recently written about the idea of the moderate politician, I'm wondering who comes to mind as the most recent example of one? Like, who fits the bill of the moderate? That is, yeah, a really hard question to answer because the piece that you're referring to that I recently wrote kind of says that the label moderate doesn't really mean anything. So, you know, it's - Is that your way of saying it was a bad question? No, no, it's actually a really interesting question. I think the first name that comes to mind here is Joe Manchin, probably.
0:43Okay, yeah. So basically, moderate, depending on who you ask, can mean like someone who is a centrist on most issues on the kind of left to right spectrum, or alternatively, someone who has a kind of hodgepodge of quite left-wing and quite right-wing views. Or it can be defined as someone who prioritizes working in a bipartisan way across the aisle and sort of bucking their party in the process. And I think that Manchin, at least in his self-mythology, but I think also to some extent in reality, is someone you could actually kind of pin down to some extent to all of these definitions. I actually wrote a column last year for The New Yorker about his book, which, you know, in which he repeatedly laid claim to the mantle of like common sense, which again is much like moderate, a term that completely lacks a fixed meaning and is subjective.
1:32And yeah, I think those two ideas do actually, in the way they're discussed in everyday political parlance, track quite closely together. Yeah, Manchin is very keen to show that his views are commonsensical. Moderates, I think, by and large, see that as like a defining virtue of their worldview. So yeah, if you're sort of asking me to write the like Politics 101 textbook and put an image on an illustration on page one, I guess I'm plumping for Manchin, although hopefully we'll get into how it's a bit more complicated than that. That's John Alsop, a contributing writer at The New Yorker who recently wrote a piece about what it means to be a moderate in today's Democratic Party.
2:11Eight days apart, the Midwest handed down two seemingly opposite verdicts. In Michigan, Abdul El-Sayed, a progressive Senate candidate endorsed by Bernie Sanders and AOC, squeaked out a win over Haley Stevens, who was widely seen as the establishment pick in a primary that had been consistently framed as a referendum on where the Democratic Party is headed. Then, in Wisconsin, Francesca Hong, a Democratic socialist, lost the gubernatorial primary to David Crowley, another establishment candidate, in an extremely close race. In both races, the polling had the more progressive candidate beating the moderate handily.
2:47And then both races ended up being nail biters. Part of the difficulty here is that many of these primary battles are being described as the moderates versus the progressives. But the more you look at the word moderate, the harder it is to even define that, or to say whether it describes any actual voter or politician. I wanted to talk with John about what some of the recent Democratic primary results tell us about this divide between the progressives and the moderates. how the definition and perception of the word moderate have evolved over time, and what the upcoming midterms and the 2028 presidential race might tell us about the Democratic Party's path forward.
3:21This is The Political Scene. I'm Tyler Foggett, and I'm a senior editor at The New Yorker. So you recently wrote a piece in which you examine the current state of the moderate versus progressive divide in the Democratic Party, which we'll get into in greater detail later in this conversation. But before we do that, I want to get your thoughts on some recent primary election results that relate to this divide and might give us a sense of how voters are responding to the different camps right now. So let's start with some of the more recent results, which is the Wisconsin gubernatorial primary, in which the progressive candidate Francesca Hong, a Democratic socialist, was defeated by Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley, who was seen as the more establishment and moderate candidate in the race.
4:07I'm wondering how you are thinking about these results. Like, is it as easy as Hong was too progressive? I know that there were a lot of—there was a lot of discourse about just, like, her tweets and this idea that she, you know, hated Thanksgiving. And I feel like she was very much painted as kind of like the extreme woke candidate. it. And I'm wondering if you're seeing Crowley's victory as like voters responding to that, or if there were other issues at play in this race that were probably deciding factors in the end. Yeah, I think this has been to some extent part of, you know, like a tale of two caricatures, one of which has been very general this whole summer.
4:46You know, there's like this civil war for the soul of the Democratic Party between the so-called progressives and the so-called moderates. And I think we'll get into why I find those labels to be at the very least un-nuanced in a little bit. So that was kind of like one of the oversimplifications. And then the second one was about this race in Wisconsin specifically, which particularly in the final days, was really boiled down to like Francesca Hong as this avatar of what Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez went on ABC and called Woke One. She was actually quoting the New York City Councilman Chiose, But, you know, she sort of, I guess, popularized the phrase in that moment and spawned a simply enormous amount of discourse about it.
5:27I think as you referenced in your question, that was after AOC was herself asked about Hong's past comments on the colonial origins of Thanksgiving, defunding the police, you know, sort of tweets that she did back in the summer of 2020 when a lot of people, I guess, talked like that. Um, and yeah, and so she was sort of seen as this like overly woke kind of caricature. That's what she was produced to in a lot of the media sort of discussion and coverage. Um, meanwhile, David Crowley was seen as the more moderate guy, probably someone who would have a better shot of winning the, you know, the governor's race in what is ultimately a very swingy state in the fall.
6:04Um, actually, I think it was a lot more complicated than that, as these things often are when you drill down. Firstly, the moderate lane, quote unquote, in this race was a total mess. Sarah Rodriguez, the I believe current lieutenant governor, was at one point considered to be like the moderate favorite. But then she dropped out due to like a truly mind bending campaign finance mess up involving one of her staff where like they were essentially, I think, systematically like misreporting how much money she had. And I think believed she had money and she actually didn't. So she had to drop out. Then there was Mandela Barnes, who I think had run for Senate in Wisconsin before and come fairly close.
