Weekend Law: The Next AG, Justices Testify & Blocking Paramount Takeover

18 Jul 2026 · 37 min · 12 chapters

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In short

This episode of Bloomberg Law (June Grosso) covers three legal-news threads. First, the Senate Judiciary Committee grills Trump nominee Todd Blanche, former acting attorney general, for alleged lack of independence, DOJ credibility problems, and ethics concerns.

Key claims

Blanche said DOJ operates under presidential control (“single mindset”); he admitted the $1.8 billion “anti-weaponization” fund could be resurrected if the settlement is enforced; a Florida judge flagged conflict-of-interest concerns tied to Blanche’s prior defense-lawyer role for Trump and sent the opinion to the New York bar.

Notable examples

bungled Epstein files release; Maxwell’s transfer to a low-security camp days after testimony; judges and grand juries criticizing DOJ conduct.

Second, NYU antitrust professor Harry First discusses states’ lawsuit to block Paramount’s $111B Warner takeover, alleging reduced competition and higher consumer prices; DOJ cleared it without a “second request.”

Third, Georgetown’s Louis Michael Seidman covers Justices Kagan and Barrett seeking $228M for security amid threats, plus debate over enforcing a Supreme Court ethics code.

Guests

David Super (Georgetown Law), Harry First (NYU Law), Louis Michael Seidman (Georgetown Law).

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Senate Hearing Insights on Todd Blanche

1:00 to 1:26

Analysis of Todd Blanche's Senate hearing and implications for the DOJ.

Senate Hearing Insights on Todd Blanche

1:39 to 13:00

Analysis of Todd Blanche's Senate hearing and implications for the DOJ.

“Senator, I will say that President Trump trusts me to give him counsel.”

Senate Hearing Insights on Todd Blanche

14:45 to 14:59

Analysis of Todd Blanche's Senate hearing and implications for the DOJ.

“He's facing price hikes and cuts past him.”

Blockbuster Merger: California vs. Paramount

15:15 to 17:04

Discussing California's lawsuit against Paramount's merger with Warner Bros.

“Movie theaters, basic cable TV distributors and audiences on every sofa and in every movie seat would feel the impact of this unlawful merger.”

Political Influence on Antitrust Laws

17:05 to 19:30

Exploring the political dynamics influencing the merger investigation.

“So it's lots of things colliding, you know, which makes the merger really interesting, you know, along many dimensions.”

Legal Track of the Merger Investigation

19:31 to 21:53

Analyzing the legal steps taken regarding the Paramount merger.

“And a couple of things interesting about that.”

States vs. Federal Approach to Antitrust

21:54 to 24:44

Examining the criticisms of the federal government's approach to the merger.

“Amazon and Disney, and there's lots of other stuff.”

The Future of the Paramount Merger

24:45 to 27:36

Discussing the implications and future of the Paramount merger lawsuit.

“And the cable companies need the package.”

Looking Ahead: Supreme Court Budget Request

27:37 to 28:01

Preview of the next topic regarding the Supreme Court's budget request.

“That's Professor Harry First of NYU Law School.”

Supreme Court Justices' Security Concerns

30:09 to 36:15

Discussion on the security threats faced by Supreme Court justices and their recent congressional testimony.

“and all of us live with the knowledge that they may again materialize.”
Show all 12 chapters

Congress's Role and Ethics in the Supreme Court

36:15 to 42:00

Examination of the ethical concerns and Congress's influence over the Supreme Court's budget and operations.

“a role to play in deciding exactly what form the security should take.”

Congress's Role and Ethics in the Supreme Court

42:46 to 43:12

Examination of the ethical concerns and Congress's influence over the Supreme Court's budget and operations.

