In short
The U.S.-Israel war against Iran and its regional ripple effects, including the Strait of Hormuz, Gulf security, Israel’s position, and how Arab Spring hopes have faded.
Guest
Greg Karlstrom, Middle East correspondent for The Economist (based in Dubai). Covered major events firsthand since 2010, including Egypt’s 2011 revolution, Israel/Gaza after Oct. 7, and reporting from Beirut, Cairo, and Tel Aviv. Author of How Long Will Israel Survive the Threat from Within?
Key claims
No side is eager for another round, but the stalemate may become “inevitable.” Trump’s “success” metrics (ships/aircraft destroyed) miss the strategic picture; Iran’s effective tools are drones, cruise/ballistic missiles, and fast attack boats. Iran’s blockade and internet shutdown are worsening daily life; civil unrest is unlikely during active war. Gulf states have less influence than they thought; Israel is more isolated; China is letting America absorb consequences.
Notable examples
Strait of Hormuz closure; Hajj disruption concerns; Pentagon “30,000 attacks” metrics; Iran’s damaged navy/air force vs intact asymmetric capabilities; Arab Spring shift from agency to bystander status; China-U.S. dynamics in Beijing.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOCurrent State of the Middle East Conflict
0:38 to 2:20
An overview of the ongoing war involving Trump, Iran, and its implications.
“And the ripple effects are rocking the global economy.”
Guest Introduction: Greg Karlstrom
3:21 to 4:38
Introduction of Greg Karlstrom, a seasoned correspondent on Middle Eastern affairs.
“the world but every story starts with a question at npr we stand for your right to be curious to make sense of the biggest story of the day and what it means for you.”
Insights into Current War Dynamics
4:38 to 6:52
Analysis of Trump’s military strategy and the responses from Gulf states.
“Better than being on the other end of a Zoom connection.”
Evaluating Military Claims and Reality
6:52 to 9:16
Discussion on the validity of military success metrics from the Pentagon.
“who knows who it's going to be next time.”
Impact of War on Everyday Iranians
9:16 to 13:10
Exploration of how the ongoing war affects the daily lives of Iranians.
“We've already, in theory, had a complete victory from the military standpoint.”
Future of Protests in Iran
13:10 to 13:23
Speculation on civil unrest in Iran amidst ongoing conflict.
“Coming up, how has the Middle East changed in the 15 years since the optimistic start of Arab Spring protests?”
Examining US Goals in Iran War
14:18 to 15:28
Analyzing whether the war in Iran has met President Trump's goals.
“and Israel's war in Iran and how it's changing the power dynamics in the Middle East.”
Arab Nations and Iran's Influence
15:28 to 16:54
Discussing why Arab countries are reluctant to confront Iran directly.
“One of the biggest, the biggest story probably of the waning of the Vietnam era, that and my lie.”
Reflections on the Arab Spring
16:54 to 19:58
Greg Karlstrom shares his perspective on the Arab Spring and its outcomes.
“I mean, they have seen Iran as their main geopolitical threat rival in the region.”
Changing Landscape of Conflict Coverage
19:58 to 21:48
How the accessibility of conflict zones has evolved over the years.
“Even the Gulf countries, which had thought, you know, they found a way to sit out the wars of the region.”
Show all 25 chapters
Economic Impacts of War
21:48 to 23:16
Exploring the economic consequences of recent conflicts in the Middle East.
“What do you think are the most important stories the mainstream media is missing?”
Personal Stories From the Field
23:16 to 25:08
Greg shares poignant stories from individuals affected by conflict.
“As you look over the last 15 years of your career, Dubai, Cairo, Tel Aviv, other places, you just mentioned these days it's all about conflict.”
Israel's Current Political Dilemma
25:08 to 28:00
Analyzing Israel's strategy against its regional adversaries post-October 7.
“and the toll that it takes on people's ability to keep their journalistic distance, it's harrowing.”
Israel's Isolation and Security Implications
28:00 to 29:02
Discussion on Israel's changing security landscape in the Middle East.
“more resilient than the Israelis thought, but again, diminished.”
Gulf States' Relations with Israel
29:02 to 30:13
Exploring the evolving relationships between Israel and Gulf Arab states.
“Well, we got this text from a member of the 1A Text Club.”
Future of Gulf Normalization Deals
30:13 to 31:12
Insights on potential future normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel.
“Like they were the ones who sold Donald Trump on going to war with Iran.”
The Palestinian-Iranian Connection
31:44 to 34:34
Discussion on the underlying issues between Israel and Iran related to Palestine.
“We were talking about the relationship between United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Israel, possible normalization.”
Understanding Regional Nuances
34:34 to 35:55
Insights into how Americans perceive the complex realities of Middle Eastern life.
“Maybe they wouldn't be the spoiler this time and some other group would pop up and try to play that role.”
America's Role in the Middle East
35:55 to 37:19
Debate over the effectiveness and consequences of American involvement in the region.
“We got this message from a member of our text club.”
Middle Powers in the Gulf
37:19 to 39:43
Analysis of the Gulf States' search for independence from U.S. influence.
“I think you're likely to just see continued.”
China's Strategic Positioning
39:43 to 42:05
Exploration of China's role and strategies in the context of Middle Eastern conflicts.
“So you mentioned China as a broker between Iran and Saudi Arabia before this latest war started.”
Great Power Conflicts: Lessons from Ukraine and Iran
42:05 to 43:15
Explore the challenges faced by great powers in modern conflicts and their implications.
“I mean, we've seen two examples now in the past few years of a great power trying to invade a lesser power and not having much success with at first Russia in Ukraine and now the United States in Iran.”