6:45He then dropped out in seemingly there was some reporting that was about to drop in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel about his relationship with young women in the party. That was a little bit murky as well. But suddenly he was gone from the race. And Crowley, who ended up winning it, had actually dropped out before then getting back in, winning the endorsement of the incumbent governor, Tony Evers, and going on to win. Meanwhile, Hong, yeah, you know, I think it's – clearly she did have some liabilities around these old tweets. That wasn't made up. I would say also that I didn't find her especially convincing when I saw her addressing these kinds of questions in broadcast interviews.
7:22It is notable, by the way, that, you know, for all the her election was held up as one of these kind of totemic, progressively moderate struggle. She was not endorsed by AOC or Bernie Sanders. Now, they have said that's because they're focused on elections to Congress. And this was a governor's race. You know, the cynic might suggest that maybe they saw her as not the best standard bearer for a movement that while growing and energized is still ultimately kind of fragile and untested on the sort of nationwide stage. Whatever the reason, you know, this wasn't exactly the kind of proxy war it was made out to be.
7:58And, you know, I think a key source of Hong's appeal was that unlike I think everybody else in the Democratic lane, she very clearly and very early came out against data centers, which, you know, has been an incredibly galvanizing issue. That's obviously got a lot of column inches recently, but I think she kind of jumped on it before that was really the case. and I think sort of crystallized an anger that is very bipartisan. And I remember reading one New York Times profile of her a few weeks ago where the lead, I think, was essentially interviewing a Republican voter who said they would consider voting for her because she channeled their anger on this issue.
8:33So clearly it's not as simple as sort of saying she's a woke caricature, being backed by other woke caricature type people against this sort of sensible moderate. It was more complicated than that. throw into the mix then a bunch of polling which showed her like 20 points ahead consistently and turned out to obviously be completely wrong. We're not talking about, you know, a few outliers that maybe were extrapolated into a misleading narrative here. At the same time, you know, a national conversation about whether someone is electable or too woke that rages in the days before, you know, a key vote.
9:04And given what we know about Democratic primary voters, There's anxiety about picking electable candidates. It's also not unimaginable that quite a lot of people were swayed against her in the final days of the race, which, of course, would make the polling, you know, less, slightly less wrong and, you know, just more a snapshot of a moment in time that passed. So, yeah, lots of complexity in there, I think. But yeah, the upshot was, I guess, lots of headlines that the progressives had suffered a setback just after having had a series of breakthrough wins. Yeah, I mean, let's talk about some of those breakthrough wins.
9:36Like there was a Midwestern race that went the other way, you know, not long before the Wisconsin race. It was the Michigan Senate primary between Abdul El-Sayed and Haley Stevens, which emerged as one of the more high-profile primary battles this year. And you wrote about this battle quite a bit in your piece on moderates. What did you have your eye on going into that primary? And what stood out to you from the results? Like, I guess I'm wondering, given the complexities of the Wisconsin race, like if you want to give us sort of a similar breakdown of what was happening in Michigan. Yeah, I mean, this is sort of what my piece was about, saying that this race, too, was quite complex.
10:12Although I think that, you know, if you were to cut anyone slack for using labels like progressive, moderate, you know, establishment, insurgent, they were probably used like the most accurately in this race of any of them. You know, I think that it does communicate something intuitively true and meaningful about that race to say that El Sayed was kind of an outsider progressive candidate and Stevens was like almost a perfect crystallization of like the moderate democratic establishment. You know, El Sayed was campaigning very strongly on Medicare for all. He's also a staunch critic of Israel.
10:46Stevens has been a staunch backer of Israel. I think she did kind of moderate, to use a word with heavily unverted commas, her position on that issue during the race to the extent that she wanted to talk about it at all, which seemed to not be a lot. But, yeah, it was somebody who otherwise spoke, you know, quite a technocratic, dissentrist language, avoided kind of very bold policy pronouncements, foregrounded her, you know, record of getting things done and, you know, being a workhorse, not a show horse. on pretty much every dimension of the progressive moderate schism that gets talked about in the press.
11:19This did sort of break down along those lines. I guess between publishing my piece, which came out, if I remember correctly, a few days before voting in the primary, and the result itself was that, again, there was quite a lot of poll-induced confusion there. Now, unlike in Wisconsin, there had been polls showing Stevens up or a tight race. There had also been a credible sort of third candidate running in a kind of moderate, moderate lane, if you will, in between the other two, Mallory McMorrow, before she dropped out, which obviously had an effect on the numbers. But the sense in the days before voting was really that El Saeed was going to run away with it.
11:58Whether he'd have done this anyway, I don't know. But he caught some flack for going to like a pool party with influencers the day before the primary, which I think communicated maybe to some people that he thought he had it in the bag. Hassan Paikar, who was a controversial and quite prominent surrogate for him on the campaign trail. I listened to an interview with him a couple of days before saying he wasn't worried about it at all. You know, that sort of assessment in Michigan, having followed that race fairly closely, didn't quite ring true to me. And given what we know about primary polls being, on the whole, less reliable than even general election polls, and given what we also know about the fact that those are wrong quite frequently as well, you know, it seemed like there was some room for caution there because the media coverage from the ground very much seemed to me to reflect more of of a kind of balanced decision.
12:43And so in the end, I think it was quite appropriate, if anything, that the result was very, very close. I'll say it did win, but not by a huge amount at all. Although I will say that I think I'll say it maybe failed in expectation management more than anything else. I think that if you had said that he would win at all when he started his campaign, you know, against somebody who was, you know, a sitting member of Congress and Haley Stevens with the clear backing of, you know, establishment power brokers and just a ton of money behind her from the Pro-Israel lobby group, APAC and its associates, as well as other interests.
