60 Words

4 Sep 2026 · 58 min · 19 chapters

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In short

How a single 60-word sentence in the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF) became the legal foundation for the U.S. “war on terror,” enabling actions like Guantanamo detention, drone strikes, renditions, and raids, and how its vague language expanded beyond 9/11.

Guests (backgrounds)

  1. Gregory Johnson (BuzzFeed Michael Hastings National Security Reporting Fellow): reported on the AUMF’s text and its evolving interpretations.
  2. Barbara Lee (U.S. Rep. from California near Berkeley; longtime activist): cast the only “no” vote in Congress on the AUMF.
  3. Ben Wittes (Brookings senior fellow in governance studies): discussed constitutional war powers and the AUMF’s role.
  4. Timothy Flanagan (Bush-era White House lawyer, referenced): drafted the AUMF using the 1991 Gulf War authorization as a template.
  5. John Bellinger (former NSC and State Department legal adviser): argued “detention” is a subset of “force.”
  6. Harold Koh (State Department legal adviser, 2009–2013): described legal reasoning for targeting “associated forces.”
  7. Daniel Kleidman (national security journalist; wrote Killer Capture): described “civets” secure video teleconference target-selection meetings.
  8. Ron Dellums (former U.S. Rep.; Barbara Lee’s former chief of staff): advised her during the vote.

Key claims

  • “All necessary and appropriate force” and later “associated forces” (not in the original text) were read to justify far-reaching operations.
  • Over time, the AUMF’s scope became unclear even to oversight bodies; the Pentagon’s “associated forces” list was classified.
  • Targeting decisions were made through bureaucratic legal-military processes, with momentum toward lethal action.

Notable examples

  • 9/11-era drafting: Flanagan’s template from the 1991 Gulf War authorization.
  • Congressional vote: Senate unanimous; House 420–1; Barbara Lee the sole “no.”
  • Legal expansion: Guantanamo Bay detention without “detention” appearing in the text.
  • Geographic spread: Afghanistan to Pakistan, Libya, Somalia, Yemen.
  • Yemen debate: drone strikes and uncertainty about whether AQAP fits “associated forces.”
  • “Civets” meetings: hundreds of officials reviewing “baseball card” target packets; a cited heated case over whether an al-Shabaab leader (Sheikh Mukhtar Robow) was covered.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

The Impact of 9/11

1:25 to 3:18

Understanding the immediate reactions and feelings after the 9/11 attacks.

“Today we've got a story about the crazy power of words.”

Legal Framework Post-9/11

3:19 to 6:14

Exploring the legal implications and actions taken after the attacks.

“The Michael Hastings National Security Reporting Fellow at BuzzFeed.”

Congresswoman Barbara Lee's Stance

6:15 to 7:42

Barbara Lee's critical perspective on the language of the AUMF.

“And that's the crazy part, the body of this document, the part that really matters.”

The Decision to Authorize Force

7:43 to 13:20

Details of the Congressional debate and decision-making process following 9/11.

“Maybe you should introduce us to Barbara Lee.”

Barbara Lee's Internal Conflict

13:21 to 14:01

Barbara Lee's struggle with her vote on military authorization in the aftermath of 9/11.

“And so walking out of that Democratic caucus meeting.”

Barbara Lee's Dilemma during 9/11 Memorial

14:01 to 24:24

Discover Barbara Lee's internal struggle and decision-making process during the memorial service for 9/11 victims.

“Later in the day, the resolution would go to the House where Barbara Lee was a representative.”

Barbara Lee's Dilemma during 9/11 Memorial

24:52 to 25:38

Discover Barbara Lee's internal struggle and decision-making process during the memorial service for 9/11 victims.

“Did you know that some cat foods contain so much carbohydrate filler that they're closer to a granola bar than a prey animal?”

Understanding the AUMF and Its Impact

25:52 to 28:00

Explore the implications of the Authorization for Use of Military Force following 9/11.

“Sometimes about really big things, things you hear in the news.”

Decoding Legal Language and Detention

28:00 to 30:00

Explore how 60 words shape U.S. military actions and detentions.

“And so when I read Gregory's article, I felt like I understood something crucial for the first time about the way words actually operate in the world.”

The Mystery of Associated Forces

30:00 to 32:18

Understand the concept of 'associated forces' and its implications.

“Essentially to knock them out of the battle in other ways and that that force is both necessary and it's appropriate.”
Show all 19 chapters

Defining the Enemy in Modern Warfare

32:18 to 34:55

Learn how enemy definitions have evolved since 9/11 and their impact.

“So the earliest example that we could find of those two words is in a 2004 memo from Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz.”

Senate Hearings and Oversight Questions

34:55 to 37:52

Examine the Senate's role in oversight of military actions and legal frameworks.