Future of the Persian Gulf After War
43:15 to 45:22
Discuss the potential balance of power and economic repercussions in the Gulf region.
“Let's wrap up sort of where we started in the Gulf.”
Iran's Potential and Regional Dynamics
45:22 to 46:43
Analyze the implications of Iran's power dynamics post-conflict and the broader regional landscape.
“The power to close or control the flow of ships through the strait is greater and more immediate than the theoretical power of Iran's nuclear program.”
Hope for a Peaceful Middle East
46:43 to 47:28
Examine the aspirations of younger generations for a more peaceful future in the Middle East.
“Well, one listener wants to know, Greg, what gives you hope for the future of the Middle East and its place on the world stage after watching all this?”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00This message comes from Rosetta Stone. Rosetta Stone Sapphire personalizes your language learning. Get unlimited access to all 25 Rosetta Stone languages and Sapphire learning tools. Visit rosettastone.com slash NPR and receive 20 % off. Hey, it's Todd. Just a quick heads up before we start the show. The news is rapidly changing and things might have changed by the time you hear this episode. Stay up to date with all the latest by listening to your local NPR member station and by visiting npr.org.
0:37Donald Trump's war in Iran, a war the president promised would last just weeks, is now in its third month. And the ripple effects are rocking the global economy. The Strait of Hormuz still closed to most ships. Neither Iran nor the U.S. nor Israel look ready for a peace deal right now. Iran's Air Force and Navy are severely damaged. But recent intelligence reports say the regime has control of more missiles and more weapon systems than the Trump administration has acknowledged and that Iran is taking advantage of the ceasefire, possibly to rearm. This week, more threats from the president and more step downs, a familiar pattern from the commander in chief as financial markets show deep anxiety that the war may not end anytime soon.
1:25On Wednesday, President Trump said he's giving Iran one more chance. We'd have to open the strait. That would open immediately. So we're going to give this one shot. I'm in no hurry. You never think, oh, the midterms, I'm in a hurry. I'm in no hurry. I just ideally I'd like to see a few people killed. as opposed to a lot. We can do it either way, but I'd like to see a few people killed. I just wonder whether or not they have the good of the people, because some of the things they're doing to me means they don't have the good of the people, and they have to have the good of the people. Meanwhile, Iranians are living under a blockade.
2:00Gulf states are absorbing the shock of Iranian missiles and of economic uncertainty. I'm Todd Zwillick, in for Jen White. You're listening to the 1A podcast. Today we ask, what does the Middle East look like from here? Who wins? Who loses? What happens to American influence in a region that just turned upside down? We'll be back with answers to those questions and a lot more after this short break. Stay with us.
2:29This message comes from NPR sponsor Carvana. Carvana believes selling your car should be refreshingly simple. Enter your license plate or VIN, get a real offer down to the penny, and schedule a pickup on your time. No surprises. Sell your car today at Carvana.com. Pickup fees may apply. This message comes from Cachava. It can be tough to stick to your wellness routine, especially when you're on the go. Cachava's new travel packs make it easier. Just one packet provides nutrition ready for wherever life takes you with protein, fiber, grains, probiotics, electrolytes and more take your daily ritual with you go to cachava.com and use code npr new customers get 15 off their first order that's k-a-c-h-a-v-a.com code npr on consider this npr's afternoon news podcast we cover everything from politics to the economy to the world but every story starts with a question at npr we stand for your right to be curious to make sense of the biggest story of the day and what it means for you.
3:39Follow Consider This wherever you get your podcasts. Welcome back to the 1A Podcast. I'm Todd Zwilich. Joining us to talk about Iran and the Middle East now, Greg Karlstrom. He's covered the region for more than 15 years, reporting on a lot of its big events firsthand, from revolutionary Egypt in 2011 to Israel and Gaza after October 7th, from bases in Beirut, Cairo, and Tel Aviv. Today, he's based in Dubai for The Economist, where he's the Middle East correspondent. Greg is also author of the book, How Long Will Israel Survive the Threat from Within? And he's a frequent guest on our International Friday News Roundup.
4:20His voice is very familiar to you. And since Greg is in Washington on a reporting trip, we wanted to get him in the studio to catch up on the war and on repercussions. Greg, great to see you. Nice to be here in person. Glad that you're here. We hear you over the line all the time, usually from Dubai, and we're glad that you're here with us today. Better than being on the other end of a Zoom connection. Especially during this time of war and questions that so many Americans have. Greg, we'll get to a lot of the details. The war started at the end of February. It's now mid-May. What does the war look like to you now?
4:53It looks like, on the one hand, no one is eager to go another round, right? Donald Trump has made this very clear. He'll take any excuse, no matter how flimsy, to avoid another round of fighting. He did it most recently this week, saying he had spoken to the leaders of three Gulf countries, and they talked him down from another planned round of strikes. Now, when you talk to diplomats from those Gulf countries, they will say, we didn't realize there was another round of strikes coming so imminently. And we also, we don't think there's been as much progress towards a deal as Donald Trump claims, but that's the justification.
5:26So that justification this week, three Gulf leaders, Saudi Arabia, other ones called me, asked me not to do strikes. Is there any evidence that's even true? I ask because this familiar pattern, stark threats, ending your civilization, the bombs are going to fly, only to step down at the last minute. It's been over and over. And now I think at least the third or fourth time. The claim that Middle Eastern, the GCC countries reached out and said, please don't. Is there any evidence that's true? So some of them are reaching out now in general and saying, please don't, don't go another round. They're worried about further Iranian attacks on their economies and their infrastructure.