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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

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1:26opportunity. Seize your opportunity at michiganbusiness.org. This is Bloomberg Law with June Grosso from Bloomberg Radio. Senator, I will say that President Trump trusts me to give him counsel. Counsel does not mean yes, man. And so that's and that's true in my case, like it should be in any attorneys generals. Todd Blanche tried to assure skeptical senators that he was no longer acting as President Trump's personal lawyer. But then there was this answer, which seemed to indicate that the Justice Department would not be independent from Trump under Blanche's leadership. The Department of Justice, like every single department in the executive, is part of the executive.

2:13I mean, Article 2 of the Constitution gives the power of the executive to President Trump. So we certainly operate with integrity. We certainly operate in the single mindset to serve the American people and do the right thing. But I am a member, if confirmed, I will be a member of the cabinet. For five contentious hours, Blanche was questioned about his brief but tumultuous tenure as acting attorney general, which saw the bungle release of the Epstein files, the prosecution of the president's political enemies, criticism of DOJ lawyers by federal judges. And the topic that drew the most questions was Blanche's creation of a$1.8 billion anti-weaponization fund to compensate Trump's allies.

3:01Though Blanche insisted the fund is dead, Trump hasn't agreed to that in writing. And under questioning by Republican Senator John Cornyn, Blanche admitted that the agreement could be resurrected.

3:14David Super:Is the settlement agreement enforceable as a contract by the parties? Well, yes, it's an enforceable document. So I suppose if President Trump's counsel sought to enforce it, they potentially could. Including the weaponization fund? Well, they could try to enforce it. With Democrats united against Blanche, he needs the votes of every Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee or his nomination will fail. Joining me is constitutional law expert David Super, a professor at Georgetown Law. David, what's your general impression of how Blanche did? I mean, he's a smart lawyer. There are some lawyers in Trump's orbit who are completely incompetent.

3:57David Super:Blanche is certainly not one of those. And he's, I think, fairly quick on his feet. But he's got a record that's very difficult to defend. And he's got a boss who won't let him promise to do things that any reasonable attorney general would do. So he's been in a box several times. Some of the Democrats have done a pretty good job of pinning him down. Some of them have done a less good job of pinning him down. And some of them have just talked. There were a lot of questions about whether Blanche would be independent from President Trump. And in response to a question from Democratic Senator Chris Coons, Blanche basically said that the Justice Department is part of the executive branch.

4:46If confirmed, he'll be part of the cabinet and we all serve at the pleasure of the president. I don't know that he ever really asserted independence from the president.

4:57David Super:No, he really didn't. I mean, at one point he said that we will act with integrity. At another point, he made the predictable statement that, of course, if he was asked to do something illegal, he would resign, but that would never happen with this president. But he is part of a Justice Department that is asserting a historically broad reading of presidential powers, which includes no independence for anybody in the executive branch himself included. So he can't claim to be independent without having that used against his own lawyers when they're asserting their unified executive theory. So everyone knew that a big point was going to be the so-called anti-weaponization fund.

5:47He said several times the fund is dead, but Republican Senator John Cornyn, who's a key vote, pinned him down. And Blanche admitted that the settlement agreement is a contract and it could conceivably be resurrected.

6:00David Super:That leads me to believe that the president is not comfortable with the weaponization fund being dead because Mr. Blanche could have gotten himself out of a lot of trouble by agreeing to provide a letter declaring that and he wouldn't do it. And when he was pressed on whether they could sue for breach of contract, he more or less acknowledged that they could and didn't really have much of an answer to that. So I think President Trump has made a firm decision that he wants to help the January 6th rioters. And Mr. Blanche is trying to avoid saying anything that will burn britches that he knows he's going to have to cross.

6:49And on Monday, in a scathing opinion, a Florida federal judge said Blanche's involvement in settling Trump's lawsuit with the IRS raised conflict of interest concerns because he was Trump's former defense lawyer. And she ordered a copy of her decision to be sent to the state bar in New York, where there are several other complaints alleging serious ethical breaches by Blanche, one by hundreds of former federal judges. When he was confronted with that, Blanche said, well, that's not a referral. But it is, in essence, a referral, isn't it?