“This is not confirmed yet, but it could very well have been a U.S.”

Behind the Scenes: Decision-Making in Warfare

37:52 to 42:00

Discover how decisions on targeted killings and warfare are made in secret meetings.

“And Gregory says the senators called a couple of Defense Department officials to answer questions.”

The Role of Lawyers in Modern Warfare

42:00 to 49:18

Explore how legal advisors influence military decisions and drone strikes.

“Eventually, a general will come on the screen and say, here's our target.”

The Role of Lawyers in Modern Warfare

49:21 to 51:01

Explore how legal advisors influence military decisions and drone strikes.

“You know something I would like to wake up tomorrow and be better at?”

The Future of War and AUMF

51:52 to 56:00

Analyze the implications of the AUMF on future military actions.

“And together with BuzzFeed and reporter Gregory Johnson, we have manhandled these words.”

Drone Strikes and Imminent Threats

56:00 to 57:50

Discussion on the implications of drone strikes under the definition of imminent threat.

“How do you end a war when the vast amount of people that you're calling the enemy haven't stopped fighting?”

War vs. Peace: The Unsettling Definitions

57:50 to 58:51

Exploration of the blurred lines between war and peace and the challenges of defining enemies.

“May God bless the United States of America.”

Updates on the AUMF and Congressional Actions

58:51 to 1:01:45

Overview of the status of the AUMF, its implications, and recent legislative efforts.

“This was an attempt to begin a war and so it had the usual beginning questions.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:01Radio Lab is brought to you by Progressive Insurance. Here's a helpful fact that you might not know yet. Drivers who switch and save with Progressive save over$900 on average. Pop over to Progressive.com, answer some questions, and you'll get a quick quote with discounts that are easy to come by. In fact, 99 % of their auto customers earn at least one discount. Visit Progressive.com and see if you can enjoy a little cash back. Progressive Casualty Insurance Company and Affiliates. National average 12-month savings of$946 by new customers surveyed who saved with Progressive between June 2024 and May 2025.

0:34Potential savings will vary.

0:39Hey, this is Radiolab. I'm Matt Kilty. So we are coming up on the 25th anniversary of the September 11 attacks. Actually, a week from today, it'll be the 25th anniversary. And a while back, I co-produced a story that was about the legacy of 9-11, only it wasn't about any aspect of 9-11 that I had ever heard before. It's about one single sentence, 60 words long, written in the panicked, grief-stricken days right after 9-11 that ended up defining America for decades. And the story, it's a sort of like strange side door into this legal world behind the longest war in our country's history. We have a couple of updates for you at the end, so stick around for that.

1:22But for now, we're just going to jump in. So here we go. Wait, you're listening. Okay. All right. Okay. All right. You're listening to Radiolab. Radiolab. From WNYC.

1:42Rewind. Okay, ready? Hey, I'm Jad Abumrad. I'm Robert Krolwich. And this is Radiolab. Today we've got a story about the crazy power of words. In particular, 60 words. Single sentence. That is, well, that has, you could say, defined America for the last 12 years. And the place to start is a difficult one. This just in, you were looking at obviously a very disturbing live shot. September 11th, 2001, 846 a.m. A plane has crashed into the World Trade Center. We don't know anything more than that. This is a day that anyone who is old enough to remember does remember. We can remember where we were, who we were with.

2:24So you have no idea right now? Oh, there's another one. Another plane just hit. Oh my God, another plane has just hit. And, of course, we can remember how we felt. Tell me what you just saw. Oh, shit. I fell down. Explosion. Oh my God. What happened? It is the worst attack ever on American soil.

2:52But if you really want to understand the world we live in now, you've got to jump ahead one day to September 12th to a corner office in the White House where there's a lawyer sitting at a computer trying to figure out how are we going to declare war? And one of the things that everybody realizes after sort of an initial discussion is, Yes, we'd like to declare war, but we have no idea upon whom we should declare war. That is Gregory Johnson. The Michael Hastings National Security Reporting Fellow at BuzzFeed. Now, the reason this lawyer, a man by the name of Timothy Flanagan, the reason Flanagan is sitting at a computer in an office is because then-President George Bush had to do something.

3:34He had to act. And he didn't want to act alone. He wanted congressional approval. Right. I mean, technically in an emergency. The president can defend the country. He is the commander-in-chief, after all. He doesn't have to go to Congress and say, hey, do I have authorization to use force? Not an emergency. That's Ben Wittes, by the way. Senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution. But President Bush needed Congress on his side, he felt. You know, it was important that we project unity, that we were all standing together as one. And second, if this was an act of war... The power to declare war in the Constitution is given to Congress, not to the executive.