13:14I think for somebody to win in a purple state at all under those conditions was actually objectively very impressive. I think he ran a very energized, visible campaign in a way that Haley Stevens didn't really. But I think it was still a really, really significant and very close race. And when you ally that, I guess, to the very close margin in the end between Crowley and Hong that went in the other direction, it shows either that that this moderate versus progressive tussle, again, isn't decided one way or another yet, or that it's an oversimplification, or both. And I guess that's probably the explanation I would favor.
13:47Yeah, I mean, I feel like those two results kind of taken together, like El-Sayed barely winning and then Hong just barely losing, have contributed to this narrative of the moderates or the establishment either striking back or finding ways to fight off the progressive challengers after the moderates were caught off guard for the first few primaries. Because I feel like earlier in primary season, you know, there were all these like upset victories that kind of made it seem as though progressives were going to be sweeping everywhere. And I guess I wonder, like, do you think that this, does this all kind of speak to the challenges or even the perils of trying to narrativize from the latest examples when another one is most likely coming down the pike and is going to complicate it again?
14:27Or like, how are we supposed to be thinking about like, whether there's any sort of progression happening here and kind of like these larger questions about the future of the Democratic Party and what the soul of the Democratic Party is going to be if we get a new precedent every race. Yeah, I mean, I am a, let's say, recovering media critic. And so if you'll permit me without, you know, wishing to include you or anyone else listening in this analysis, you know, the media loves tension and it loves stories. Yeah, and so do I, of course, and love stories that seem or are new, right? That's kind of what the new in news is.
15:07And so it can be very, very tempting to jump onto something that bucks a trend or appears to show the beginning of a new trend and just really overanalyze it and like hang way too much analytical weight on it when, in fact, it might not be able to bear it. Or maybe you should take a step back and ask, is this really happening or is this just sort of something that is a bit of an outlier? And look, I do think that the progressive surge within the Democratic Party, again, to the extent one could use labels like that in a simplified way, is a real thing. I also think that earlier in the summer, the sort of origins of this discourse really were like supercharged by a handful of congressional primaries in very blue districts in New York City, which I feel like I can say from the outside.
15:51But sorry to say to you, it doesn't represent a very complicated country, clearly. Again, it's not to say that these were not significant races. Also, though, they were not quite progressives kind of taking down democratic centrist moderates necessarily. I mean, certainly these were very left wing candidates who beat candidates who were to their right. But in at least a couple of cases, I think these were members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus. They were at least self-described progressives, if not in the kind of insurgent DSA mold. And so, you know, there was a bit of texture even to those results.
16:26And then, yeah, you started to see that being bolstered by like a couple of results out of Colorado. But then, you know, one of those is a congressional primary, I think, in the Denver area, which is, you know, I think I think was a very solidly blue seat and once again involved a left wing challenger to a self-described progressive, not someone who would self-describe as a moderate or a centrist necessarily. I think you saw the Colorado governor's race on the Democratic side drafted into some of this analysis, loosely speaking, when actually that pitted Phil Weiser, the state attorney general, against Michael Bennett, the incumbent senator there.
16:57It was an important and striking result because my understanding is that incumbent senators who make a switch to run for governor tend almost never to lose in the primary, and Bennett did. But Weiser is not anyone's idea of a communist. I think it would be fair to say. I think that ideologically they were two quite similar candidates saying fairly similar things. So it was kind of a narrative that was being built out of these examples that I think didn't quite necessarily bear it out. I do actually think that what's happened in Michigan and Wisconsin is durable proof that, again, this is a real phenomenon.
17:29It is happening in places that are not just kind of deep blue pockets, be those in a deep blue state or a state that's a bit more swingy or purple or whatever. You know, these are statewide races and regardless of the results, they were very, very close and they involve candidates who were unabashedly very progressive. You know, again, what that actually reflects, I think, is open to debate. And I don't think personally it reflects that the voters, the same voters who are, you know, elevating Dari Elisa, Villa Chevalier in New York City and Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan necessarily share the same exact politics or same sets of political preferences.
18:06Right. I think there's more going on there, which maybe we can get into a bit. Absolutely. Yeah, let's actually take a quick break. And then when we come back, I want to get into that stuff and just like sort of the terminology that we're using here, what it means to be a moderate, whether that term even had much meaning to begin with. This is the political scene from The New Yorker.
18:34I'm Jesse Sepchak. And I'm Shulpa Oskoukowicz. And we're senior Tuskogen editors at Bon Appetit and the hosts of the Bon Appetit Bake Club podcast. Bake Club is Bon Appetit's community of confident and curious bakers. We love to bake. Some might even call the two of us obsessive. And we love to talk about all the hows and whys and what didn't work that come with it. Every month, we publish a recipe on bonappetit.com that introduces a baking concept that we think you should know. Then you'll go bake, send us any questions you have. And we'll get together here on the podcast to talk about the recipe.
19:07And this month, we're making plum cheesecake karpatka. It is a spectacle of a giant Polish dessert, and it is so fun. Head on over to BA.com and come and bake along with us. Send us your questions, pictures, and any thoughts to bakeclub at bonappetit.com or find us on Substack. Join us here on the first Tuesday of every month as we debrief about our latest bake. Find BA Bake Club wherever you get your podcasts. Happy baking.
19:41So, John, let's jump into talking about your recent piece on what it means to be a moderate. Like you mentioned earlier, it was published right before the Michigan primary, which you used as a jumping off point to take stock of how applicable and how accurate the term moderate is in this current political moment. I guess I'm wondering like what it was about the race between El-Sayed and Stevens that made you want to write the piece or like, I guess, how did that race tap into ideas that have been percolating for you for a while? So I guess to back up just very slightly, I have crafted like by accident a kind of mini beat at the New Yorker, I think, around like fuzzy political jargon.
