In short
Two legal stories plus a third on New Jersey federal prosecutors. First, Ghislaine Maxwell’s bid to overturn her conviction: she argues a 2007 Epstein non-prosecution agreement should have barred her later New York prosecution. Second, the Trump Justice Department’s ethics/misconduct push against Chief Judge James Boasberg over comments at a private Judicial Conference meeting and his handling of an Alien Enemies Act case. Third, chaos in New Jersey courts after Alina Habba was appointed interim U.S. attorney, with defendants challenging her authority and judges pausing cases.
Guests
Robert Mintz, former federal prosecutor and partner at Carter and English; David Super, Georgetown Law constitutional law professor; Ann Joseph O’Connell, Stanford Law professor.
Key claims/examples
Mintz says the agreement’s “co-conspirators” language is unusually broad and could bind other districts, though the Second Circuit rejected Maxwell’s reading; DOJ criticized Alex Acosta’s handling. Super argues the Boasberg complaint fails because the alleged remarks were private, not merits-based, and that the strategy is to intimidate judges. O’Connell explains interim appointment statutes (28 U.S.C. 546 and the Federal Vacancies Reform Act), including the court-appointed Desiree Grace issue and the resulting case pauses/reassignments.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOPardon Speculations Surrounding Ghislaine Maxwell
0:03 to 0:38
Discuss the possibility of President Trump pardoning Ghislaine Maxwell.
“As a listener of this podcast, you're looking for ways to help teams move faster, make sharper decisions, and turn scattered context into work they can use.”
Pardon Speculations Surrounding Ghislaine Maxwell
1:08 to 1:35
Discuss the possibility of President Trump pardoning Ghislaine Maxwell.
“With our unified Team Michigan approach, businesses scale faster and compete at the highest level.”
Pardon Speculations Surrounding Ghislaine Maxwell
1:47 to 2:29
Discuss the possibility of President Trump pardoning Ghislaine Maxwell.
“Obviously, this is no time to be talking about pardons.”
Maxwell's Appeal and Non-Prosecution Agreement
2:29 to 3:37
Examine Maxwell's legal arguments based on Epstein's agreement.
“The Supreme Court says the justices will review Maxwell's case along with others at their first private conference after summer break on September 29th.”
Understanding the Unusual Non-Prosecution Agreement
3:37 to 6:13
Analyze the implications of the unusual agreement in Epstein's case.
“And that is the language that Maxwell's lawyers have latched onto to argue that her subsequent sex trafficking charges in New York were actually barred by that non-prosecution agreement.”
Justice Department's Position on Maxwell's Appeal
6:13 to 8:06
Discuss the Justice Department's opposition to Maxwell's petition.
“The central question raised by Maxwell's appeal to the Supreme Court is whether a promise on behalf of the United States that is made by one U.S.”
Political Context of Maxwell's Legal Situation
8:06 to 10:57
Explore the political backdrop influencing Maxwell's appeal and her attorney's strategy.
“Glenn Maxwell's attorneys are saying that there's a split in the circuits, and that is something that the Supreme Court often considers when taking a case.”
Conditions for Testimony Before Congress
10:57 to 13:09
Review the conditions Maxwell's attorney requested for her testimony.
“unjust it is to scapegoat Ghislaine Maxwell for Epstein's crime, especially when the government promised he would not be prosecuted.”
Closing Remarks with Robert Mintz
13:09 to 13:23
Summarize the insights from the discussion with legal expert Robert Mintz.
“That's Robert Mintz of McCarter in English.”
Judge Boesberg Under Fire
15:43 to 28:00
Explore the controversy surrounding Judge Boesberg and the Trump administration's criticisms of federal judges.
“James Boesberg, the chief judge of the U.S.”
Show all 19 chapters
Sharp Questions in Litigation
28:00 to 28:20
Learn about the nature of challenging questions faced by litigators.
“And I don't believe he ever asked me a question that wasn't sharp.”
Alina Habba's Controversial Appointment
30:24 to 31:48
Understand the implications of Alina Habba's appointment and challenges.
“market competition and doesn't charge a cent for businesses to access their own data wasabi another championship story.”
Understanding Interim U.S. Attorney Appointments
31:48 to 34:10
Learn the legal framework surrounding interim U.S. attorney appointments.
“Judges are pausing proceedings except for bail hearings because of challenges by defendants who argue that HABA doesn't legally hold the job.”
The Power to Appoint and Remove
34:10 to 35:39
Explore the constitutional principles regarding appointment and removal of U.S. attorneys.