4:09When Congress declares war, suddenly the president has a very clear and powerful mandate. Now, the declaration of war is kind of a dead instrument of international law. I mean, nobody's declared war since World War II. But the modern incarnation of the declaration of war is the authorization to use force. The authorization to use force. What's called the authorization for the use of military force. Or as it's commonly referred to, the AUMF. Right. So, our lawyer in the White House, Flanagan. He's given a task. Go write an AUMF that Congress can send to the president. He really has no idea, so he goes back to the last time that the U.S.

4:55did this. Last time Congress passed one of these things. He does a quick sort of search on his computer. Boom, finds it. 1991, Iraq, the Gulf War. Flanagan grabs the text. And then he copies that into a Word document, and that becomes his template. He makes some cuts, he makes some changes, he deletes some words. And then he hits send. Our war on terror, a just war. And he sets in motion this bewildering series of events. A U.S. drone strike linked to al-Qaeda. In the war, bring the troops home now. This madness that is basically the world we live in. Taliban news. Fifteen members of a wedding procession were killed by a U.S.

5:36And if you're like me. Bizarre, even sadistic treatment. If you're like me and you find yourself flipping through the channels, seeing the news, basically ignoring it, but then every so often thinking, wait a second. Terrorism targets in Africa. From Libya now, the U.S. Air Force. A drone strike in southern Somalia. Wait, wait, how are we doing this in all these different places? One hundred prisoners are on a hunger strike. And like that. In protest of their indefinite detention. How are we detaining people for so long? You mean, is it okay to do that? Well, just who signed off on this, you know?

6:06And it turns out we all did because it was in that document. This is the legal foundation for everything that the U.S. has done, everything from Guantanamo Bay to drone strikes to secret renditions to seal raids. It's all been hung off these 60 words. And that's the crazy part, the body of this document, the part that really matters. And the reason that when I was reading Gregory's reporting on this, I was like, what? What is it? It all goes back to one single sentence. 60 words, one sentence. Can you read it? Absolutely. That the president is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations, or persons.

7:1160 words.

7:16Today, a collaboration with BuzzFeed. And with reporter Gregory Johnson. We're going to try to decode those words. And ask, where did those words come from, and how did they come to mean what they mean? Which is not what you think they'd mean. No. And how did they end up leading us into what is arguably the longest war in American history?

7:38And nobody saw it coming. Absolutely nobody. That's the weirdest part. Well, nobody minus one. Let's start there. Maybe you should introduce us to Barbara Lee. Right. Barbara Lee is a congresswoman from right around Berkeley, California. Hello. Hello, hello. Hi, it's Barbara. And she is someone who has been in many ways a lifelong activist. Going all the way back to when she was 15 in high school in San Fernando Valley. Because I wanted to be a cheerleader. But, you know, since this was the early 60s. You had to have certain criteria like, at least whether it was stated or not, blonde and blue eyes.

8:20That would have been hard for you, I would figure. That was really hard, so I went to the NAACP. She got them to pressure the school to change the rules. And I won. And she became the first black cheerleader at her high school. Yeah, yeah. That's just by way of introduction. Fast forward many years, she becomes a congresswoman. She gets elected to a second term. And on that day... There is smoke pouring out of the Pentagon. She was at the Capitol. No one knew where to go, so the police officers just said, run, run, run, go, go, go. This was an apparent terrorist attack on our country. So I ran out of the Capitol down Pennsylvania Avenue.

8:54I remember looking back and saw a lot of smoke. Which was, you know, the Pentagon. You know, clearly the country's under attack. Clearly people have died. Clearly we've got to deal with whoever did this, whatever it takes. Fast forward two days, September 13th, Barbara Lee is back at the Capitol to meet with her Democratic colleagues to review that document that Flanagan had sent over. The mood in the room was very somber and very angry. The thing we have to keep in mind when we're talking about this is all of this was done within 72 hours after the worst terrorist attack in United States history.

9:31And very confused. What would be the appropriate response? So as she and her colleagues read those 60 words. There was a lot of debate going on back and forth. Oh yes, oh yes, from everyone. Because this actually wasn't the first draft. Flanagan had sent one over the night before. September 12, 2001. And that one? Was something that almost no one agreed to. According to Gregory, that early draft had a few extra lines in it. One gave the president the power to preempt any future acts of aggression against the United States. And Barbara Lee and her colleagues knew. That look, so many things can be packed into this word aggression.

10:11that if we sign on to this, that if we give the president this power, the president may never have to come back to Congress ever again and request authorization for military force because he can say that anything is aggression and we're also giving him the power to preempt. So they kicked it back to the White House, Flanagan took out those words, and now they have this new draft. That the president is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force. Which is what you heard. But still, when Barbara read that and saw phrases like all necessary and appropriate force, she thought, what does that even mean?