20:20That's true. Your first piece for us was about election interference and what that means. I'm remembering that now. I think you even came on the podcast to talk about it. Yeah, I wrote that piece. I've subsequently looked into the meaning of like authenticity in politics, which had some super interesting manifestations in the Senate race in Maine, particularly around the candidacy of Graham Plattner, which is now over, of course. And yeah, moderate struck me as another word that was kind of ripe for the same treatment. And I want to be clear, you know, I understand why people use political shorthand.
20:53I think it's fair to say that if you pictured someone who is aligned with or part of the democratic establishment who makes a point of disavowing kind of left-wing slogans and emphasizing their bona fides on immigration policy or law enforcement, it would be fair to say that person is a moderate and other people would have a clue what you were talking about if you did sort of throw around that shorthand. At the same time, though, it felt to be a particularly fuzzy word because, and not to be that guy, but if you look it up in the dictionary, it doesn't really have a fixed meaning at all. The dictionary definition is literally, you know, a midpoint between extremes, essentially.
21:33So, okay, well, if what's considered to be extreme, which is obviously incredibly subjective, changes, then so does what it means to be a moderate. And so I guess I was curious to see, particularly in this political moment where everything is changing so fast, where, you know, ideas that would have been totally considered out of bounds like a decade ago or even less are now sort of lingua franca. You know, we get told about a new vibe shift in the direction of a different political strain every couple of years, it seems. You know, what does it actually mean to be one of those in a terrain that's changing so much if, you know, the meaning of the word literally, again, as it appears in the dictionary is sort of tethered to that underlying ground.
22:11If the ground moves, how does the term move? So I didn't actually necessarily want to write about the Michigan race as like the lead of the piece. But what I was sort of digging in, you know, it became really clear that, A, yeah, this race in Michigan between El Seed and Stevens, as we've discussed, was like the kind of platonic ideal archetypical example of what is considered to be the kind of moderate versus progressive schism in the Democratic Party playing out in real time. And so it was kind of a useful starting point for a piece that wants to interrogate some of those concepts because it sets them up in a very kind of caricatured way.
22:47I guess then the more I dug into it, you know, you sort of saw some of the shortcomings of some of this language, right? Like Haley Stevens, absolutely someone who, again, would kind of caricatured form be a moderate Democrat, but like really set herself up as a fighter for, you know, working people. That is a kind of populist-inflected message. Now, populism and moderation are not incompatible concepts. I think it's a fairly current thing, particularly in sort of democratic politics when thinking about it to mentally tether together the idea of being moderate an establishment. You know, there is actually a kind of burgeoning discussion in democratic circles and sort of associated punditry about the promise or, you know, just the fact of the existence of moderate populism and what that might entail.
23:37But, you know, again, certain definitions of moderation in politics entail things like working across the aisle, you know, turning the temperature down, bipartisanship. And Haley Stevens, I'm sure, would say if you asked her that she stands for those things and that she has a record of, you know, working constructively on legislation. But, you know, also she was using quite pugnacious language, I think. Then there's the, you know, the sort of policy side of it. And again, I think that if you were to ask someone in recent years, what is a moderate view on immigration policy, they would probably say something like, you know, we don't want ICE running around terrorizing people, but also we want a secure border and we do want some immigration enforcement, right?
24:20That would be seen as sort of a middle of the road position. Likewise, on Israel, the position might be strong support for Israel's right to exist and to defend itself and maybe weapons shipments to Israel in a defensive capacity. But also they should respect human rights. I mean these are sort of loose approximations. Those are two issues where because of things that are in the news about them, because of the way ICE has behaved under Trump, because of the way Israel has behaved recently under Netanyahu, like the politics of those issues have become totally scrambled. And actually, if you look at polling among people in the US, Israel has become dramatically less popular in a really strikingly short space of time.
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24:58There is in at least some polls like majority or at least strong plurality support for abolishing ICE altogether. And that leads to views that some people I'm sure would in conventional parlance call extreme. But then, you know, if you listen to Abdul El-Sayed going around saying he wants to abolish ICE, again, that sounds like the sort of slogan that Francesca Hong was being, you know, called to account for from a few years ago, just the kind of latest iteration of it. I'm sure some people would see it in those terms. But if Aviva is super popular, then how can it actually be that extreme? Yeah, and not only that, because, you know, I think even if 50%, 50 plus 1 % of people supported literally no immigration enforcement.
25:39I guess the other 49 % could say that is really extreme and we're not going to accept that. And, you know, the small majority have lost their minds. But that's not what people like Abdul El-Sayed are saying. What they're saying is, you know, we enforced immigration policy in the United States for decades before ICE was invented. ICE is a relatively recent invention of the kind of post-9-11 homeland security compact, as it were. And the agency's behavior, if you look at it killing people in the streets of Minneapolis, if you look at, you know, many things about the way it's behaved, I don't need to sort of outline in recent months.
26:12I mean, a lot of people would say that's extreme by sort of any definition of the term. And therefore, what El-Sayed is proposing might sort of register as extreme in kind of pundit speak. But is it actually? I mean, I think, you know, when you dig below the surface, you could argue that's a fairly moderate position if you're saying that this agency that's gone road needs to be dismantled. But at the same time, you know, we do need some form of immigration enforcement. So, yeah, it just sort of shows, I think, how when the ground moves fast underneath the politics that we have in common, the meaning of these terms becomes very slippery with it.