6:07And particularly now for the Saudis, we're getting close to Hajj, to the annual pilgrimage to Mecca. About two million people are going to converge on Mecca next week. And the Saudis really don't want the resumption of a war that could disrupt the pilgrimage, leave pilgrims stranded in the kingdom. So they have been telling the administration, don't resume fighting. But do I think they did it earlier this week, the way Trump described? And do I think they told Trump, we're making good progress towards a deal, so just give diplomacy another chance? I don't believe that. Because, again, when you ask them, they say there hasn't really been progress.
6:42It had the feeling of the guy in the bar fight, just hold me back, hold me back. Exactly. Right. His friends hold me back. Exactly. And earlier, you know, last month it was Pakistan who was holding him back. Now it's the Gulf states who are holding him back. who knows who it's going to be next time. He clearly doesn't want to do it. And yet, the longer this stalemate goes on and the longer we go without a deal between America and Iran, the more it may start to look inevitable. At some point, Trump is going to try militarily to break this impasse. Especially because the world and Iran have probably priced in the step downs now, right?
7:14I mean, we're in round four of this. And we're not seeing the changes in energy markets that we used to see when he did this a month ago, six weeks ago. It was a very predictable pattern. Oil prices would go up. Trump would say something. Or bond prices would spike. Or bond prices would spike. And then he would say, actually, no, we're close to a deal. The straits going to be reopened and oil prices would come back down. None of that is really registering anymore in the markets, because as you say, they've sort of priced in these weekly tacos, these weekly Trump the chickening out routines. And meanwhile, you still have physical shortages in energy markets, and that is starting to outweigh whatever jawboning the White House is doing.
7:53Trump said earlier today, I think on the tarmac, this is a paraphrase, Netanyahu will do whatever I tell him to do in response to a reporter's question. How much influence do people like Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia or Benjamin Netanyahu have over Trump's actions now? I think the Gulf states are discovering they have less influence than they thought they did a few months ago. You go back right around this time last year, Trump was in Saudi Arabia talking about how the era of American interventionist war in the Middle East was over. And then the Saudi crown prince came here in November and was very well received at the White House and the Saudis and others in the Gulf thought, you know, Trump is on the same page with us.
8:35We don't want conflict in the region. We want to focus on economic development. Clearly, that was not the case. Trump initiated a conflict in the region. And I think for the Israelis, there was a feeling that they managed to bring him along with this. They played a huge role in getting Trump to initiate this war in the first place in February. But Netanyahu would really like to go another round. He would like the fighting to continue. And so far, he's been unsuccessful in convincing Trump to do that. Well, ever since Trump has been painting the war in Iran as a resounding success despite the Strait of Hormuz being closed and the attendant prices around the world.
9:11He's been saying the same thing for weeks. Here he is on May 11th. We're going to have a complete victory. We've already, in theory, had a complete victory from the military standpoint. The military, look, their navy is dead. They had 159 ships. Right now they have zero, other than the little speed boats that go around that got taken out eight a day by us. The president posted AI-generated pictures on Truth Social. Iranian ships labeled Obama and Biden doing great. Iranian ships labeled Trump at the bottom of the sea. The Pentagon has released metrics of 30 ,000 attacks. How significant are these numbers of ships sunk, targets hit?
9:50I ask it because it was a little bit before my time. This is precisely what the Pentagon did in Vietnam. KIA numbers, strike numbers as metrics of success. And now history proves what a lie it all was. It didn't mean we were winning. And that's exactly what comes to mind for me when I hear these briefings, those body counts during the Vietnam era. They're correct about the number of ships that they've sunk or the Iranian planes that they've destroyed. But the Iranian Navy, the Navy that the Americans have been bombing, the Iranians didn't really use that to wage war. Some of the old destroyers and frigates, These are decades old, in many cases, naval vessels that the Iranians aren't using and haven't been using to close the Strait of Hormuz, to attack commercial shipping.
10:37Same thing with their air force. Most of the planes in this air force come from the Shah's era. They predate the revolution in 1979. So this was not an air force that the Iranians were ever going to use to launch airstrikes on their neighbors or get into dogfights with the U.S. air force. Meanwhile, the things that Iran is using effectively in this war, it's drones, it's short-range ballistic and cruise missiles, these fast attack boats that Trump derides that they're using to harass shipping in the Persian Gulf, those things are still intact. They've been degraded, certainly. They don't have as many missiles as they did three months ago, but they still have the capability to use those things to wage the sort of asymmetric war that we're seeing them wage.
11:20How are regular everyday Iranians living now? They're under a blockade, dueling blockade, Strait of Hormuz closed, at least selectively closed by Iran, as we know, American blockade on the Iranian coast and all shipping. That can have a strangulating effect on daily life in addition to sanctions that have been in place for decades. And I'll caveat this by saying it's hard to know how people are living because the internet has been shut down in Iran for the better part of three months now. So you're relying on fragmentary conversations with people who have VPNs or who have spoken to their relatives there.
11:55It is having a real impact on ordinary people. Inflation in Iran was about 50 % even before the war. The currency had lost something like 98 % of its value over the past few years. They were in a deep economic crisis. This is making things worse. Food prices are going up. People are saying, you know, I couldn't afford meat before the war. Now I can't even afford chicken. Basic essentials are getting much more expensive. The war itself has caused widespread economic damage, which has potentially put as many as a million Iranians out of work, again, in a country where unemployment was quite high to begin with.
12:31So, yes, the blockade hasn't yet compelled the regime to make the sorts of political concessions that Trump wants, But it is having a very serious impact, I think, on people's daily lives. And if Iranians are fed up with high meat prices, high prices overall, they can't make ends meet, the option of taking to the streets to protest, well, they got that message earlier in the year already, didn't they? Exactly. And this is not a moment, even if you wanted to protest and take that risk that I might be killed the way thousands of people were in protests earlier this year, you're not going to do that in the middle of a war.