10:46I said, this is too broad. It's not definitive. It's open-ended. And as she was speaking, this is taking place in the basement of the Capitol building. She sees some of her Democratic colleagues start to nod. Yep, people were nodding. People were nodding. Because everybody there knew the danger of ill-defined words. You just had to go back 50 years. To the Gulf of Tompkin. Yep. Gulf of Tompkin. Tonkin. Tonkin. Tonkin with an N. Yes. To explain. My fellow Americans, as president and commander in chief. 1964, LBJ announces that two American ships. Two U.S. destroyers. Parked in the Gulf of Tonkin off the coast of Vietnam were torpedoed by North Vietnamese boats.

11:28By a number of hostile vessels. Many people now argue that one of these attacks never even happened. Nonetheless, President Johnson wanted to strike back. So he asked Congress. To pass a resolution. Which they did, giving him the power to, quote, take all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression. Making it clear that our government is united in its determination to take all necessary measures in support of freedom and in defense of peace in Southeast Asia. Now, it is the broad language of that document, most people believe, that opened the door to the worst part of the Vietnam War.

12:12The rangers and marines took casualties, mostly from hidden snipers. The thousands and thousands of casualties. They just keep dropping in. There's nothing you can do. Horrific atrocities. Charges have been made that troops killed as many as 567 South Vietnamese civilians during a sweep in March 1968. And in a television interview in 1969, when President Johnson was asked to justify it all, he said you can't just blame him. Congress gave us this authority in August 1964 to do whatever may be necessary. That's pretty far-reaching. The sky's the limit. So the lessons of the Gulf of Tongan and Vietnam, that was very much in the air in that meeting on September 13, 2001.

12:57Several key leaders hoped to avoid a repeat of the 1964 Tonkin Gulf Resolution. So it was understandable that when Barbara Lee stood up and said to her colleagues that she was worried about some of this language. People were nodding. People were nodding. So there was a lot of uncertainty about what to do. But in the end, those concerns were ultimately outweighed by another desire. We've got to be unified with the president. We can't show political divisions. Let's have the nation, let's have Congress speaking with one voice. It was a time for unity and for action. And so walking out of that Democratic caucus meeting.

13:28On the evening of September 13th. Congressional leadership decided that these 60 words. This is the version. There's no going back to the drawing board. And so at 10, 16 a.m. September 14th, 2001. The Senate will come to order. The Senate is gaveled into session. The clerk will call the roll. Daschle calls a vote. Mr. Akaka. Mr. Allard. Mr. Allen. There are 98 senators on the floor. Mr. Durbin. Mr. Vornevich. All 98 of them vote yay. No senator voted in the negative. So was a sweep. Yeah. Later in the day, the resolution would go to the House where Barbara Lee was a representative. Daschle had actually rushed the vote through the Senate.

14:08Because the White House has called for a national prayer meeting at the National Cathedral. For the victims of 9-11. That's supposed to start right at noon. And so right after the vote, All the senators pour out of the Capitol and get onto the buses trying to get through the drizzle. It was actually raining that day. Now, at that moment, Barbara Lee. She hadn't decided how it is that she was going to vote. I struggled with it. For the previous two nights, September 12th and 13th, she'd stayed up late. Calling back to advisors, to friends in California. We talked every day. Including this guy. This is Ron Dellums.

14:41I served for over 27 years in the U.S. House of Representatives. Barbara used to be his chief of staff, and when he resigned, she won his congressional seat. You know, she would say, well, what about this, and what do you think about that? And we kind of talked through the emotional state of the country. That we are feeling pain, anger, we're shocked. Both Barbara and Ron were trained as psychiatric social workers, so they both knew that when a person is feeling all of those things, it's generally better to do nothing. Yeah, psychology 101. You don't make decisions when you're mourning, afraid.

15:16On the other hand... I believe, you know, in unity, too. I want to be unified with the president when the country's under attack. I understood. He didn't tell me, he didn't say which way I should vote. But I did say to her, Barbara, however you vote, I will always respect you, you will always be friend, you will always be family. So at that moment, with the memorial service about to start and a few hours till the House vote, Barbara Lee was at the Capitol. I was in the cloakroom. And since she wasn't sure how she was going to vote, she planned to skip the memorial service. She wanted to stay. She wanted to think.

15:49And then, I don't know what it was. It may have been the spirit moving me. I don't know, but at the very last minute. She was drinking, actually, a can of ginger ale at the time. I said, I think I'm going to go, and I just ran out. I probably was the last one on the bus. I had the can of ginger ale in my hand and ran down the steps. and got on the bus.

16:09She got to the cathedral. The house buses arrived about 30 minutes or so before the opening. And so for 30 minutes, she's in the cathedral. About halfway back, listening to the organ. Thinking about the families and those who were killed. There are people around her who are sort of whispering. The pain and anguish. The few people who are crying. I said, I got to pray over this. And she's just wrestling with her vote.