“Because under constitutional law, the Supreme Court has held in multiple cases that the power to remove follows the power to appoint for these inferior offices, which U.S.”
Duration of Appointment and Future Nomination
35:39 to 38:14
Discuss the limits and possibilities for reappointment of U.S. attorneys.
“And the email that I received says, on behalf of President Donald J.”
Consequences of Current Legal Maneuvers
38:14 to 40:15
Examine the fallout from the Trump administration's actions regarding U.S. attorneys.
“attorney nominees in the Senate since May.”
Supreme Court Insights on Vacancies Act
40:15 to 42:01
Gain insights from a Supreme Court case regarding the Vacancies Act.
“fighting his prosecution on the grounds that HABA is no longer an authorized U.S.”
Legal Maneuvering and Public Oversight
42:01 to 43:14
Explore the legal implications of Trump administration's actions and their public scrutiny.
“I do think that these moves by the Trump administration are legal, even if there are plausible arguments on the other side.”
Interview with Stanford Law Professor
44:21 to 44:48
A conversation with Stanford Law Professor Anne Joseph O'Connell about complex legal statutes.
“If you've ever waited on a refill or couldn't schedule an appointment, you get it.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Today's episode is brought to you by ChatGPT for Business. As a listener of this podcast, you're looking for ways to help teams move faster, make sharper decisions, and turn scattered context into work they can use. ChatGPT for Business can help. ChatGPT for Business gives teams a shared workspace with admin controls, permissions, and access to work and codecs in ChatGPT. This means your business can move from question to answer and code to rollout quicker. Join over 10 million business and enterprise users worldwide already using ChatGPT for work. Download the ChatGPT desktop app or contact sales to learn more.
0:37Healthcare doesn't always work great. If you've ever waited on a refill or couldn't schedule an appointment, you get it. That's the kind of stuff Optum is changing. They're using data and technology to integrate patient care, pharmacy, and everything else. So healthcare is connected, not complicated. What's that look like? cheaper prescriptions that are easier to get, and care that looks at the whole person how you need it. Optum is helping make healthcare work as one for everyone. Learn more at business.optum.com. As industries evolve faster than ever, companies need an environment that accelerates strategic growth, and Michigan delivers on that promise.
1:14From emerging startups to global enterprises, Michigan offers what executives value most, a resilient, innovative ecosystem, diverse communities that attract top talent, and a quality of life that supports work-life balance. With our unified Team Michigan approach, businesses scale faster and compete at the highest level. Michigan, pure opportunity. Seize your opportunity at michiganbusiness.org. This is Bloomberg Law with June Grosso from Bloomberg Radio. A lot of people are asking me about pardons. Obviously, this is no time to be talking about pardons. President Trump hasn't ruled out a pardon for Ghislaine Maxwell, who's serving a 20-year sentence for conspiring with Jeffrey Epstein to sexually abuse minors.
2:03But Maxwell is also exhausting her legal options. This week, she asked the Supreme Court to take up her appeal of her federal sex trafficking conviction. Her appeal is based on a non-prosecution agreement that Epstein struck with federal prosecutors in Miami in 2007. Maxwell argues that agreement should have barred her prosecution in New York 14 years later. The Supreme Court says the justices will review Maxwell's case along with others at their first private conference after summer break on September 29th. My guest is former federal prosecutor Robert Mintz, a partner with Carter and English.
2:45Bob, tell us about this broad prosecution agreement that Epstein got in 2007. The document that's at the heart of the Ghislaine Maxwell Appeals to the Supreme Court is a non-prosecution agreement that was signed in 2007 with the U.S. attorney in southern Florida involving Jeffrey Epstein. He was facing both federal and potential state charges. The deal that he ultimately struck allowed him to plead guilty to two Florida state charges. And in exchange for that, the Department of Justice agreed not to bring any federal charges against him. But the critical language in the agreement said that the United States also agrees that it will not institute any criminal charges against any potential co-conspirators of Epstein.
3:37And that is the language that Maxwell's lawyers have latched onto to argue that her subsequent sex trafficking charges in New York were actually barred by that non-prosecution agreement. How unusual is it to have a non-prosecution agreement made by one U.S. attorney bind other U.S. attorneys in different districts. That would be highly unusual. As a federal prosecutor, I had been involved in hundreds of plea agreements, and the standard language in all these plea agreements says that that agreement is limited to the district that is prosecuting you or potentially prosecuting you in that case, and that it expressly does not bind any other district in the country.