26:45How often these days are politicians running as moderates and like using that as part of their campaign as opposed to that being something that is imposed on them either by the media or by voters. Like, I guess I'm wondering if it's still something of a virtue or something that people kind of like aspire to or pretend to be, even if they're not, or if this is just like the way that we are thinking about certain candidates. Yeah, it's super interesting, isn't it? I mean, you do have some politicians who go around essentially saying, look at me, I am a moderate, right? And sort of like proudly embracing that as a self-definition.
27:22I mean, I think there is, that I mentioned in the piece, a political action committee affiliated with, I think, 10 or so Democratic senators that calls itself the Mod Squad, right? So, you know, for some people, it is absolutely a badge of honor. At the same time, you know, it is striking how you will see examples of people who are very much on the left trying to, at least on a kind of issue-by-issue basis, claim the issue of moderation or at the very least downplay the idea that they're extreme. You know, Graham Plattner, before dropping out in Maine, said that he sees abolishing ISIS is the moderate position.
27:54I quoted in the piece from a spokesperson for Zoran Mamdani who said, you know, in response to, you know, a self-described moderate democratic group, essentially calling Mamdani's allied candidates in those New York primaries we discussed earlier, essentially calling them extremists. This spokesperson replied by saying the only thing that's extreme is, you know, not providing for working families. I think most people want to show that their politics are or claim that their politics are, you know, sensible, right? Because that's the way that you win people over. It's that you project that what you stand for is something that is reasonable, can be achieved.
28:28All you're asking for is healthcare as a right. All you're asking for is the economy to be unrigged. At the same time, clearly we are in a moment of profound and volatile backlash against the status quo. And so to the extent that moderate is kind of coded as a word that is, I'm generally okay with the status quo, or at least we don't want to change things too quickly because that's risky. And especially if you're on the ballot this year, I don't think you want to appear to be part of the status quo or the establishment. You want to be seen to be fighting at least against Trump's excesses, even if you are otherwise presenting yourself as middle of the road on policy, pro common sense, whatever that means, you know, a bipartisan dealmaker under normal circumstances.
29:09You want to be seen to fight. And yeah, I included this detail in the piece as well. But Catherine Cortez Masto, the senator who is, I think, the honorary chair of the Mod Squad PAC that I just mentioned, someone who was like very involved in trying to end the government shutdown that many Democratic senators forced last year. This year did take something of a leading role in shutting down DHS over the lack of guardrails on ice and use quite pugnacious language when doing so. So, you know, there clearly are lines for, even for people who are self-described mod squad types. I'm curious about, I mean, we've mostly been talking about moderate and how that term maps onto certain politicians.
29:46But I'm wondering if we can talk about, like, how it maps onto the voters themselves and whether the moderate voter actually even exists, given that, you know, we were talking earlier in this conversation about, like, all of the, you know, Republican voters who, I don't know, maybe a Democrat would think that some of their views are extreme when it comes to certain, you know, social issues or something, but then, like, you know, they seem to agree on the point of data centers with Francesca Hong, and so it kind of scrambles this idea of, you know, someone who's a moderate or, you know, someone who's like in the middle trying to figure out what it is they want to vote for.
30:21Yeah. I mean, it won't surprise you to hear that. I think the answer to this question is it depends on how you define the term moderate, right? But to sort of oversimplify it, you know, there is, I guess, a criticism that what many academics and journalists think of as moderate is a voter who might actually have views that are like completely all over the place, right? Like they might believe in like very left-wing ideas on some policy issues and like very right-wing ideas on others. And I don't think this is that uncommon. You know, I think the media and like political world have settled on this kind of quite detailed, like left-right schema for defining things.
30:59But I don't think that like most people who pay limited attention to politics or form their political views based on their personal experience think that way. And so it would, you know, it's hardly surprising they take positions issue by issue. And it's hardly surprising that those might not necessarily map onto each other. But one of the, you know, one such person might, if they have a matching number of very far left, very far right views, on some definition be called a moderate or a centrist if the kind of aggregate point of all their opinions is like in the middle of that sort of imagined spectrum.
31:28This is kind of a wild card question, but, you know, I'm just curious since we're talking about, you know, this word moderate. There's been a lot of reporting that suggests that men, usually straight men, often lie on their dating app profiles and list themselves as moderate when they're actually conservative, because studies show that women are less likely to swipe right on conservative men. And obviously there's like a lot of weird stuff that happens on dating apps where people also list themselves as being like several inches taller than they are. But do you think that there's something to this idea that people who tend to identify as moderate are probably just kind of conservative or more right-leaning and therefore it's probably going to be more difficult for Democrats to win them over than it's worth?
32:08Like if that term is actually code for something and then, you know, the search for a moderate candidate is actually kind of misguided to begin with. If like that person is almost always just going to go for like the redder candidate. Yeah, I love the idea that like some people are, you know, moderating, as it were, their descriptors on dating apps to, you know, get like they would with their height. I mean, I guess the sort of implication of that is that these people know they're not really moderates. And I guess that would then map over into politics as well. I do feel like anecdotally, even though a lot of people like, you know, I grew up in Arizona.
32:45And like often if you talk to someone and you say like, you know, how do you feel about Trump? They'll say like, you know, I'm a moderate. So I wonder if like it's just in a time where like back in the day, like being a Republican, you know, it's still half the country, more than half the country. But like there's such a stigma to the MAGA brand that, yeah, we're kind of like orienting ourselves around these terms and in pursuit of voters who ascribe to these terms when actually the terms are just cover for something. Yeah. Yeah, I was going to try and steer the conversation as quickly away from dating apps as possible.