7:25David Super:That's a referral. I'm quite convinced the New York State Bar can spring for an online search and get a copy of the opinion on their own. The fact that she is sending it to them suggests that she independently believes there's material in there that they ought to see. And given how scathing it is, that's obviously correct. The Attorney General is the highest law enforcement official in the country, has many responsibilities to the American people, and certainly one of them is to set a standard for ethical behavior. Now, anyone can file a complaint, and the mere fact that a complaint has been filed should not be pivotal.

8:03David Super:But the fact that some fairly serious people whose reputations matter, filed complaints should give us cause. And I would think the committee should get to the bottom of them. If Mr. Blanche has not done anything unethical, a complaint shouldn't stand in his way. But there certainly are reasons to question some things that have happened. There wasn't much questioning about something I think is critical, and that's the Justice Department losing credibility with federal judges. But Democratic Senator Sheldon Whitehouse did ask about that. Between judges appointed by every president harshly criticizing the department's work in your tenure, grand juries rejecting indictments, judicial findings of outright misconduct, capable lawyers fleeing the stinking ship.

8:53This seems to be the most troubled Department of Justice in history. history. David, we've talked before about how federal judges are repeatedly finding fault with the Justice Department and its attorneys. Blanche denied that, but that is true.

9:10David Super:I think it's unfortunate that this part of the hearing was played so theatrically. I would have loved to see a senator take a list of orders, read from this order, ask Mr. Blanche, why did your Justice Department do that? Then read from the next order, why did your Justice Department do that? And show by repeated questions just how prevalent this is, which is enormous and utterly unprecedented. As someone who was litigated against the Justice Department, their lawyers are a total pain in the neck, but they don't lie. They say nasty things, but they don't lie. Except now, they do. Blanche was questioned by several senators about the bungled release of the Epstein files.

9:58He defended the release but acknowledged that mistakes had been made and he apologized to the victims. But Democratic Senator Cory Booker pressed him on the fact that Ghislaine Maxwell was transferred to a low-security prison camp just days after Blanche interviewed her. And Booker shot down Blanche's answer that it was because she was getting threats. When people are under threats in a Bureau of Prison facility, they're put into solitary confinement or protective. They're not moved to a camp. That's not always true. It is. What is true is someone that is accused of child sex trafficking under the Bureau of Prison's own policies is not put in a facility like this that seems clearly like a reward.

10:47David Super:Senator Booker did get him to state explicitly that he had no involvement in the transfer. I don't particularly believe that. You don't sound like you particularly believe that. But there are lower level people who know the answer to that. And if he lied about that, then he has just opened himself up to a perjury prosecution. And the statute of limitations on that will extend into the next presidential term. At least Blanche succeeded in keeping the temperature down with his sort of measured answers. I was struck with how he kept trying to wriggle out of questions when it would seem that there was a fairly simple way to answer them.

11:31David Super:Would he agree to meet the Epstein victims? Evasion, evasion, evasion. Did ethics approve his dinner with the people whose antitrust investigation he was about to terminate, evasion, evasion, evasion. If he had nothing to hide, why not just say yes to some of these questions? And maybe that comes down to combativeness, but I assume it's because there's more to be said to the story. I question if these hearings really matter. Lately, they seem to be just performative. It seems to be coming down to one Republican senator, John Cornyn, who said he's not decided yet. But with these judiciary hearings, the Republican senators all seem to fall in line and vote the party line in the end.

12:22Do you think that's what will happen here?

12:24David Super:I think so. And I find that very distressing. There's no question that President Trump will get an attorney general to his liking and an attorney general who will do what he says on a great many things. But to confirm someone as attorney general who has already been personally involved in so much misconduct seems very unfortunate. And I wish more senators would say, you get your person, but not this one. We'll find out what they say in a few weeks. Thanks so much, David. That's Professor David Super of Georgetown Law. Coming up next on the Bloomberg Law Show. Twelve Democratic-led states make a last-ditch effort to stop Paramount's$111 billion takeover of Warner Brothers.