4:23So to have language as broad as that, which says that the U.S. attorney in the Southern District of Florida can bind every other judicial district in the United States is something that would be highly unusual. But nonetheless, the language that was in that agreement is on its face very broad, and that is at the heart of the Maxwell appeal before the Supreme Court. What about the fact that in Jeffrey Epstein's non-prosecution agreement, the U.S. attorney is also promising not to prosecute anyone else. Does that happen? Typically, what a plea agreement will say is that in exchange for a plea to a particular crime, the U.S.
5:07attorney's office will not prosecute that individual for any other crimes related to that criminal activity. It doesn't typically say anything about not bringing charges against any other individual. So in this case, that language is incredibly broad because it talks about not bringing any other federal charges against any unspecified co-conspirators. It doesn't even list who those individuals may be. So it makes that language incredibly broad. And that's why when that case was first appealed to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, the Second Circuit did not agree that that plea agreement barred the prosecution in New York that was ultimately brought against Ghislaine Maxwell.
5:51That Epstein non-prosecution agreement has been widely criticized. In fact, the Justice Department said in 2020 that then U.S. attorney for the South District of Florida, Alex Acosta, used poor judgment in handling the case. And the Second Circuit reviewed the NPA before upholding her conviction. The central question raised by Maxwell's appeal to the Supreme Court is whether a promise on behalf of the United States that is made by one U.S. attorney in one district can bind federal prosecutors in other districts. But it really is more complex than even that, because here it involves not a situation where the individual who pled guilty in Florida is being prosecuted by another U.S.
6:37attorney's office in another part of the country. We're talking about another person who is not even a party to that plea agreement in Florida, arguing that the plea agreement with Jeffrey Epstein somehow bars a prosecution of Ghislaine Maxwell in New York many years later. So it would be an incredibly broad reading of that language. And in fact, the Second Circuit Court of Appeals looked at the plea agreement and said that on its face, while it's possible that the United States could conceivably refer to the entire federal government when they look at the context and the entirety of that non-prosecution agreement, it makes clear that when they refer to the government or to the United States, they're only referring to the U.S.
7:24Attorney's Office in the Southern District of Florida. And therefore, that language, as Ghislaine Maxwell's attorneys are arguing, is really being taken out of context because it really involves only the Southern District of Florida. But once again, there's really two questions that are being raised here. One is whether it could apply to other U.S. attorneys' offices as against the individual who's pleading guilty in Florida. But also, here you're talking about another individual, not even a party to the Florida agreement, who's trying to use it as a bar to prostitution in another district. The Justice Department filed papers asking the Supreme Court not to take Maxwell's case.
8:02Yeah, the Justice Department is opposing Maxwell's petition and essentially arguing that it's clear in the context of that non-prosecution agreement that it was only referring to the Southern District of Florida and was not attempting to bind other judicial districts around the country. Glenn Maxwell's attorneys are saying that there's a split in the circuits, and that is something that the Supreme Court often considers when taking a case. But they receive thousands of petitions every year, and they grant review in fewer than 100. So the odds of the Supreme Court granting review here are pretty slim.
8:43That's exactly right. It's very rare for the Supreme Court to take these appeals. They do receive thousands of petitions. It takes four justices to grant review. And it seems, in my opinion, unlikely they're going to take this because while there may be a split in the circuits around the country, this is not an issue that comes up on a regular basis. And I think in this case, the Supreme Court is likely just to leave the Second Circuit decision in place and not take it up. This case is unusual in a lot of different ways. one being that her attorney not only appealed to the Supreme Court, but also appealed to President Trump, saying, quote, President Trump built his legacy in part on the power of a deal.
9:30And surely he would agree that when the United States gives its word, it must stand by it. Yeah. So what we're seeing here really is a court filing in the form of this petition to the United States Supreme Court that on its face is fairly typical. They're raising a legal issue. They're arguing that there is a split in the federal circuit, which is something that the Supreme Court considers when it decides whether or not to take a case. And they're trying to argue that the question of whether one U.S. attorney's office can, in fact, bind the entire United States is something that's important enough that the Supreme Court ought to take it up.
10:06On the other hand, And you cannot ignore the fact that there is a political backdrop to this appeal in that there's been tremendous backlash against the Department of Justice. And some of President Trump's supporters regarding the decision not to release additional information related to the Jeffrey Epstein prosecution. And all of that is getting swept up in this Supreme Court appeal, which is why we're seeing her lawyer appeal not only to the Supreme Court, but expressly appealing to President Trump in the reply brief that was just recently filed with the Supreme Court. Her lawyer specifically referenced not only the United States Supreme Court where the brief was filed, but also mentioned President Trump and said, we are appealing not only to the Supreme Court, but to the president himself to recognize how profoundly unjust it is to scapegoat Ghislaine Maxwell for Epstein's crime, especially when the government promised he would not be prosecuted.