33:17My sense would be that people who are like proudly on the left or even just proudly Democrats, right, not even necessarily people who have particularly left wing politics on issues, but see themselves, you know, as absolutely opposed to Donald Trump, disgusted by him, disgusted by Chuck Schumer, you know, kind of normie MS now watching Democrats, for example. you know I think maybe they would be more likely than the equivalent people on the other side to reject a label like moderate because they see how it applies to people in their party that they have completely lost faith in and they see it as you know kind of mushy they see it as not standing for anything and and you know they might be willing to embrace you know a label like progressive maybe more than someone on the other side would I think just generally most people even if they wouldn't say I am a moderate because they don't understand themselves to be that in terms of how the media uses that term in US politics at this moment.
34:16Most people think their views are sensible. I think most people think their views are mainstream. You know, I'm sure there are some who don't. But again, like political candidates want to make themselves look as if they are reasonable people. And so, yeah, I don't know if these people would describe themselves as a moderate necessarily, but they might see those views as moderate if you're sort of going to use that as a kind of small m adjective. I definitely think there are people on the MAGA side of things who would describe views that you and I might think are fairly extreme as being just kind of common sense and moderate.
34:47Yeah, I'm sure that is absolutely a thing that happens. In a minute, I want to talk more about the moderate versus progressive battle and how it might continue to play out for the rest of primary season. And then I also want to talk about AOC. This is the political scene from The New Yorker.
35:08I'm Jesse Sefcek. And I'm Shulpa Oskoukowicz. And we're senior Tuskogen editors at Bon Appetit and the hosts of the Bon Appetit Bake Club podcast. Bake Club is Bon Appetit's community of confident and curious bakers. We love to bake. Some might even call the two of us obsessive. And we love to talk about all the hows and whys and what didn't work that come with it. Every month, we publish a recipe on bonappetit.com that introduces a baking concept that we think you should know. Then you'll go bake, send us any questions you have. And we'll get together here on the podcast to talk about the recipe.
35:41And this month, we're making plum cheesecake karpatka. It is a spectacle of a giant Polish dessert, and it is so fun. Head on over to BA.com and come and bake along with us. Send us your questions, pictures, and any thoughts to bakeclub at bonappetit.com or find us on Substack. Join us here on the first Tuesday of every month as we debrief about our latest bake. Find BA Bake Club wherever you get your podcasts. Happy baking.
36:16So, John, I'd love to circle back to the woke one was crazy comment that we were talking about at the top of this conversation. And kind of like how you think that that comment was functioning both in that initial moment when AOC kind of cited it, talking about Hong's old tweets, and how you think that might become the narrative going forward or sort of like, you know, become like sort of like a rhetorical device, assuming that she does end up running for president, as a lot of people think she's going to. Like, do you see that that comment is like marking a shift on the part of progressives like AOC toward moderation?
36:50Or is it more of like an acknowledgment that some progressive positions and statements are just going to be alienating to the average voter? Yeah, I think it's important to first of all say that like even the DSA left, not to mention the progressive left more broadly, and obviously that would include people who don't even define as DSA members. That is itself a broad spectrum. That is a broad church. And AOC is as close as they have, bar Bernie, to a unifying figurehead. But obviously, she is someone who has been controversial to some extent within DSA circles. I mean, I think she would still be the choice for president.
37:25But like there are definitely people on the left who think that she has moderated to an unacceptable extent since, you know, getting into Congress in 2018. Someone who has started to sell out or not been sort of, you know, vocal enough on issues that progressives consider kind of totemic. So, you know, I want to sort of embark upon this point with a recognition that like she doesn't necessarily speak for everyone on that side of the firmament. But yeah, I think she's clearly speaking to a broader recognition among some people on the progressive left that they at the very least have a political problem with some of the slogans that were thrown around, particularly in the summer of 2020.
38:04right and i think obviously like defund the police would be foremost among those and yeah i think that when asked which they are asked about this a lot by the media because there seems to be a complete media obsession despite everything else being completely on fire everywhere they are going to many of them including aoc in this instance going to try and distance themselves from at least the language they used right what was quite interesting about the aoc comment on ABC was that, yeah, she said, you know, Woke One was crazy, but she was really talking about like the language, the rhetoric that was used.
38:39I think she also said in that same point that she felt that some of the actual discussions that were had around policy during that time were fruitful. I think she sort of made a point that was a little bit unclear and confusing, but seemed to be gesturing towards the idea that, you know, like the issue of fighting crime, policing had sort of moved to the left substantively as a result of some of that discourse. So, you know, I think it would be a mistake to see her, you know, or to the extent that I've seen other candidates from that sort of part of the spectrum address it, anyone else really kind of like completely disavowing, you know, quote unquote, woke one.
39:17I think there is an effort to move away from slogans that are now considered to be politically toxic by many people. But like, yeah, I don't think it necessarily reflects a total break with the underpinning ideas. Or at least I think I would need to see more public evidence that that is a retrenchment that is happening. You know, I have sort of like more broadly complicated feelings about this because like on the one hand, obviously, I do think that politicians are responsible for the language they use. And if you're going to throw around slogans like defund the police or even now abolish ICE, I don't think it's like I don't even necessarily blame voters for hearing that as there will be no more police and no more immigration enforcement, even if, as we discussed earlier, the actual kind of substance behind some of those ideas is quite often meant in a much less radical way.
40:02You know, defund the police can be code for let's move some funding away from police departments to instead fund like mental health responses in a way that happens in other countries that are not communist dictatorships. Right. And as we discussed earlier, the idea of abolishing ICE isn't necessarily let's do away with immigration enforcement. It might just be let's move it into a different agency that hasn't become kind of rotted to the core with violent extremism. But again, if politicians are going to have the benefit of clear ideas that cut through a go on a bumper sticker, you know, I think you have to sort of live with some of the misunderstanding that's going to follow.