13:04So as long as this conflict is going on, I don't think there's any prospect for civil unrest in Iran. We're going to take a break. Coming up, how has the Middle East changed in the 15 years since the optimistic start of Arab Spring protests? What is life like around the Gulf now? And your questions and comments for Greg Kallstrom. Stay with us.
13:27This message comes from NPR sponsor Carvana. Carvana believes selling your car should be refreshingly simple. Enter your license plate or VIN, get a real offer down to the penny, and schedule a pickup on your time. No surprises. Sell your car today at Carvana.com. Pickup fees may apply. This message comes from Cachava. It can be tough to stick to your wellness routine, especially when you're on the go. Cachava's new travel packs make it easier. Just one packet provides nutrition ready for wherever life takes you, with protein, fiber, grains, probiotics, electrolytes, and more. Take your daily ritual with you.
14:06Go to cachava.com and use code NPR. New customers get 15 % off their first order. That's K-A-C-H-A-V-A dot com. Code NPR. Welcome back. We're talking about the U.S. and Israel's war in Iran and how it's changing the power dynamics in the Middle East. Mark asks, has the war accomplished any of President Trump's stated goals? He has so many stated goals that, I mean, at some point it will accomplish one of them. Pick one. Listen, let's go through the list. Has it toppled the regime? No, it hasn't. Has it freed the Iranian people, which he said on day one in that speech that he gave it was meant to do?
14:46No, it hasn't done that. Has it compelled Iran to make significant concessions around its nuclear program? No, it hasn't yet done that. Has it compelled Iran to change its foreign policy, to stop supporting proxy groups in the region, or eradicated its missile arsenal? Hasn't done that either. So what you're left with are these very narrow, almost silly metrics around the Navy and the Air Force and the things that we were talking about a few minutes ago. Trump has pointed to those things as goals. His ministers have pointed to them as goals as well. Yes, it's accomplished those things. But the big strategic aims, the things you would think a superpower would want to set out to do in this war, no, it hasn't accomplished.
15:27It's remarkable that we've reverted to the very topic of the Pentagon Papers. One of the biggest, the biggest story probably of the waning of the Vietnam era, that and my lie. The lie of the Pentagon Papers was that the Pentagon and the White House were telling America it was winning using metrics and it never was. Yeah. And you hear that from Marco Rubio, from Pete Hegseth. I mean, they have tried to be really on message about this Navy, Air Force, et cetera, using those as barometers for success. And they're just they're not. Well, we've been getting lots of questions on a similar theme. One listener from the 1A Text Club says, why don't Arab countries do something about Iran instead of the U.S.
16:10and Israel do it? A similar question from another listener. Arab countries must have known for years that Iran was a bad actor, both on the world stage and in the area. Why don't they do anything to try to contain Iran? And we got this from John in North Carolina similarly. Knowing what we know about Iran and their sponsoring of terrorism, what options did we have? I only wish the UN would have been more behind this war too. So support from John for the idea that Iran is a bad actor and had to be reined in one way or the other, I think that would be the Netanyahu argument given voice to right there.
16:45But a lot of people want to know, why don't the Gulf countries take care of their neighborhood? And they recognized Iran as a bad actor too for many, many years. I mean, they have seen Iran as their main geopolitical threat rival in the region. They have watched Iran sponsor militias from Hezbollah in Lebanon to various militias in Iraq, prop up the Assad regime in Syria. So they certainly recognize that Iran is a destabilizing force in the Middle East. Why don't they do anything about it? I think it comes from a position of weakness and fear on their part because they have always been worried about overt conflict with Iran, what that might mean for their own economic models, which are based on free trade, which are based on making themselves attractive places for businesses, for expatriates to live.
17:34And we've seen over the past few months what overt conflict looks like. It looks like missiles and drones raining down on cities across the Gulf, which is having a real impact on business, on the individual decisions that expats are making about, you know, is this still a safe place for me to live, to do business, to be with my family? That was always the worst case scenario for Gulf countries. That's why they didn't do anything directly about Iran. And now they're living that worst case scenario. Well, we've been hearing from lots and lots of 1A listeners. We got this note over the text club.
18:07Is this the same never-ending story but with some new players? Does anyone care about the individuals and families across the world whose lives are being taken or ruined by the horrific price of war? It seems chances for intelligent solutions have been scrapped for the sake of misplaced ego and greed. Greg Karlstrom, you've been covering the Middle East since 2010, just as the Arab Spring started. That was the wave of pro-democracy protests, uprising, armed rebellions swept across the Middle East and North Africa. There was a lot of hope in those days that some of the region's authoritarian regimes would fall and that green shoots of democracy would sprout up.
18:49I think that's the spring part of Arab Spring. Take us back in time a little bit. What stands out in your memory from those years as you look back over this war? I think what stands out from then and what's so different now is it was a moment when you felt like the Arab countries in the Middle East, the Arab populations in the Middle East, were trying to exert some agency, right? We're trying to take control of how their countries were governed, how their countries were run. And so it was this hopeful moment because after decades of dictatorship, people were demanding political change and it felt like they were trying to take charge in Egypt and Libya and Syria.
19:29Obviously, much of that went sour in the years to come, sometimes due to external intervention, interference, sometimes due to internal dynamics. But you contrast that with today and you feel like all of the Arab countries in the Middle East are bystanders at this point. There are decisions that are being made in Washington, Jerusalem, and Tehran that are determining the fate of the region right now. And if you are in the Gulf, you're hostage to those decisions. Even the Gulf countries, which had thought, you know, they found a way to sit out the wars of the region. They were going to focus on economic development.