11:05So this is a quite direct appeal, not only to the court, but also to President Trump in the hope that maybe he will pardon her or reduce her sentence because they know that it's unlikely the Supreme Court is going to take this appeal. The Supreme Court filing doesn't refer to the, let's say, unusual out-of-court developments, like her meeting for two days last week with the Deputy Attorney General and the House Oversight Committee subpoenaing her to testify. Her attorney had a list of conditions for her testimony, including a grant of formal immunity, the committee's questions in advance, and the testimony could only take place after the resolution of her Supreme Court petition and a habeas petition that hasn't even been filed yet.
11:55And if the conditions aren't met, Maxwell would plead the fifth. Are these conditions within the bounds of what a defense attorney would normally ask for a client who's still appealing a conviction? Yeah, these are not really unusual requests given her circumstance, but they're also requests that the House Oversight Committee has already determined they would not grant. What the defense lawyer here is really trying to do is to protect his client who is actively seeking post-conviction relief, both in the pending petition before the United States Supreme Court and in a habeas petition they intend to file.
12:31And he is arguing that her testimony before the committee could compromise her constitutional rights, could prejudice her legal claims, and could potentially take a future jury pool if the Supreme Court were to take the case and overturn the lower court's decision and remand the case for another trial. So those requests are really not unusual, but it was also highly unlikely that they were going to be granted by the committee. Also, waiting for the resolution of the Supreme Court petition and the filing and resolution of a habeas petition effectively puts off her testimony for an undetermined amount of time.
13:08And Maxwell will be serving that time at a minimum security prison camp in Texas, where she was transferred this week without any explanation from the Federal Bureau of Prisons. Thanks for the conversation, Bob. That's Robert Mintz of McCarter in English. Coming up next, the Justice Department escalates its fight with the federal judiciary. I'm June Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg. Quick one before you jump back in. You're listening for ways to help teams move faster, make sharper decisions, and turn scattered context into work they can use. ChatGPT for Business can help. ChatGPT for Business gives teams a shared workspace with admin controls, permissions, and access to work and codecs in ChatGPT.
13:53This means your business can move from question to answer and code to rollout quicker. Join over 10 million business and enterprise users worldwide already using ChatGPT for Work. Download the ChatGPT desktop app or contact sales to learn more.
14:34to scale your go-to market efforts. Elevate your wins with Adio. Start your free trial at adio.com slash iHeart. Innovation is what gets your business to market, and Wasabi is designed to give every business a shot at competition. How? Break free from skyrocketing storage costs and unpredictable egress fees from old and top-heavy legacy providers. You know, the big guys. Wasabi is the world's hottest cloud storage company and the go-to provider for professional and collegiate sports teams and leagues around the world. And here's why. Innovation. From Wasabi's AI-enabled intelligent media storage, Wasabi Air, to the industry's only cloud storage service with triple protection against cyber criminals, data deletion, and ransomware, the world's top companies trust Wasabi.
15:22Remember, Wasabi is up to 80 % less than market competition and doesn't charge a cent for businesses to access their own data. Wasabi, another championship story. Check them out for free at wasabi.com. Wasabi Hot Cloud Storage, proud partner of iHeart Podcast Network. James Boesberg, the chief judge of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, has been at the center of the Trump administration's efforts to deport alleged Venezuelan gang members to El Salvador using an 18th century wartime law. the Alien Enemies Act. He's also been at the center of the administration's attacks on the federal judiciary.
16:05President Trump has called Boesburg a radical left lunatic of a judge, a troublemaker, an agitator, even calling for his impeachment. That led to a rare public rebuke from Chief Justice John Roberts in March. And Attorney General Pam Bondi has repeatedly criticized Boesberg. This judge has no right to ask those questions. You have one unelected federal judge trying to control foreign policies, trying to control the Alien Enemies Act, which they have no business presiding over. This judge had no right to do that. They're meddling in foreign affairs. They're meddling in our government. And the question should be, why is a judge trying to protect terrorists who have invaded our country over American citizens?