13:12They say it violates antitrust law and they've filed suit. I'm June Grosso and you're listening to Bloomberg. Support for the show comes from Public.com. If you're actively involved in your portfolio, you probably catch yourself repeating the same actions. buying the dip, manually sweeping idle cash, putting on a hedge. On public, you can now create AI agents that handle all these tasks on your behalf. Just describe what you want to do in plain English. Like, if the VIX hits 25, buy a put option on the S &P 500. Or, if my cash balance goes above$20 ,000, move the excess into my direct index. You approve of the workflow and your agent handles the rest.

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15:08Boost Mobile. After 30 GB, customers may experience lower speeds. Customers will pay$25 a month as long as they remain active on the Boost$25 unlimited plan. Movie theaters, basic cable TV distributors and audiences on every sofa and in every movie seat would feel the impact of this unlawful merger. California is leading a lawsuit by a dozen states to block the largest merger in the history of Hollywood. The states allege that Paramount's$110 billion takeover of Warner Brothers' discovery would result in less competition, higher prices for consumers, and fewer choices on the big and small screens.

15:49The Justice Department cleared the transaction without any conditions last month. And California Attorney General Rob Bonta says the states are suing because the federal government is not enforcing the antitrust laws. DOJ, the federal government, has advocated its responsibility to engage in firm and fair antitrust enforcement. That's been a traditional role they've played. They're not playing it now.

16:13Louis Michael Seidman:Not only are they not playing it, but they're actually affirmatively making things worse by trying to usher through deals that are unlawful. Paramount vowed to vigorously defend the transaction. My guest is an expert in antitrust law, Professor Harry First of NYU Law School. Harry, the states claim that this deal would create a media behemoth. So, yes, there are five big companies, but monopolistic and five don't go together. Maybe, you know, in talking about power in sort of a colloquial way, but from a legal point of view, we're not talking about monopoly. But we are talking about significant power.

16:53And for antitrust, it's market power. For Hollywood, it's money. For many people, it's cultural power. And apparently for the president, it's CNN. I mean, I don't know, but that seems to be. So it's lots of things colliding, you know, which makes the merger really interesting, you know, along many dimensions. So what makes it also interesting and horrible in a way is that the story plays out in a way that we're too familiar with today in the Trump administration. But really, we've never seen before in this direct overt way, which is there's the law and there's we don't care about the law. It's what the president wants today.

17:38And this case has played along those two tracks. And the spoiler in this is also partly political, but has to play on the legal track, can't play on the political track. And that's the states. As you referred to there, the merger has been the subject of intense lobbying in D.C. by Paramount. So tell us about the political track of the deal. The background, the political background starts unusually before Paramount's bid for Warner is accepted or really made legally. And if you read what the Justice Department did at the very end, they said in June that we've been investigating this for eight months.

18:20That's pretty interesting since the merger was just noticed to them in February. I know my math is bad, but it's not that bad. That means they started investigating this case before the merger was officially notified. Now, normal practice is you can't get the Justice Department to tell you what they're going to do until you do something. You can't call them up and say, excuse me, will you give me an advisory opinion? In some jurisdictions, you can. In the United States, you can't. But apparently these people could because this was going on at a time when the president was just putting a big thumb.

18:57I don't know, hand, arm, on the scales for Paramount. Okay, so in February, this deal gets cleared without what's called a second request. So in important mergers, the government says, excuse me, you can't close the deal until we look more deeply at all the documents. So you have to hold off until you've produced all the documents to our satisfaction. That's the norm in a big deal like this. Not for this deal. In February, they say, we're not even going to do a second request. That's the political track. What about the legal track to the deal? They go through some sort of investigation and they close the investigation, which they've already sort of closed by not issuing a second request.