40:33So at the same time, it seems like there is obviously an effort on the part of Republicans to like pigeonhole the most extreme version of some of these things and sort of make Democrats answer for it, even as they themselves take unbelievably extreme positions on lots of other things with, you know, I mean, a lot of public blowback. It looks like at the moment, but without sort of seeming to feel any kind of political shame about it. And the media, many people in the media, particularly the kind of anti-woke sort of priests who seem to think that the sort of language policing that occurred on social media in 2020 is the most unjust and upsetting thing ever to happen to them.
41:07You know, yeah, seem to be very keen on relitigating this a lot. So it is a conversation that's going to continue to recur. We'll have to see what happens. I have a hard time thinking that just sort of laughing this kind of thing off and saying, oh, it was just crazy. I don't think that's necessarily going to convince anyone because it sounds like a minimization of things you were saying, which suggests that you can't be trusted or just willing to say anything for political expediency to people who are critical of that sort of speech. But also, you know, if you're going to premise a kind of expansion of progressive political power on base energy, it's pretty insulting and alienating to people who still believe very deeply in the, you know, racial justice and other movements that surged in 2020.
41:50It's pretty, you know, it's not necessarily a great message to them to kind of laugh about it and imply they were crazy. And I've seen some columns that, you know, have made, I think, what I consider to be some fairly cogent points to that effect. Absolutely. I mean, part of what I found interesting, too, is like, I feel like we've reached a moment where we're not even necessarily penalizing certain candidates or, you know, writing them off because of views that they had in the past that we may have seen as extreme. Whereas, you know, like several years ago or decades ago, that was absolutely something that was happening.
42:20I feel like now, you know, we don't even mind so long as they're able to then talk about those views after the fact in a way that kind of like pleases us. Like, I feel like that was a lot of what was happening in Wisconsin, where it's just like the way that Hong was like not really able to play off the Thanksgiving thing in a way that like Mom Donnie would have been able to do that, you know, so well. And for all the people who were kind of upset at like the woke one was crazy stuff. And, you know, for good reason, as you were just explaining, there were also a lot of people who were like actually just being able to kind of say that and acknowledge that like is to AOC's benefit, given that there are lots of other progressive candidates or DSA candidates who might, you know, struggle to to say that, even if it's like what you need to say in order to win whatever election it is that you're in.
43:04Yeah. And I think that, again, something that can get lost in these kind of programmatic discussions of like progressive versus moderate is that loads of other things that are kind of external to that matter a lot as well. And just like candidate quality and basic charisma is like super, super important, right? I think it's not totally related to what we're talking about, but Mandani like managing to kind of stride into the Oval Office and like defang Donald Trump when that was just not something that like anyone would have necessarily predicted he'd be able to do. I'll say it in Michigan as well.
43:36I guess we'll find out if voters there buy it. And he is obviously facing a much tougher electorate than Mandani faced in New York City. But he's not – if you actually listen to him on the stump, he's someone who definitely speaks in a kind of aspirationally radical way but is also quite good at like diffusing attacks about wokeness or sort of like flipping things like that on their head, right? Like regardless of what you think about Hassan Piker and I'll say its decision to campaign with him a few weeks ago or a couple of months ago even. And, you know, I'll say its response to critics inside the Democratic Party saying this guy's totally toxic.
44:12He's an anti-Semite and misogynist. You should go nowhere near him. It was essentially to say, you know, I thought we were over cancel culture, right, which I thought was a fairly sort of deft inversion. If you're going to engage in that type of politics of those sort of 2020 related talking points. I guess what I'm trying to say is there are better and worse ways to deflect these kinds of things. And just because seemingly Francesca Hong in Wisconsin was taken down by some stuff that she said and then sort of struggled to justify a few years later, I really don't think it's inevitable that that is going to be the case for every single candidate.
44:43And certainly, you know, I think there is a mismatch between the media's obsession with these sorts of talking points and Republicans' obsession with them and what voters most care about, which is clearly affordability, the war in Iran. You know, there are other issues that are going to override this kind of stuff. I'm not saying it's irrelevant at all, but because things that are in the media discourse are relevant for better or worse. But, you know, it's sort of a fluid and malleable picture. I don't think we should just assume that, like, anyone who tweeted defund the police in 2020 is going to be politically captured and sort of neutered by that in perpetuity.
45:16I mean, John, I know that this whole conversation has been devoted to, like, the murkiness of this issue and kind of like whether the moderate versus progressive battle is even like a legitimate framing. But if we were to accept that framing, I guess I wonder, what should we be on the lookout for in the coming months? Like, are there any races that might give us a sense of, like, who's up, who's down, what appeals to the voters that Democrats need to win over or perhaps win back? I think very simply it's going to be the result of the midterms themselves. I mean, we're talking on Tuesday, the 18th of August.
45:49I think there are primaries in Alaska and Florida today that, to some extent, speak to these same kind of moderate and progressive storylines, albeit without the kind of blockbuster head-to-head drama that we saw in Wisconsin and Michigan. And, you know, yeah, primary season is just generally kind of coming to an end. And so I think in the midterms, it will be interesting to see whether it's a Democratic blowout or not. But also within that, like, again, I guess especially if it's not a Democratic blowout and therefore not everyone wins, what is the profile of the candidates who are successful?
46:24You know, are these kind of DSA-aligned candidates even in blue districts in New York and Colorado? Clearly, they look very favored to win. But what sort of percentages are they winning with? What sort of turnout are they winning with? The El-Sayed election in Michigan is clearly going to be like super, super important and is obviously going to get held up as a referendum on the wisdom of selecting a presidential candidate from the more progressive wing of the party, given that you do have to go and win in places like Michigan, where Trump, of course, has won twice, including at the last election.