16:58And then, of course, Boesburg trying to control our foreign policy. These judges are out of control. We are going to fight back and we are going to win. And the Justice Department is fighting back by filing an ethics complaint accusing Judge Boesburg of misconduct for a comment he allegedly made at a private meeting of judges. My guest is constitutional law expert David Super, a professor at Georgetown Law. David, why is the administration focusing so much on Judge Boesberg? Cases are assigned to district judges randomly. Judge Boesberg had the misfortune of drawing the first case involving the Trump administration's bizarre application of the Alien Enemies Act in a non-wartime situation.
17:47and he did what any competent judge would do, which is declare it illegal. The complaint focuses on a March session of the Judicial Conference of the United States, a panel of judges led by Chief Justice John Roberts. The Justice Department accused Boesberg of raising, quote, concerns that the administration would disregard rulings of federal courts leading to a constitutional crisis, and said his comments violated a section of the Code of Conduct for federal judges, which says that they should not make any public comment on the merits of a matter pending or impending in any court. If he did, in fact, say this, is it out of bounds for a judge at a meeting that's supposed to be private to say something like that?
18:34No, of course not. This complaint doesn't pass the last test. It's not a public statement. It's a statement with only judges present. I would love to attend meetings in this judicial conference, but I'm never invited. I'm sure you would, too. It's a private meeting. By this reasoning, someone should bring a complaint against Justice Alito for indicating that he thought Roe v. Wade should be overruled and circulating his draft opinion in Dobbs, which later became public. Judge Boesberg is not responsible for other people leaking memos about things he said in private meetings among judges any more than Justice Alito would be responsible for the leak of his draft opinion that he shared with other justices.
19:16In the complaint, the Justice Department also says that Judge Boesberg had no basis for saying that because the Trump administration has always complied with court orders. But the administration violated Boesberg's verbal order in this very case. Judge Boasberg's role on the judicial conferences is a representative of district judges in the District of Columbia. He is responsible for reporting what judges on his court are concerned about, and it would be their election of his duty if he didn't report concerns that they had. Judges on his court had found the administration to be out of compliance with a number of court orders.
20:00by administration officials, certainly including the vice president, arguably including the president, had mused about whether they would honor court orders on various topics, even Supreme Court orders, certainly orders of district courts. And the question of how to deal with the administration violating court orders had already been up and down to the Supreme Court by that point. Obviously, it was something they were concerned about. He was not, as we've been told, expressing his own views, but rather the views of other judges on his bench. I'm sure at other times the chief judge of the District of Columbia may have reported that they feel inundated with fentanyl cases or they feel inundated with crystal meth cases.
20:50This is a place where judges talk about the challenges of maintaining the judiciary. He was doing exactly what he was supposed to be doing. Is it concerning that apparently a memo of the meeting was leaked to the conservative website, The Federalist? Well, the judicial conference is representing judges and the business about it. So memos of what happened at this meeting do get circulated to judges. President Trump has made point of appointing members of the Federalist Society to the judiciary. So many Federalist Society members received this memo, and one of them apparently chose to leak it to the Federalists.
21:30And this comment that Boesberg allegedly made is presented in isolation in the complaint. You don't know what conversations preceded it and what conversations followed it. There's no context. Well, it is. And they describe his comments as being uncalled for, but they don't give us any context to suggest that they weren't. And again, Judge Boesberg's role there was to bring to the judicial conference concerns by judges on his court. And judges reacting negatively to administration officials and Republican senators suggesting that they disregard court orders would be an obvious thing to discuss.
22:14He doesn't indicate what the point of the agenda was, what prompted this, or what anyone else said afterwards. Moreover, the Code of Judicial Conduct prohibits comments on the merits of the case. This is not a merits issue. This is an issue about what does the court do when it has decided the merits and one of the parties doesn't comply. The Justice Department also complains about his handling of the case involving the alleged Venezuelan gang members, saying he rushed the government through complex litigation, sometimes giving the Trump administration less than 48 hours to respond. Well, the rushing was by the administration.
22:57The administration could have agreed to suspend flights until this matter was litigated and the parties could have submitted their papers in due time. The administration was in physical control of all of these people. It had no need to send them to El Salvador. It chose to do it in a great hurry. And that led to a quick response from Judge Judge Bozmer, many judges would not have given the administration any opportunity to respond at all when enjoining a crisis that was entirely of that party's making. Judge Bozmer bent over backwards to be considerate of the administration and to accommodate the schedule, which they insisted was very urgent, even though they never explained why.