19:40They close this just in June. And a couple of things interesting about that. Normally, the Justice Department does not issue closing statements to explain what they're doing. It's very rare. And one of the problems with filing closing statements is that the people who write them have certain goals, want to justify what they've done. But another goal may be to short circuit other plaintiffs. So if you can write this and say, you know, my God, this case was, you know, nothing there, baby. And you think the states are going to file, you know that a federal judge is going to read that. And maybe it will affect what they do.

20:20Can you give us the highlights of the Justice Department's closing statement? There are certain things that are not there and certain things presented in an interesting way. So they start out with streaming as, you know, nothing to see here. Well, in some ways, that actually is the weaker part or the less suspicious part of the case. There are three major streaming services and a fourth, if you put in Disney, HBO Max and Paramount Plus. You know, these are distant competitors. So you can make a credible claim that it's still a very competitive market and not one to sue about. So that's where they start.

21:02And then they go to what they call linear TV, which I think is an interesting description. You know, I'm not sure exactly what they mean by that, except they've combined two words that indicate junk. So it's supposed to be cable. Hard to say exactly. They're not really clear, but they say, you know, no problem here because this kind of TV faces so much competition from pay services, from streaming, from live, from sports, from blah, blah, from who knows, not a problem here. And then, of course, they say for last the thing that you might start with first, which is studio film production, because this is where the parties are direct competitors.

21:48Paramount and Warner, you know, they make blockbusters. But, you know, nothing to see here, because after all, lots of competitors. Netflix makes theatrical releases. Yeah, I guess. Amazon and Disney, and there's lots of other stuff. And so don't worry about that. And don't worry about impact on workers in Hollywood, because all the incentives are to make more films and distribute them theatrically. Nothing about viewpoint diversity, which a lot of people are worried about, but it's hard to make out as an antitrust matter. You know, CNN and CBS under the same tent. Enough concern about CBS now, but now they're going to control CNN.

22:31No mention of that. Doesn't give us any market shares. So that's the first thing you look for, but doesn't mention that. And to cap it off nicely, the Wall Street Journal follows with a story that says, shock and amazement, the staffers working on this were surprised when the closing statement was issued, which they had no role in drafting. Sound familiar? Yes, it happened when the Justice Department in D.C. settled the Live Nation Ticketmaster suit without telling the career attorneys who were prepping for trial. Harry, did the states draft their complaint around or in response to what the Justice Department had stated in its summary of why it was declining to prosecute the case?

23:19You know, if you were being skeptical of this complaint, you'd say this is the complaint to save all the parts of Hollywood that everyone says is dead. The movie theaters, the big motion picture theatrical producers and the cable companies. And it's basic cable. It's not fancy cable that we pay for with bazillions of dollars. It's basic cable that gets you the basic channels, not the premium channels. It gets you the over-the-air broadcasting. So that's the focus of this complaint. It's not on streaming. This is, to my first reading, a non-ideological, carefully drafted complaint designed to stop this merger and not get embroiled in any fancy theories.

24:10is there's no labor market theory in this. They start with the place where justice stops, which is wide-release theatrical films, you know, where the competition is direct. And then they go to the super sellers, the anticipated top-grossing theatrical films, which is something the Justice Department did in the booksellers merger. You know, the New York Times bestsellers was the market there, the Bertelsmann case. So there are echoes there. This is carefully done. And then licensing of basic cable channels. And it points out how the two companies are bringing together Turner stuff, all sorts of stuff.

24:50And the cable companies need the package. You know, they need the bundle of stuff. And maybe the fancy people have cut the cord, but there's still a lot of people who are looking at their cable. And it's aimed at that. And I think it's very clever. Do the states talk numbers which the feds didn't? We now have concentration figures, Herfindahl-Hirschman Index, a fancy way of saying that these are concentrated markets. And the complaint references the merger guidelines, the federal merger guidelines, like these are way over the top. Nice job. And they're looking directly at horizontal competition and price raising.