20:04They were going to have close security ties with the Americans, do a bit of strategic hedging. They thought that would keep them safely out of the wars that swept the rest of the region. And here we are now, their security guarantor is the one that initiated a war in the region. So even for them, they've become bystanders. We've seen brutal civil war in Syria, another in Yemen. Saudi Arabia, of course, was deeply involved in the October 7th attacks and the Israel-Hamas war that ensued in Gaza. Now, of course, the United States war along with Israel in Iran. How do you feel like your beat has changed across all of those conflicts?
20:41And even outside of just conflict. Well, it's become all conflict the last few years is one way it's certainly changed. But I think also the inaccessibility of many of these conflicts now. During the Arab Spring, the revolutions and wars of 15 years ago, you could go to most of these places and cover them on the ground as a journalist. I was in Tahrir Square when the Egyptian revolution happened. And you could go to Libya, to Syria, to Bahrain and experience it and cover it firsthand and speak to people. The wars of the past few years, Gaza, unless you're going on an embed with the Israeli army, you cannot enter Gaza.
21:19And when you go in with the Israeli army, you don't meet a single Palestinian the whole time that you're there. So you're getting a very skewed view of what's going on in Gaza. Lebanon, there are parts of southern Lebanon that are really difficult to access for any journalist, particularly for foreign journalists. Iran, very few of us are able to get visas to go there. And so you're covering these wars that are reshaping the region, but you're doing it remotely because it's just physically not possible to go to the places where these are taking place. What do you think are the most important stories the mainstream media is missing?
21:52I mean, bureau after bureau of American outlets have pulled back from them in the least, pulled back from the whole world, of course. What kinds of stories across these conflicts do you think Americans are missing? I think the economic angle to this current war and sort of the ripple effects that we're going to see from it, we don't know quite how it's going to play out yet. It's too early to say. But these consequences are going to be with us for some time to come. If you go back to the first Gulf War in 1990, 1991, when Iraq invaded Kuwait and then America expelled it from Kuwait, what happened after that war?
22:29You saw hundreds of thousands of migrant workers across the Gulf countries who were either thrown out because their governments had sided with Saddam Hussein or they had to leave because of an economic downturn in the Gulf. And what followed from that were recessions and economic downturns across the Arab world, right? So one invasion of one small country in the Gulf had ripple effects across the Middle East. And I think what we're seeing now, the tens of thousands at least of migrant workers who have lost their jobs over the past few months, the knock-on effects of higher energy costs and what that means for populations in Southeast Asia or in Africa or in other places, I think it's going to be years until we can really assess the full scope of the damage, the economic fallout from this point.
23:16As you look over the last 15 years of your career, Dubai, Cairo, Tel Aviv, other places, you just mentioned these days it's all about conflict. It's really all about war. It's horribly depressing to hear that, but I think it's right. Who stands out to you? What person that you've talked to? What family that you've covered? I mean, you've met people that Americans will never meet. Who stands out to you that you've talked to? I mean, I think when you go back over the past few years, you know, you cover a region for long enough and it becomes personal, right? It's not just the story that you're covering.
23:53It's a place that you live in. My wife is Lebanese from the region. So, you know, even family now in the region. But, you know, I think the past few years, just you think about the number of people that you met prior to all of these wars who have been impacted by it. from a friend who lived in southern Israel whose kibbutz was attacked on October 7th and spent the day hiding with his family in a shelter, not sure if they were going to live or die, to people that I met, friends and acquaintances in Gaza over the years, many of whom now have either been displaced by the war there in Egypt or further afield, some of whom have been killed.
24:31Same story in southern Lebanon. You spend all of this time meeting people and building these contacts across the region, And then everything is sort of reshaped in a very short span of time. Can you do the job without therapy? I mean, don't answer a personal question about your health care, but you know what I mean. I've met so many journalists similarly situated to you in a region just riven by conflict, human cost after human cost after human cost, getting to know people who are in the crossfire on all sides of this conflict. and the toll that it takes on people's ability to keep their journalistic distance, it's harrowing.
25:16It is. At the same time, I mean, you constantly remind yourself that you can leave, right? I mean, I'm here now. I can jump on a plane and come to the States and be here for a couple of weeks anytime I want. And you have a luxury that the people who live in this region, who are from this region don't have. And that makes it very different, I think, to deal with. Well, Greg, let's talk about Israel. Israel sees Iran and its proxies like Hezbollah and Hamas as existential threats. I think there's plenty of evidence that they are existential threats, in a sense. Right now, Israel's fighting all three at once.
Read the full transcript
25:53Clearly, you've decided that this is the moment. Why has Israel chosen this time, post-October 7th, to go at its top three enemies all at once. Why now? Well, the cynical argument that you hear from some Israelis is that everything comes down to domestic politics in Israel, and we are getting close to an election. The Knesset might dissolve itself today, in which case you're going to have an election in about three months' time. But even if they don't do that by late October, early November, there has to be a new election. And Benjamin Netanyahu, the prime minister, is not going into that election in the place that he thought he would be in.
26:32When the war started with Iran, he thought it was going to be a resounding success and that he could then dissolve the parliament early, call an election and say, I defeated our greatest enemy in the region. That's my reelection campaign, right? Instead, we are bogged down in this months-long conflict. So there is a piece here that is about domestic politics in Israel, but there's also a piece of it that is about all of the ceasefires of the past couple of years have been entirely inconclusive. The one that ended the war with Lebanon was meant to see the Lebanese army deploy in the south and exert control there and start disarming Hezbollah.