23:42If you have a problem with the judge handling your case, does a litigant file a misconduct complaint or wait for the appeal? If what the judge does is sufficiently egregious, you can file a misconduct complaint. It's not out now than appropriate. But what Judge Bosenberg here did doesn't meet any of the requirements of an improper act. It wasn't public. It wasn't on the merits. It wasn't prejudicial. So the normal procedure would be either to appeal or in some instances to move for the judge to be recused. But the standard even for recusal and for appeal is much, much higher than this, and the standard for judicial misconduct is higher still.
24:28You said it doesn't pass the laugh test. What do you expect to happen here? In a normal world, the chief judge of the D.C. Circuit would dismiss this outright because this comes from the Justice Department and from an administration that has been exceedingly vindictive and has crossed lines that none of its predecessors have in criticizing sitting judges. The chief judge may refer it to a panel, but those judges would then dismiss it. We've talked before about this. This is the latest in a string of confrontations of the Trump administration with the federal courts. They filed a misconduct complaint in February against another D.C.
25:10federal judge, Anna Reyes, accusing her of hostile and egregious misconduct for her sharp questioning of government lawyers in the case on the Pentagon's attempts to ban transgender people from military service. And last month, they sued every judge in Maryland over a standing order that blocked the immediate deportation of migrants challenging their removal for two days. Is there a strategy here? Oh, certainly the strategy is to intimidate federal judges. The public criticisms of them, which have led reportedly to spikes in death threats, is part of this. The suggestion that they don't have to follow them, the characterization of them as radical leftists.
25:51Some of the judges they've called radical leftists were appointed by Ronald Reagan, but no mind. So this is all part of a broader strategy to delegitimate the courts, to have people not believe that the courts can determine the law and to have people do entirely what the government says. That's the path to a dictatorship. How unusual is it for the Justice Department to file a complaint against a federal judge? In the past, under other presidents, have Justice Departments taken this course? Almost never. And a good example of that is the behavior of Judge Cannon in one of President Trump's criminal cases.
26:32A number of her rulings were very strange, sometimes self-initiated rulings in favor of Mr. Trump. And the Justice Department, though it had plenty of grounds, didn't even move to recuse her, much less file a judicial misconduct complaint. The ordinary view is that the Justice Department has a strong interest in public respect for the judiciary and doesn't want to undermine it. This administration obviously feels differently. And tell us a little about Judge Boesberg's reputation. Judge Boesberg is an extremely thorough, extremely smart judge. He basically gives you what you get. If you give him a serious argument, he'll either rule in your favor or give you a careful analytical reason why he won't.
27:15If you give him a silly argument, he will say so and not dignify it with a lot of extra words. He's very hardworking, very attentive to the law. He has ruled in the Trump administration's favor on a number of matters, including involving the Alien Enemies Act, because he felt the law was in their favor. He's not a partisan. And by the way, the D.C. appellate court has not yet addressed the complaint against Judge Reyes for her sharp questioning of government lawyers. I will point out that the standard was that lawyers shouldn't be sharply questioned. There are only about two judges I ever practiced in front of that I couldn't have filed misconduct complaints against.
27:56The judge I actually drew the most when I was in practice was John Fulham. And I don't believe he ever asked me a question that wasn't sharp. I don't think he ever asked me, how are you, counselor? I think he started with a sharp question and never finished. I won a bunch of cases in front of him, but every single one of his questions was sharp. Well, you have to have a tough skin if you're going to be a litigator. Always a pleasure, David. That's Professor David Super of Georgetown Law. Coming up next, challenges to Alina Habba's authority over the U.S. Attorney's Office in New Jersey leads to chaos in the federal criminal courts there.
28:30I'm June Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg. Quick one before you jump back in. You're listening for ways to help teams move faster, make sharper decisions, and turn scattered context into work they can use. ChatGPT for Business can help. ChatGPT for Business gives teams a shared workspace with admin controls, permissions, and access to work and codecs in ChatGPT. This means your business can move from question to answer and code to rollout quicker. Join over 10 million business and enterprise users worldwide already using ChatGPT for Work. Download the ChatGPT desktop app or contact sales to learn more.
Read the full transcript
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30:31Check them out for free at Wasabi.com. Wasabi Hot Cloud Storage, proud partner of iHeart Podcast Network. You may be familiar with Alina Habba from her vigorous defense of President Donald Trump in three civil lawsuits in New York, which Trump lost, including a defamation suit brought by writer E. Jean Carroll. This is wrong, but we are in the state of New York. We are in a New York jury, and that is why we are seeing these witch hunts, these hoaxes, as he calls them. And this is another one of them. Don't get it twisted. We are seeing a violation of our justice system. I was yelled at, and I've had a judge who is unhinged slamming a table.