25:29Sort of one final thing that I noticed, it's co-signed in council by a private law firm. that's been hired by California and signed by a very highly respected antitrust litigator, Rich Parker. This is a well-done, careful complaint. From my reading, well done. So this deal is not over yet, and it's not, you know, a throwaway complaint. In response to the lawsuit, Paramount said, numerous antitrust authorities around the world have concluded the transaction creates a stronger competitor against dominant streaming and technology platforms that have harmed the market for theatrical exhibition and jobs in the entertainment industry.

Read the full transcript

26:13So that's a clever political statement. It's a bad legal statement. I mean, it's not an effective legal statement, but that's not supposed to be, I guess. To say that the merger will help streaming is sort of irrelevant under basic antitrust law, which has not been challenged, that you can't justify a merger that hurts competition in one market by saying, oh, but look over here. Gosh, we've got some help over in a different market. So that's not going to work. Now, if you're going to somehow say this will help competition in the market for theatrical movie releases, well, you know, that's going to be a bit of a hard sell, I think, you know, going around in this, although the closing statement doesn't mention there's a lot of talk about their promise of 30 new films after this merger and, you know, a lot of commentary saying, you know, what are you smoking?

27:05You know, those sort of promises tend to be discounted as a general matter. But people pointing out that releases have been contracted a number of years ahead with exhibitors. So, you know, the idea that all of a sudden you're going to increase output by 30 more, it's going to be up to them to prove that's going to be their burden. You know, the justification, It's on them. The states made a motion to pause the takeover, and a federal judge said she'll rule on their request by next Wednesday. So we shall see what happens. Thanks so much, Harry. It's always a pleasure. That's Professor Harry First of NYU Law School.

27:42Coming up next on the Bloomberg Law Show, Supreme Court justices are asking Congress for more money for next year's budget because they're getting increasing threats. I'm June Grosso, and this is Bloomberg.

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29:01Complete disclosures available at public.com slash disclosures.

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30:08For some of us, those threats have come very close. and all of us live with the knowledge that they may again materialize. Justices Elena Kagan and Amy Coney Barrett made a rare appearance before Congress this week as the Supreme Court seeks millions of dollars to beef up security because of increasing threats against the justices. Justice Barrett said the threats have forced her children to think about and see things that children shouldn't have to. She described an incident after her security detail gave her a bulletproof vest following the leak of the Dobbs decision overturning the right to abortion.

30:48When threats to my life were particularly intense a few years ago, around the time of the Dobbs leak, my security detail sent me home with a bulletproof vest, and I carried it into my house, put it into my bedroom, dropped it down on a table, turned around, and my 12-year-old son was standing in the doorway of my bedroom, and he wanted to know what it was and why I had it. And I didn't know how to respond because maybe I lack imagination, but I didn't expect that performing this service was going to put me in the position of explaining to my children what a bulletproof vest was and why I had to wear one.

31:21Barrett also described a swatting hoax at her home just six weeks ago. The Supreme Court is asking for a$14.6 million increase in their budget for additional agents to protect the justices. and$6.5 million to design a visitor screening facility at the court. In total, the court is asking for$228 million for next year's budget. Joining me is constitutional law expert Louis Michael Seidman, a professor at Georgetown Law. The justices haven't come to testify to Congress about their budget since 2019. So what's the significance of this appearance?

32:02Louis Michael Seidman:Well, I think they're there now because they're worried about their security. And that's completely legitimate. There are serious security problems and they ought to be taken care of. But the fact is that being properly respectful of another branch of government doesn't just mean showing up when you want something from them. There are built into the Constitution checks and balances. The court can check Congress, but Congress also has the power to check the court. And frankly, I think Congress ought to be doing a better job of that. And one way of doing a better job, Congress controls the court's budget.