27:09That hasn't happened. The ceasefire in Gaza, this 20-point plan that Trump pushed through in October, again, disarmament of Hamas, that has not happened. Reconstruction of Gaza, all of the hopeful forward-looking stuff that was in there has not happened. And so nothing has been resolved. And so these wars never really ended. They were paused, but they never really ended. And we're seeing now that they can flare up again at any moment. Is Israel safer now than it was on October 6th? I mean, if you ask the Israeli government, they will say, yes, I'm not sure. I believe that. I mean, you can say in sort of very narrow terms, yes, it is.
27:47Hamas is a shell of what it used to be. It is significantly weakened. It cannot carry out an attack on the scale of October 7th right now, and it will be unable to do so, I think, for many years to come. Hezbollah in Lebanon, more resilient than the Israelis thought, but again, diminished. And we've seen Iran battered as well. And we don't know what the future is going to look like for Iran. And I think some of the predictions that Iran is going to emerge from this war strengthened may prove incorrect. So in that sense, maybe you could make an argument that Israel is safer than it was. But Israel is also now incredibly isolated in the world.
28:25There is a deep well of anger in the Middle East directed at Israel that wasn't there, I would say, on October 6th. You look at the debate in this country and the way both the MAGA right and the progressive left and a growing share of Americans in the middle disapprove of Israel's conduct and sympathize with the Palestinians more than Israelis in many recent polls, that's going to have long-term implications for Israel's security. So in the long run, if you win some wars in the moment, but you jeopardize your relationship both in your immediate neighborhood and with your closest ally, does that make you safer?
29:02I'm not sure it does. Well, we got this text from a member of the 1A Text Club. I'm fascinated by the alliance of some Gulf states with Israel against Iran. Now, the UAE, the United Arab Emirates has close ties, closer ties with diplomatic relations with Israel now. One leading theory of Hamas's timing and especially vicious, viciously violent nature of October 7th was to derail imminent normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia. Tell us more about Israel's relationship with Gulf Arab states and how they're evolving where they stand. So they were close to that normalization. I think on October 6th, 2023, the Saudis were very interested in doing a deal.
29:47The deal would have been more about what Saudi Arabia was going to get from America, from the Biden administration, than what it was going to get from Israel. But they saw a strategic value in normalizing relations with Israel. Things are much more complicated now. Israel's standing in the Arab world has obviously plummeted because of this scorched earth campaign that killed 70 ,000 people in Gaza. And then in the Gulf, there is also a level of frustration with Israel now because they feel as if Israel dragged Donald Trump into this war, right? Like they were the ones who sold Donald Trump on going to war with Iran.
30:24I don't think that's quite fair. I think Trump has agency here and we should certainly blame him for it as well. But there's anger directed at Israel in the Gulf because of that. If Hamas, and by extension Iran, wanted to isolate Israel away from Saudi Arabia and away from normalization, it's a home run. It's a home run. For now, but let's see how this ends. You know, if there's a new Israeli government, if the war with Iran comes to a close, and then someone who is not Bibi Netanyahu is the next Israeli prime minister and is willing to make some diplomatic gestures towards the Palestinians and towards other countries in the region, you could imagine in a few years the Saudis getting to a point where they do that normalization deal anyway.
31:08It's not impossible at this point. It's been delayed, but I wouldn't say it's been derailed. Still to come more with Greg on what it's like covering a region shaped by war. And we'll talk about America's changing role in the Middle East. We'll also talk about China. Stick with us.
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32:11first order. That's K-A-C-H-A-V-A dot com. Code NPR. Let's get back to the conflict in Iran. Greg, we got this question. We were talking about the relationship between United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Israel, possible normalization. One listener writes, does the UAE have regrets over improved relations with Israel? I don't think the government in Abu Dhabi has those regrets. I think they have made a very clear choice that they are going all in on this strategic relationship and they want to deepen it. And they see Israel as an important ally in their fight against Iran. And they see it as a sort of crucial partner in the region.
32:58Now, are there dissenting voices in the UAE? Are there officials in other emirates, for example, or ordinary Emirati citizens who think that it was a mistake to align themselves so closely with Israel and who think that, you know, they're now being attacked as intensively as they are because of that alignment with Israel. Yes, there is that debate going on within Emirati society, but I would say the government, no, does not have any regrets about it. John in Michigan emails this. Why doesn't anybody talk about the real underlying problem that Israel has with Iran? It's Palestinians. If Israel had a real, fair, permanent peace agreement with Palestinians, Iran would have no basis for their opposition to Israel.
33:40Is that true, Greg? I think Iran might find a basis for continued opposition. I mean, listen, a settlement with the Palestinians would go a long way towards giving us a more peaceful Middle East. But this is a deeply ideological regime in Tehran that since 1979 has made the basis of its foreign policy, death to America, death to Israel, right? Hostility towards those two countries is woven into the DNA of the Iranians. Existential, in other words. It's existential. Palestinians notwithstanding. And I don't think they would drop that even if there was a two-state solution tomorrow. Would Hamas?
34:15Hamas, I think, would be more pragmatic about this than the Iranians would. I mean, I think for the Palestinians at the end of the day, if you gave them a fair settlement, there would be, including militant groups in the Palestinian territories, that might be willing to go along with that. There would also be spoilers. I mean, Hamas was a spoiler during the Oslo process 30 years ago. Maybe they wouldn't be the spoiler this time and some other group would pop up and try to play that role. So that always happens. Well, you've lived in Beirut, as I mentioned, Tel Aviv, today in Dubai, right, across the region.