16:41Her heart is saying one thing. This is too broad. And her head is saying unity. How is it that you can be against the president at this point? Speaking of the president, eventually President Bush takes the podium. We are here in the middle hour of our grief. just three days removed from these events Americans do not yet have the distance of history but our responsibility to history is already clear to answer these attacks and rid the world of evil and then as soon as President Bush steps down everyone in the congregation stands up and they sing the battle hymn of the Republic,

17:38which is a very powerful, a very moving piece of music, but it's not the sort of thing that is typically sung at a memorial service. It's a very forward and almost aggressive sounding. There's the phrase, terrible swift sword. Yeah.

18:14Oh, my God. It was not quite what I expected in a memorial service. But the second speaker... A reverend by the name of Nathan Baxter. He got up and he gave a reading from Jeremiah 31. When ancient Israel suffered the excruciating pain and tragedy of militant aggression and destruction. Hearing that all over again takes me right back there. And I remember. A voice is heard in Ramah. Lamenting and bitter weeping. Rachel weeping for her children. When he spoke, that's when, to me, it was a memorial. And then he started to pray. For the healing of our grief-stricken hearts, for the souls and sacred memory of those who have been lost.

19:10And he said something that really struck Barbara Lee. Let us also pray for divine wisdom. He said, as we act. That as we act, we not become the evil we deplore. That evil that we deplore. When he said that, I became very, it was this sense of peace and calm came over me. And Barbara Lee says it was right then that she knew what she'd do. The clerk will report the title. House Joint Resolution 64, Joint Resolution to Authorize the Use of United States Armed... Later that evening, the House opens up its debate on the AUMF. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, which authorizes the President to use all force necessary...

20:03In congressperson after congressperson... Mr. Speaker... ...stands up. I rise in support of this resolution... Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight to fully endorse and authorize the use of force... ...one after another. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the authorization. I rise today in support of this resolution. We will rally behind our president. 16 in a row until. Jail woman from California is recognized for a minute and a half. We get to Barbara Lee. Mr. Speaker, members, I rise today really with a very heavy heart. One that is filled with sorrow for the families and the loved ones who were killed and injured this week.

20:39Only the most foolish and the most callous would not understand the grief that has really gripped our people and millions across the world. Now, I have agonized over this vote, but I came to grips with it today, and I came to grips with opposing this resolution during the very painful, yet very beautiful memorial service. As a member of the clergy so eloquently said, as we act, let us not become the evil that we deplore.

21:23Just after the vote, Barbara Lee says she was in the cloakroom again, and she starts getting accosted by colleagues. All of these friends are coming up to her and saying, you've got to go back. You cannot vote this way. I'm not changing my vote. One of them actually said to her, look, you've done so much on HIV. You've done so much on AIDS. This vote is going to take you out. Think of the bigger picture. They're saying you're dead. Yeah, but that's the right vote. I'm not going to give any president the authority to go to war and we don't know what we're doing. You know, the only Congress can declare war.

21:54Help me on this, guys. Has the House vote... Okay, the House has just now finished that vote.

22:04And we see one no vote. The final vote for the House was 420 to 1. We know it's a Democrat. We don't yet know who. We'll figure that out in a moment or so. But that vote is now... Barbara Lee was the only person in the Senate or the House to cast a no vote. That must have been a very lonely moment. To be perfectly honest with you, I said some prayers for my friend. This was the right thing to do. And, you know, votes like this, you have to be ready to pay the consequences. Over the next few weeks and months, her office was inundated with letters. Barbaralee, you are a traitor and a disgrace to the office that you hold.

22:49You can find all these letters archived at Mills College. You are a blade on American society, a terrorist yourself. So much hatred. I don't know why you decided to place yourself into the camp of terrorists. Those attacks came and they came and they came. Subject headline. What's your f***ing problem? Death threats. Now off to hell with you. You Benedict Arnold wannabe. So I had to have security day and night. Up yours. Thanks for supporting the child ban. Hey, Hanoi Barbara Lee. What are you? What do you believe in? If you go to Mills College in Oakland and we sent a reporter there, you will find 60 ,000 letters.

23:19They're not all negative, but most are. But Congressman Lee says she never faltered because right after the vote, when she was in her office... My dad called me. Lieutenant Colonel, retired, in the Army. He said, I'm really proud of you. You know, and my dad had been in Korea and World War II. And he sees it the way I see it because I really wasn't sure what he would say because, you know, I really wasn't sure. She thought, all right. Daddy's proud of me. Now we should note that Barbara Lee is still a congresswoman. She did not pay the price for that no vote. And whatever you think of her vote, whether you think it was the right thing to do or the wrong thing to do, what is interesting to me is that as we're sitting here looking back on 12 years of war, she was sitting there 12 years ago looking forward.