46:56And I'm sure that when that level of analysis happens, whether I'll say it wins or loses, I will find myself very annoyed about it as an oversimplification of one race with kind of, you know, unique dynamics and unique candidate profiles. But, you know, at the same time, that result is going to be made to bear a lot of weight in arguments about which sort of direction the party should look to, you know, as it heads into this presidential cycle. Personally, and this is sort of like a thing that I'm interested to look at that like is a little bit against conventional wisdom and could turn out to be like totally wrong.
47:25but I guess I'll put it on record now in case it's right, which is that I'd be interested in the balance between how the Democrats do in the House and the Senate and what the profile of candidates that do well in those races looks like. Because I think there's this assumption Democrats will have a huge blowout in the House. And I think that polling and the huge unpopularity of Trump would make that a reasonable expectation. At the same time, gerrymandering has altered the map there in a way that I think has not necessarily filtered through to people who are not like politics obsessives and made it certainly not impossible for the Democrats to have what would I think constitute a wave by, you know, in this era of like, pretty extreme gerrymandering across the board, a wave is not going to look like it did in the past.
48:09But you know, something I think you could reasonably call a wave within that diminished context. Yeah, it's not impossible that could happen at all. But like, it would not surprise me if the margin there is closer than people expect. Conversely, and even in the same election, I wouldn't be surprised if you see Democrats like at least being very competitive in pretty stretchy Senate targets or races that, you know, would have seemed very stretchy a year ago, say the primaries in Alaska today, Mary Peltola, who used to be the Democratic congresswoman for Alaska for a term and a bit after she won a special election in 2022, is running for Senate.
48:44Obviously, she did lose Alaska's lone House seat at the last election when Trump was also on the ballot, but is now up against Dan Sullivan, who also wrote a piece for Talk of the Town recently about the multiple Dan Sullivans in this race. So just to clarify, I mean the incumbent Senator Dan Sullivan, you know, who is a fairly obviously very well-known figure in Alaska, but I would say maybe lacks the appeal of like Lisa Murkowski, his colleague who is not on the ballot this time, is someone who's not particularly well-known outside. It doesn't seem unlikely to me that Peltola could win that race.
49:12Ditto Sherrod Brown in Ohio, even though that state has seemingly got redder and redder. Ditto even Cooper in North Carolina. Obviously, if these sorts of candidates win, you will get an avalanche of takes that this proves that, you know, quote unquote, moderates can win across the board for the Democrats. And that's where they should go with their presidential pick. Again, an El-Sayed victory would maybe muddy that analysis. So yeah, I think that's now the thing to watch for. And yeah, going to have to wait a few months to find out. Thank you so much, John. Thank you for having me.
49:45John Alsop is a contributing writer for The New Yorker. You can find his latest piece, What Does It Even Mean to Be a Moderate, at newyorker.com. This has been The Political Scene from The New Yorker. I'm Tyler Foggett. This episode is produced by John LeMay with mixing by Mike Kutchman and engineering by Pran Bandy. Our executive producer is Stephen Valentino. Our theme music is by Alison Leighton-Brown. Thanks so much for listening. We'll be back next Wednesday.
50:19I'm Jesse Sefchak. And I'm Sholpa Oskokovic. And we're senior test kitchen editors at Bon Appetit and the hosts of the Bon Appetit Bake Club podcast. Bake Club is Bon Appetit's community of confident and curious bakers. We love to bake. Some might even call the two of us obsessive. And we love to talk about all the hows and whys and what didn't work that come with it. Every month, we publish a recipe on BonAppetit.com that introduces a baking concept that we think you should know. Then you'll go bake, send us any questions you have. And we'll get together here on the podcast to talk about the recipe.
50:52And this month, we're making plum cheesecake karpatka. It is a spectacle of a giant Polish dessert, and it is so fun. Head on over to BA.com and come and bake along with us. Send us your questions, pictures, and any thoughts to bakeclub at bonappetit.com or find us on Substack. Join us here on the first Tuesday of every month as we debrief about our latest bake. Find BA Bake Club wherever you get your podcasts. Happy baking.
From the publisher
The New Yorker contributing writer Jon Allsop joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the shifting meaning of the word “moderate” in the 2026 election season. They talk about recent primary results in Michigan and Wisconsin, and what the contests reveal about Democratic voters’ appetite for establishment candidates versus the Party’s progressive insurgency. They also explore how labels like “moderate” and “centrist” map onto mainstream American opinion on issues such as ICE, U.S. support for Israel, and universal health care, as well as how the progressive wing might adjust its messaging ahead of the midterms—and what the outcome could mean for the Party’s direction as it looks toward the 2028 Presidential race.
This week’s reading:
“What Does It Even Mean to Be a Moderate?,” by Jon Allsop
“Donald Trump Is Still Trying to Make It Harder to Vote,” by Amy Davidson Sorkin
“How Far Will the Trump Administration Go to Deport Mahmoud Khalil?,” by Andrew Marantz
“Nayib Bukele’s Content Machine Is Reshaping Latin America,” by Daniel Castro
“How Trump Is Trying to Weaken Migrant Children’s Legal Defense,” by Ruth Marcus
The Political Scene draws on the reporting and analysis found in The New Yorker for lively conversations about the big questions in American politics. Join the magazine’s writers and editors as they put into context the latest news—about elections, the economy, the White House, the Supreme Court, and much more. New episodes are available three times a week.
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