31:15Let me be very clear. I don't tolerate that in my life. I'm not going to tolerate it here. Trump appointed Habba, who's never worked as a prosecutor, as interim U.S. attorney for New Jersey in March. But both the state's Democratic senators opposed her nomination, and the state's judges refused to appoint her as the U.S. attorney when her 120-day interim term ran out. Now the Trump administration's procedural maneuvering to keep her in charge of that office has led to chaos in New Jersey's federal criminal courts, basically paralyzing criminal cases. Judges are pausing proceedings except for bail hearings because of challenges by defendants who argue that HABA doesn't legally hold the job.
32:00My guest is Stanford Law Professor Ann Joseph O 'Connell. Ann, will you start by explaining the law around interim U.S. attorney appointments? Sure. So normally each district has a U.S. attorney who's nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate. But there are often incredible delays in that process. So Congress has enacted two statutes that provide for temporary service of U.S. attorneys while the traditional appointments process churns. So the first way to get a temporary U.S. attorney is through 28 U.S.C. 546, and that allows the attorney general to pick what is called an interim U.S.
32:48attorney. And that person can serve for 120 days. And then at the expiration of that 120-day period, the district court in that district may, doesn't have to, may pick an interim U.S. attorney who can serve until someone is confirmed to the position. There's also another statute that covers more than just U.S. attorneys. So 546 just covers U.S. attorneys. There's something called the Federal Vacancies Reform Act of 1998, which is the latest in a long history of vacancies acts. We've had them since the late 18th century. And the Vacancies Act allows acting U.S. attorneys and also acting leaders in a bunch of other positions.
33:33And there are also time limits. There's no role for the district court. So the 120 days was running out, and New Jersey federal judges chose HABA's handpicked first assistant, Desiree Grace, to replace her. But within hours, the attorney general fired Grace. Is the AG allowed to fire Grace once the judges have appointed her? No. So Attorney General Bondi could fire her from being first assistant. That's within her powers. But although the attorney general is supposed to pick the U.S. attorney in the interim capacity, she cannot fire someone who is picked by the court. And why is that? Because under constitutional law, the Supreme Court has held in multiple cases that the power to remove follows the power to appoint for these inferior offices, which U.S.
34:26attorneys are, unless Congress has specified otherwise. Now, under that rule, the court has appointed so only the court can remove. But that runs up against another constitutional law principle about separation of powers. So the Office of Legal Counsel has long held that the president and only the president can fire a court-appointed interim U.S. attorney. And we saw this happen in the first Trump administration when President Trump fired Jeff Berman. And there was a bit of a skerfuffle about it because initially it seemed as if Attorney General Barr was pushing him out. And finally, the president got involved and Jeff Berman left.
35:02So here, the president could fire Grace with no problem. That's right. And I think you could say that happened, arguably. I mean, after Attorney General Bondi's ex-post, I mean, we're running government through ex-post, but after Attorney General Pam Bondi's ex-post, which doesn't talk about the president's authority at all, Todd Blanche, who's the deputy attorney general, says that pursuant to presidential authority, they're firing Grace as the court-appointed U.S. attorney. And I think that's probably enough. I mean, you could argue about the wording. I mean, interestingly, I was fired by President Trump from a part-time position on January 21st.
35:41And the email that I received says, on behalf of President Donald J. Trump, I was terminated for my position. So maybe you could argue it wasn't truly the president firing, but I think that most would think at least functionally the president has fired Grace from the interim position. So the Trump administration then withdrew Habba's appointment to be the U.S. attorney for New Jersey. They allowed her to resign as interim U.S. attorney, then appointed her as first assistant U.S. attorney. So that automatically means she's in the role of acting U.S. attorney for another 210 days. That's right. So there are these three pools or categories.
36:21And the first pool under the Vacancies Act is the first assistant to the position is the default acting official. There's no further action that has to be taken by the president. So once she's slotted into that first assistant position, she then becomes the acting U.S. attorney. At the end of her 210 days, can the Trump administration reappoint her? No. Well, it's contested. Under 546, the administration and previous administrations have done successive 120-day appointments. So in the District of D.C., we had Ed Martin. Ed Martin was not picked. They then picked a different person for another 120-day service, Jimmy Pirro.