Read the full transcript

24:08And maybe she saw something about how this would play out, about how these words, these 60 words would start to grow and expand. That's next.

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26:21Hey, I'm Jad Abumrad. I'm Robert Krulwich. This is Radiolab, and today... 60 Words. This is a collaboration with BuzzFeed and reporter Gregory Johnson. And the story is based on an article that Gregory wrote about the 60 simple words that have really defined American counterterrorism for more than a decade. It's called the Authorization for Use of Military Force. That's shortened to AUMF. And it was passed by Congress three days after September 11th. And here it is again, read by Senator John McCain. Which says the president is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001 or harbored such organizations or persons in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations or organizations.

27:16All right. So why would we be looking at that boring ass sentence? He seems almost bored at saying it. Yeah, he does. Can I just be honest with you for a second? Yeah.

27:27I generally move through the world with the assumption, which has been proven over and over again to be true, that I don't know how the world works. Like somehow I miss that day in school or something. Are you referring to something in specific? No, I'm referring to a general sense that somehow like Oz is out there behind the curtain pulling levers, and I'm just always going to be stuck on this side, you know? Yeah. I think it's what motivates the show for me, is that I feel kind of stupid most of the time. And these shows are a way to engage the world and really examine the world. Right, exactly.

27:59And when it comes to these matters of national security, I really feel clueless. And so when I read Gregory's article, I felt like I understood something crucial for the first time about the way words actually operate in the world. Because, again, this sentence, this totally boring sentence, this is the legal foundation for everything that the U.S. has done, everything from Guantanamo Bay to drone strikes to secret renditions to seal rates. It's all been hung off these 60 words. One lawyer who was in the Bush administration said, look, this sentence is like a Christmas tree. All sorts of things have been hung off of this.

28:36But how? Because you read the thing and you don't see any mention of Guantanamo Bay in those 60 words. It doesn't mention detention. It doesn't mention drone strikes. It doesn't mention drone strikes against American citizens. Okay, so that guy is one of the first folks we called to help us decode this. That's John Bellinger. I served as the legal advisor for the National Security Council from 2001 to 2005 and as the legal advisor for the Department of State from 2005 to 2009. You can't do any speed dating with a credential like that because the date will be over. That's my congressional testimony voice.

29:17And we asked him, like, okay, so detention isn't anywhere in this document. So how do you read detention from these 60 words? The argument with which I am comfortable as a legal matter is this. He says if you go eight words into those 60 words and you get to the phrase all necessary and appropriate force. All necessary and appropriate force, yeah. You got to ask yourself, what is force? What does that mean? You know what force is? If I punch you in the face, that's amusing force. That's one kind of force. You can use force to kill people, but a lesser use of force is to detain them. Detention is simply lesser included in the use of force that comes naturally in a military operation.

29:57It's like a subset of force, basically. So if you're authorized to use force to kill people, you are also by default authorized to use force to detain them. Essentially to knock them out of the battle in other ways and that that force is both necessary and it's appropriate. And the courts have upheld that. So that one word, force, that is how you justify Guantanamo Bay. Well, the controversy surrounding Guantanamo Bay continues. The Authorization to Use Military Force Act has been the legal basis for the detention of thousands of individuals. Now, many of them have been detained for more than 10 years.

30:35None have ever been charged. And the words detention are never mentioned. Okay, so that's detention. It gets even trickier if you go just a few words past all necessary and appropriate force. To what? You get to the mention of the enemy, who the force is supposed to be used against, right? And it seems to be very limited language. You mean maybe we can't shoot everybody or anybody? No, only the people who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001 are harbored sexual. That sounds much more. Sounds very much tethered to 9-11, right? Yeah. Which is why a lot of congressmen and women voted for it.

31:11Joe Biden, on the day of the vote, September 14, 2001, he says, look, people, don't freak out about this language. It relates to the incident and there's broad authority relating to the incident. It does not relate to all terrorism every place. Because we're just talking about Al Qaeda who did this and the Taliban who have harbored them, right? Nope. Not necessarily. Gregory Johnson again. Over time, what's happened is there's been this other sort of catch-all category that has been read into these 60 words, even though it appears nowhere in these 60 words. And that catch-all category is associated forces.

31:53Associated forces. Yeah. What we've been calling the 61st and 62nd words. The 61st and the 62nd. Oui, oui. And if you define the enemy as Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and associated forces, it's a whole different ballgame. Yeah. So when you read all those words, it did not include the phrase... Associated forces is nowhere in the text. So then why could people cite something that isn't in the text? This is one of the enduring mysteries of this. So the earliest example that we could find of those two words is in a 2004 memo from Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz. He defines the enemy as al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and associated forces.