34:46What do you think Americans miss in the nuance of how they understand this region? What do Americans not understand about Israeli attitudes, Palestinian attitudes, attitudes across the GCC, people's real lives? We're at such a distance. I think it's a region where when you look at it from a distance, you get the impression that everyone is deeply ideological, right? That everyone belongs to a cause. And if you look at a country like Lebanon, which is this diverse, complicated country, so often when I hear people talk about it in Washington, you get the feeling that they think all Lebanese are either sort of partisans of Hezbollah and deeply aligned with Hezbollah or sort of Zionist Lebanese who just want to make a deal with the Israelis and live in peace.
35:32And actually, most people just want to have a normal life and make a decent living and provide for their families the same way people do anywhere else. And people are more complicated than being reduced to a cause. You know, I know Lebanese who are horrified at what Israel has done in Gaza and in Lebanon over the past few years who also want to make a deal with Israel at the same time. And they can hold these opposing ideas in their heads. We got this message from a member of our text club. after decades of international effort, endless diplomacy, multiple wars, trillions of dollars in military and humanitarian aid, is the Middle East any more safe, more secure, more peaceful, more prosperous?
36:12If not, is it time to simply back away and let the region solve or not solve its own problems? It's not safer. And you can draw a line from what's happening today back to the invasion of Iraq in 2003, which removed Iran's main state adversary, Saddam Hussein, which cleared the way for Iran to sink its hooks into Iraq and to expand its influence further across the Middle East. You know, part of the reason why Iran is able to do what it's doing now, is able to orchestrate thousands of drone attacks on Gulf countries, is a direct result of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the chaos that it unleashed there.
36:58So you can make an argument that everything America has done for the past couple of decades has contributed to making the region less safe. But at the same time, if America picks up and leaves tomorrow and decides it's not going to get involved, it's not going to send weapons to anyone, it's going to withdraw its troops from the region, that's not a magical solution that makes everything better. This idea that there will be regional solutions for regional problems I think is a bit naive because so many of the countries in the region disagree with each other, are at odds with each other. I think you're likely to just see continued.
37:31It'll be different conflict, but it'll be continued conflict. And I wanted to dig into that a little bit because, you know, elsewhere in the world we're seeing the rise, at least rhetorically, of the idea of the middle powers, right? The United States is backing away from its superpower role. China is ascendant, but of course China doesn't have NATO. Canada, France, Germany go down the list, say we're middle powers. We will start to band together and chart our own course. Is there a middle power scenario in the Gulf States? Is Saudi Arabia a new middle power that will start to calculate its own path, knowing that the security guarantor of the Persian Gulf just started a war along with the regional hegemon, which is Israel?
38:13So I think there are two things going on, particularly for the Gulf countries. One is because they now have these doubts about their security guarantor. They are looking for middle powers to align themselves with. So Saudi Arabia is trying to double down on this defense pact they signed with Pakistan last year. Qatar is increasing defense relations with Turkey. The UAE is working very closely with South Korea right now on defense. Everyone wants the Europeans to get more involved. They can't replace America with any one of these countries, but they're trying to diversify so that they're not entirely dependent on America.
38:49And then I think for the Gulf countries themselves, yes, they also want to act more like middle powers in their own right, where they can chart an independent foreign policy, foreign policy independent of America. The problem, again, though, is they don't agree on what that foreign policy should be. I mean, right before the war, the biggest story in the Middle East was about Saudi Arabia and the UAE and the disagreements that they were having in Yemen and Sudan and elsewhere in the region. Saudi Arabia was making some independent progress with Iran at the time. Right. They were trying diplomatic efforts before the war started.
39:22They had initiated this détente in 2023, I think it was early 2023, that China helped to broker. So they were trying to dial down tensions, not very successfully, I think, even before the war. But so they are trying to do their own thing, the Gulf states now. But so long as they are at cross purposes, I don't think that's the foundation for a stable regional order. If Saudi Arabia and the UAE are not on the same page about what they want, it's very hard to see how you're going to have that as the basis for a stable Middle East. So you mentioned China as a broker between Iran and Saudi Arabia before this latest war started.
39:55Let's talk about China a little bit. President Trump, of course, was just in Beijing last week. And so much of the focus of that summit wasn't about farmers or rare earth minerals, really. It became about the war and what China might be able to do to help move its client Iran to ship more oil or reopen the strait. What stood out to you about the dynamic at that summit between Trump and Xi, between the Americans and the Chinese, and how China's playing it? Well, I think what stood out is, I mean, first, the power imbalance on the issue of Iran, the fact that Trump was essentially the supplicant coming to Beijing, begging the Chinese government to bail him out of this mess that he himself created.
40:39Trump said over and over and over again, I don't need their help. I don't need their help. I don't need any favors. I don't need their help. And after a minute or two, you're starting to think, gee, do you need their help? If you need to deny it that strenuously, it starts to look like you do. And then the position that China took, I mean, they cannot restrain America, right? This is not Suez in 1956, where America told Britain and France, knock it off, you're not invading Egypt anymore. China can't restrain Egypt, can't restrain America in that way. And they didn't try to do that. They also didn't try to do anything vis-a-vis Iran.
41:15I mean, they would like the Strait of Hormuz to be open, but they're not leaning on the Iranians to do that. And I'm not sure they have the power to dictate terms to the Iranians. So what are they doing? They're sitting back and they're letting America suffer all of the consequences of this war. The enormous blow to its global standing, its prestige, its military prowess. They're letting America bear all of those consequences. And that's going to ultimately redound, I think, to China's benefit because in a few years, it'll be able to say, look, we're the stable one here. The Americans are the erratic superpower that caused the global energy crisis.