32:40Louis Michael Seidman:You know, if Congress wanted to, they could cut off the lights and air conditioning. So I think they have more power than they realize they do have. And I think they ought to start using it. I mean, has there been a Congress in our history that's cut off or limited funding to the Supreme Court? So at the very beginning of our history, Congress terminated an entire term of the court. The court did not meet for over a year because of what Congress did. This was in the run up to a famous case called Marbury v. Madison, where Congress canceled the term of the court because they didn't want the court to hear the case.

33:19Louis Michael Seidman:That's a long time ago. It hasn't happened recently, but that doesn't mean it can't happen. So here's an example of something Congress could do. Each Supreme Court justice has four law clerks. Years ago, they had only one. Years ago, they would decide something like 160 cases a year. Now they're down to about 60 with a quadrupled staff. There's a kind of dirty little secret. The Supreme Court justices don't write their own opinions often. They get these young law students to do it for them. So I think it would be perfectly appropriate for Congress to cut the line item for law clerks, make them do their own work, for goodness sake.

34:00Louis Michael Seidman:But more broadly, if Congress is not happy with how the Supreme Court is behaving, they have perfectly legitimate and constitutional means to fight back, and they ought to be more seriously thinking about using those means. I think the problem is that Congress doesn't agree. So you'd have the Democratic lawmakers on one side and the Republican lawmakers on the other. And, you know, I think the Republicans are pretty happy with the Supreme Court as it is. Well, they're happy about some things, not about others. But yes, I think you're right. But the real problem is on the Democratic side. If they're unhappy, they can be making noise about doing something.

34:40Louis Michael Seidman:And there seems to be this widespread perception, and I don't know where it comes from, that somehow it's illegitimate for dissatisfied members of Congress to fight back. The fact is that just in the last couple of weeks, the Supreme Court struck down maybe the most important statute Congress has passed in the 20th century, that is to say the Voting Rights Act. They effectively struck it down. They have now destroyed the ability of Congress to control the terms of executive branch employees. Those are major shots across the bow at a coordinate branch of government. And Congress has the right to respond.

35:23I won't hold my breath for Congress to respond, at least not this Congress. And I do think that this Congress is going to give the justices the additional money because they made such a compelling case of the need for additional security to address these increasing threats. And court observers and legal scholars said they couldn't recall a more vivid accounting from sitting justices of the security challenges they face.

35:50Louis Michael Seidman:I think the security concerns are completely justified. Things really have changed and they've changed for the worse. Years ago, when I worked for Justice Marshall, not only did he have no security detail, his number was listed in the phone book along with his address. Oh, wow. So things are just not like that anymore. And that's a legitimate concern. Now, I do think Congress has a role to play in deciding exactly what form the security should take. So for example, it's not completely obvious to me that the best thing to do is to set up a visitor center outside the Supreme Court. I'm not an expert on security.

36:32Louis Michael Seidman:Maybe that's necessary. Maybe it's not. But I think Congress has some role to decide about what the best way to proceed is. But they certainly deserve to be safe. And the threats of the justices are a serious matter and ought to be handled appropriately. There were some questions that were outside the budget, and one was about the code of ethics. All nine justices agreed to the code in 2023 because there was all that criticism over undisclosed trips and gifts from wealthy benefactors to some justices. But Kagan and Barrett split on the need for a mechanism to enforce the code. Justice Kagan said she stood by her earlier position that there should be an enforcement mechanism.

37:16But Justice Barrett said there are significant questions over who would do the enforcing. So I'm not saying that it would be impossible, you know, to have an enforcement mechanism, but I think it's been complicated to figure out exactly what that would be, given the position of the Supreme Court within our constitutional structure and within the judicial branch of government. But I do want to stress, Ranking Member Reed, that none of my colleagues, and certainly not I, think ourselves above the law or above ethics in any way. I have come to rest on the need for an enforcement mechanism, if the enforcement mechanism is of the right kind.