32:33But the truth is, it may have just been there from the beginning. What do you mean? Because according to Ben Wittes from the Brookings Institution, There is a concept in the laws of war called co-belligerency. It's the idea that if you're at war with person A, and person B is on person A's side in the war, you're also legally at war with person B. Makes perfect sense if you think of it in traditional war terms, because like we're at war with Germany, Italy joins their side, so by default we're at war with Italy too. Right. So just transpose that here. If we're at war with this group called Al-Qaeda and a certain set of groups that aren't them join the war on Al-Qaeda's side then you are legally at war with them.

33:18If you don't think about that too hard, it is crystal clear. But then the question that has arisen over time is how broad do you make that circle? Because the problem, obviously, is that we're not talking about nation states anymore. We're talking about groups. So, okay, how close does the link to al-Qaeda and the people who carried out September 11th have to be? So if you have someone who's connected to someone who's connected to someone who's connected to someone who is connected to September 11th, is that enough? Or is it only three links? Or can you be an associate of an associate? Now, we can't exactly know how broadly the Obama and Bush administrations have defined those words.

33:57We'll talk about why in a second. But you just have to look at the news. Right. And you could see that we started with a war that was in Afghanistan, and then it spread to a lot of different places. Pakistan, Libya, Somalia. Yemen. Yeah, and in Yemen, there's a lot of debate and a lot of discussion about, like, is this legal? Does this have anything to do with September 11th anymore? Because now the group in Yemen, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, which is a group that was first formed in 2009, They have their own hierarchy and their own structure, and it's not clear how and in what fashion they take orders from either Osama bin Laden while he was still alive or now Ayman al-Dawahari.

34:38So does this make them an associated force or does it make them part of al-Qaeda? The answer, at least on... Good morning, everyone. It is Friday. It's September 30th, 2011. Mark it down on your calendar. September 30, 2011, seemed to be yes when the U.S. assassinated two members of the group. This is not confirmed yet, but it could very well have been a U.S. predator drone strike, that is a U.S. government attack. And to put all this in context, between 2002 and 2014, according to some estimates, there have been about 65 drone strikes in Yemen, killing about 400 people. And so much hinges on how you define those words.

35:16So much is in the definition. I asked the Pentagon. I said, what are the list of associated forces? So Al-Qaeda, yes, the U.S. is at war. That's clear. What about the other groups? Al-Shabaab, Al-Qaeda in Iraq, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Armed Islamic Group, Abu Sayyaf, Jamiya, Eslamiyya, Brotherhood of This, Brotherhood of That. Who are these groups? Who is the U.S. at war with? And the Pentagon emailed me back and they said, that list is classified and not for public release. Wait, so who we are at war with is? We don't know. Wait, so you're saying when you approach the Pentagon and ask them?

35:50They say that they will not tell you the names of the people we're at war against. Well, maybe they shouldn't. What do you mean? Don't you want to know as a citizen of America who we're fighting? On the other hand, do I want to know as the – if the United States has determined that I am dangerous to it, If it announces, then that would give me a certain amount of notice, which perhaps would be disadvantageous to the United States. It could also, though, act as a disincentive for you to take action. Maybe, but maybe not. Maybe they will just get quieter, more dangerous. I mean, it's true. There might be reasons for this.

36:32They have not wanted to provide a public list because they – This is John Bellinger again. And one, the groups move all the time. And so if you say, well, these are associated groups, well, then certain people just move from group A to group B. And they also want to leave these different groups guessing. But it still raises democratic concerns if the American people don't really know who the executive branch believes is covered by the AUMF. In a democracy and in a representative democracy, that has to be weighed out. Should the citizens of the United States know who it is that the United States is targeting for death around the world, who it is that the United States is technically at war with?

37:13Should war be a decision that the citizens of a democracy, of a representative democracy, have a say in? Well, we're a representative democracy, as you just said, so I'm assuming that the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee knows every item on that list. I'm not so sure. Good morning, everybody. The committee meets today to receive testimony on the law of armed conflict. One of the more interesting Senate hearings took place in early 2013. Including the status of the 2001 authorization for the use of military force, the AUMF. It was the Senate Armed Services Committee. Senator Carl Levin of Michigan is the chairman of the committee.

37:50Senator McCain is on the committee. I'd like to welcome our witnesses. And Gregory says the senators called a couple of Defense Department officials to answer questions. Members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify about the legal framework for the U.S. military operations to defend our nation. Because they wanted to know, like, now that we're 12 years into this war, how are you using this document? Does it need to be changed? So the Department of Defense officials, and there were four of them, came and said, look. I believe that existing authorities are adequate for this armed conflict.