37:05So I think, although Congress did not intend it, when they put back these time limits in 2007 into Section 546, I think you could probably do a successive 120-day appointment. But under the Vacancies Act, you can't. The language there is clear that you can't just reappoint, right? You can't just keep doing new 210-day acting officials. And there's even a penalty provision in the Vacancies Act. If you violate the time limits, certain actions can be voided by the court. So that would give like a boon to criminal defendants if she served past the 210 days. Let me just say about the 210 days and how long she can serve is that if there's a nomination pending, not of her, right, because she can't both be the first assistant acting and the nominee, but if there's a nomination pending of someone else, she can continue to serve during the penancy of that nomination, plus another 210 days if that nomination is returned.
37:59And she can do it a second time, right? If there's a second nomination, she can serve through the penancy of that second nomination and a final 210 days at the end. So that could actually end up being a lot of time, especially with the hold on U.S. attorney nominees in the Senate since May. And is there anything else the Trump administration can do to nominate her again to be U.S. attorney? So she can't both be the acting U.S. attorney and the nominee. But I think we might look to the Mark Esper situation in the first term of President Trump. So Mark Esper had been confirmed to be one of the service secretaries of the Defense Department.
38:41There was a whole thing about who was going to be the next Secretary of Defense. He became the acting Secretary of Defense. President Trump decides actually he wants Esper to become the next secretary, but he can't both be the acting and the nominee for the Secretary of Defense position. So what happened is the White House coordinated with the Senate so that Mark Esper continued to serve as acting. Then they submitted the nomination to the Senate. Mark Esper had to step down being acting. Another acting came into the role for a few days. They had coordinated with the Senate. So the confirmation process took only a few days as a formal matter from like the date of the official submission to the actual confirmation.
39:25And so I wonder, I know nothing about the machinations in the White House, but I wonder if they really want are in and there's sufficient support in the Senate, could they coordinate with Senate leaders so that she steps down for a few days when the Senate is ready to vote on a nomination, they then formally submit a nomination again, and there's just a pause of several days of her serving as the acting U.S. attorney. But there's this century old Senate custom called the blue Blue slip. And both New Jersey Democratic senators are against her nomination, so they won't advance the blue slip. Right.
40:05Clearly, Mark Esper had a lot more support and not just among Republicans. As far as the standstill in federal criminal cases in New Jersey, the first defendant who's fighting his prosecution on the grounds that HABA is no longer an authorized U.S. attorney was to be tried on August 4th on drug trafficking and firearms-related charges. And the chief judge of the Third Circuit has reassigned the case to a judge in Pennsylvania. Does that indicate that the Third Circuit's chief judge thinks there's a problem here too? Unlike when litigants seek a stay or preliminary injunction or a TRO, and the court has to assess the likelihood of the merit, I don't think that's quite the same here.
40:54The way I'm reading this is that this is not a frivolous argument, and they want to figure it out before they have any issues with sort of conflict or perceptions of bias, because after all, it was the District Court of New Jersey who chose Ms. Grace. I'm not reading into that action that they think that this litigation is going to succeed, just that there are arguable claims. And even if it's not going to succeed, right, I actually think it's an uphill battle. I'm not saying it won't succeed. I just think it's an uphill battle against the government on these arguments. All of this is creating chaos in New Jersey.
41:36I mean, right now it's essentially frozen. It's going to slow stuff down and it's going to change workload if all of that work in New Jersey then has to be heard by district court judges in other districts. It's just a mess. The administration is using a similar playbook for U.S. attorneys' offices in Los Angeles, Las Vegas, and earlier this month in Albany, New York. What's the downside to this maneuvering? I do think that these moves by the Trump administration are legal, even if there are plausible arguments on the other side. But the chaotic way it's being carried out is shining public attention to the administration's choices, to these temporary picks who normally don't get much attention at all.
42:25So even if they're upheld as a legal matter, there's now so much more oversight and there are going to be consequences for the Trump administration later on. And I have to say, this is such a confusing legal area. There's a great story. So in 2017, the Supreme Court heard a case about the Federal Vacancies Reform Act, and it was actually about who could both be the acting and the nominee. and an oral argument, Justice Kagan asked the lawyer, why don't you just go out to the public and say the Vacancies Act has been violated? And the lawyer looks at her and says, because then I would have to explain the Vacancies Act.
43:05And the courtroom burst into laughter. And there's something to that. It's an incredibly complex statute. But you certainly know its ins and outs. Thanks so much, Anne. That's Stanford Law Professor Anne Joseph O 'Connell. And that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. Remember, you can always get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at www.bloomberg.com slash podcast slash law. And remember to tune into the Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight at 10 p.m. Wall Street time. I'm June Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg.
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