41:48We're the stable ones here. And so they're not interrupting their enemy when he's making a mistake. I was going to say, if your adversary is messing up, don't interrupt. Exactly. What do you think China is learning about its ambitions in Taiwan from watching America watching this conflict? I think that's one of the interesting side questions to this. I mean, we've seen two examples now in the past few years of a great power trying to invade a lesser power and not having much success with at first Russia in Ukraine and now the United States in Iran. And what China would try to do in Taiwan, in some ways, it's an easier conflict, right?
42:29Because it is a much smaller landmass, because it doesn't have the capabilities to cause the sort of global economic disruption, or global energy disruption, I should say, that we're seeing Iran do. But in some ways, it's harder because the idea would be to conquer and hold territory, not just to affect political change, but to actually occupy the island and bend it to your will. And so I think that might give them pause, seeing how difficult even this sort of less ambitious war has been for the United States in Iran. If I were a Chinese strategist, that might give me some pause, even if at the same time I'm watching the Americans burn through all of the standoff munitions and air defenses and other things that might be useful in defense of Taiwan in a future conflict.
43:14Well, we're getting close to the end of the hour. Let's wrap up sort of where we started in the Gulf. Greg, let's just say – I mean the president says the war is going to be over very soon. Let's say he's right. Let's say the war ends tomorrow. some kind of deal. What does the Persian Gulf look like going forward, the balance of power and what leaders, emirs, crown princes, and ayatollahs tell themselves about the balance of power in their region and who calls the shots? So the first thing is even if the war ends tomorrow, the disruptions that the war has caused will be with us for months, if not years to come.
43:56Gulf states are going to need to spend billions of dollars repairing energy infrastructure, getting everything back online, resuming exports. The economic damage to them is quite real. And so there's going to be a prolonged downturn, I think, in the Gulf compared to where we would have been before the war. There are going to be some difficult conversations around a couple of issues. One is resilience in the Gulf. How do we bypass the Strait of Hormuz to make sure that the Iranians can't do this to us again in a future war? So building new pipelines, laying in a rail system maybe so that you can deliver goods on one end of the gulf and then ship them by rail instead of having to bring everything in.
44:39Lawrence of Arabia. I see. Yeah. So that's one thing. And I think on that, you throw enough money at the problem and you can probably make some progress there. Security is a harder conversation, right? Because, again, they're looking to diversify their security partners. But you cannot replace America with the likes of Pakistan and Turkey and South Korea. There's just not enough heft there. And so they're going to need to figure out what the relationship with America looks like going forward. How close do you want to be to the Trump administration, to the United States? How much can you trust America in the future?
45:10I don't think they have an answer yet. Well, Robert Kagan at the Brookings Institution wrote this about Iran. I think it's instructive and something interesting for us to close out with. He says, The power to close or control the flow of ships through the strait is greater and more immediate than the theoretical power of Iran's nuclear program. This leverage will allow the leaders in Tehran to force nations to lift sanctions and normalize relation or face penalties. Israel will find itself more isolated than ever as Iran grows richer, rearms and preserves its options to go nuclear in the future.
45:47Robert Kagan is envisioning an empowered Iran from this war, not a weakened Iran. And I think it's premature to predict that. I mean, a lot of people are talking about that right now. And I think part of the reason why is because everything gets filtered through the lens of Donald Trump, right? And he has gone about this in such a shambolic way over the wishes of the American people and America's allies that you're so angry at him that you think this is somehow going to benefit Iran. I'm not sure that it does in the long term. I think this is still a regime that is loathed by the majority of its people, that doesn't have any answers for the desires and aspirations of the Iranian people.
46:24And even if you give it some sanctions relief, it's still going to be in a deep economic hole, and it's going to be a very badly governed country, as we saw with these protests a few months ago. So I think there's a scenario here where, yes, this ends badly for America and its reputation around the world and for the global economy, but it ends badly for Iran as well. Well, one listener wants to know, Greg, what gives you hope for the future of the Middle East and its place on the world stage after watching all this? That's a difficult question to answer after the past few years. But again, I think the idea that for so many people, they just want to put this behind them.
47:01The last few years have been so horrific for so many people in the region, you do start to hear conversations about what a more peaceful Middle East might look like and ways to move forward from this. It's not going to happen in the short term, but I think particularly younger people who have grown up amidst this since the Arab Spring 15 years ago, there is a desire to turn the page. We look forward to that possibility, that hope, and we look forward to you covering it, Greg, and for continuing to be a friend of the show, a friend of 1A. You hear Greg all the time on the International News Roundup.
47:31there's a reason for that. You just spent the hour with him and you know why we love to have him on the air with us and with you so often. Greg Karlstrom of The Economist, thank you so much. Thanks for having me. Remember, text is a great way to reach us. You can find our text service under the Talk to 1A tab at the 1A.org. Today's producer was Claire Muffson and this program comes to you from WAMU, part of American University in Washington, distributed by NPR. I'm Todd Zwilich. We'll talk more soon. This is OneN.
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From the publisher
The Strait of Hormuz is still closed to most ships. Iran, the U.S., and Israel don’t look ready for a peace deal. Iran’s air force and navy are severely damaged. But recent intelligence reports say the regime has control of more missiles and weapons systems than the Trump administration has acknowledged, and that it’s taking advantage of the ceasefire to rearm.
Meanwhile, Iranians are living under a blockade. Gulf states are absorbing the shock of Iranian missiles and of economic uncertainty.
What does the Middle East look like now? Who wins, who loses, and what happens to American influence in a region it just turned upside down? Luckily, we know just the man to ask.
Gregg Carlstrom’s is a name that might be familiar to listeners of the News Roundup. He’s been The Economist’s Middle East correspondent since 2010. He’s also the author of the book, “How long will Israel survive? The threat from within.” We sit down with him to talk through the latest in the region.
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