37:54It's not because I think that we're ignoring the code of conduct. I do not think that at all. But it's important, I think, for public perception of the court. I think it's also important to give the justices a way to show that some of the charges against them are, you know, so much poppycock. But how useful is a code of ethics if there's nothing to enforce it?

38:18Louis Michael Seidman:Well, there needs to be enforcement. What's happened with a number of Supreme Court justices, frankly, is disgraceful. And, you know, if you have life tenure and you wear these robes that are associated with being priests and everybody stands up and says, your honor, whenever you walk into the room, even for normal people, that produces a kind of arrogance, I think. And that's an occupational hazard for the Supreme Court. So there ought to be an enforceable code of ethics for them like there is for almost everybody else in the government. And again, Congress would be within its powers to impose that on the court.

38:58That deference you just talked about showed even in this hearing, because it wasn't at all combative. There were very respectful questions asked very respectfully.

39:10Louis Michael Seidman:Being a Supreme Court justice is never having to explain yourself, right? The justices, they don't hold press conferences. They only rarely appear before Congress. As I said before, where they often don't write their own opinions, they are unaccountable. And that creates a kind of mindset that can be really quite dangerous. They also fielded questions about the use of the emergency docket, often referred to as the shadow docket. These orders that are typically issued early in cases and without much reasoning from the justices have been criticized, including by some of the liberal justices. Justice Kagan said she thought the problem had gotten somewhat better.

39:55Louis Michael Seidman:And I think it has. The justices are doing more to explain themselves. But there still is something of a problem. And I think one downside of these emergency orders without opinions is it leaves very unclear for lower court judges who are trying to do what the Supreme Court wants them to do. If the court doesn't tell them clearly what they're supposed to do, then it's very, very hard for them. What would you have asked the justices if you were on the committee? Well, I think it's appropriate to ask the justices about cases that they've decided. That's not a popular view. I think most other law professors would disagree with that.

40:35Louis Michael Seidman:But I don't really see what's wrong with it. As I say, Congress is a coordinate branch of government. And if the court chooses to invalidate, as I said before, maybe the most important law passed in the 20th century, the 1965 Voting Rights Act. And by the way, the amendments to that, which were at stake, were signed by President Reagan and passed by a bipartisan Congress. If they chose to invalidate that, then they ought to be subject to questions about what their reasons are. And I just wish the legislative branch were a little more assertive in asserting the powers that it has under our Constitution.

41:13And in the opening statement, Kagan was careful to announce that they can't address individual cases. You know, the justices testified about the budget for decades. I remember Justice Kagan appearing with Justice Samuel Alito in 2019. Why did they stop coming to Congress to testify?

41:33Louis Michael Seidman:This is another aspect of the court's lack of accountability. For years and years, it was traditional that every year the chief justice would come and testify. Then there was controversy about the code of ethics. Congress wanted the chief justice to come and explain, and he refused to do so. And so this is the first time in a long time that anybody's actually come to the Hill and talk to the senators and representatives. We'll see if they make a return appearance next year. Thanks so much for joining me. That's Professor Louis Michael Seidman of Georgetown Law. His new book is called The Constitution Cannot Save Us, Why We Can No Longer Rely on Our Founding Document.

42:17And that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show. Remember, you can always get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at www.bloomberg.com slash podcast slash law. And remember to tune into the Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight at 10 p.m. Wall Street time. I'm June Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg.

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From the publisher

Constitutional law expert David Super, a professor at Georgetown Law, discusses the confirmation hearing for Acting Attorney Todd Blanche to be the next Attorney General. Then antitrust law expert Harry First, a professor at NYU Law School, discusses 12 Democratic-led states suing to block the merger between Paramount and Warner Brothers.  And Georgetown Law Professor Louis Michael Seidman, author of the book “The Constitution Cannot Save Us: Why We Can No Longer Rely on Our Founding Document,” discusses the testimony of Supreme Court Justices Elena Kagan and Amy Coney Barrett on the request for increased funding to beef up security amid increasing threats against the justices. June Grasso hosts.

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