38:20Don't revisit this sentence. Don't repeal it. This sentence is sufficient. It gives us all the power that we need. against al-Qaeda and Associated Forces. And as they're laying out their case, they say those two words. Associated Forces. Associated Forces. And Associated Forces. Over. Associated Forces. And over. And Associated Forces. And Associated Forces. And Associated Forces. And their Associated Forces. Associated Forces. And Associated Forces. And instead of just nodding along, a lot of the senators were like, what? Gentlemen, I've only been here five months, but this is the most astounding and most astoundingly disturbing hearing that I've been to since I've been here.

38:56You guys have essentially rewritten the Constitution here today. That's Angus King, independent senator from Maine. And you keep using the term associated forces. You use it 13 times in your statement. That is not in the AUMF. And you said at one point, it suits us very well. I assume it does suit you very well because you're reading it to cover everything and anything. But one of the most striking moments of this hearing is when the head of the committee, Senator Carl Levin, turns to one of the DOD officials and asks him. Is there a list now, is there an existing list of groups that are affiliated with al-Qaeda?

39:32Senator, I'm not sure there's a list per se. I'm very familiar with the organizations that we do consider right now are affiliated with al-Qaeda, and I could provide you that list. Would you give us that list? Yes, sir, we can do that. And when you add or subtract names from that list, would you let us know? We can do that as well, Mr. Chairman. Thank you. Let me just see if I understand what you just said. At a committee hearing, a U.S. senator asked specifically, so who's on the list of people we're allowed to kill? Right. That suggested that the Senate Armed Services Committee, who had oversight, really had no idea.

40:07Which made us wonder, like, all right, if we don't have any idea who we're at war with and the Senate Armed Services Committee doesn't seem to have any idea, then who does? Well, one of the things that became clear to me as I was reporting on this story was that many of the people who were making these decisions had never been elected by anyone to any position. And they were the ones who were making the decision, not the elected representative. And so who are they?

40:37I guess so. Yeah. So we were rooting around for a while looking for an answer to that question until we found this guy. This is Daniel Kleidman. He's a journalist. And I've covered national security and counterterrorism for many years. And based on hundreds of confidential interviews that became his book, Killer Capture, he was able to paint a picture for us of who makes these decisions and how. He told us about these meetings. You say it's the STVS meetings. What are they? Who's in the room? How do the events unfold? Well, these are, they call them civets meetings. in the vernacular of the bureaucracy.

41:12It stands for Secure Video Teleconference Meetings. He described them as a sort of a massive top secret Google Hangout chat where literally hundreds of people from throughout the national security bureaucracy log in to decide who's on the list and who isn't and who should live and who should die. You said literally hundreds? Literally hundreds of people. Now, many of them are backbenchers. They're not participating in the call, but they're taking notes. before they get together in this meeting. Many of the folks at this meeting, he says, are given little packets of information on each target. They call them baseball cards.

41:46Because they sort of look like it. You got a picture and some stats. Like Yogi Berra on one side, and then you got his batting average and his hometown on the back. Well, the terrorist equivalent of all of that. So who is this person? Where does he rank? And what kinds of operations has he been involved in in the past? Eventually, a general will come on the screen and say, here's our target. Objective Akron. For some reason, he says, as they always refer to the targets by the name of American cities. Objective Toledo. General might say, target is in Yemen, we have a drone overhead. There's an opportunity to kill this person.

42:15Can we legally do it? And the fascinating thing, although maybe it won't come as much of a surprise, is that the people he's making this pitch to are not generals, but... Lawyers. There are lawyers everywhere. That is just a basic fact of modern warfare, says John Bellinger. You now have lawyers on the ground. With artillery units, tank commanders. Lawyers in Kevlar, lawyers in helicopters. There are lawyers really almost behind every bomb. Just lawyers everywhere? Yeah, and that's a very good thing. That's Harold Koh. He was the top lawyer at the State Department from 2009 to 2013. Because it means that we're not just shooting away at people willy-nilly or because we're angry at them or anything.

42:58It's a considered, careful decision. Now, Harold Koh, according to Dan Kleibman's reporting, was in those civets meetings, and he would often be the one to answer the general's questions. Can we legally kill this person? So we asked him, like, if lawyers are now the ones deciding who we are at war with and who we aren't, how do you do it? And unfortunately for us... I don't think I can get into that on this call. There are multiple methods, but I'm not going to go into that. He said he couldn't comment on any of it because it's classified. But... Harold Coe is a creative lawyer... According to Dan Kleidman, who spoke with a lot of people familiar with the process, Coe in particular had a fascinating way of determining who is and is not an associated force.

43:40In other words, who we are or aren't at war with. And it seems to be less about the groups as a whole and more about individuals within the group. For example. Seniority. That was an important issue. For Coe, if you're going to target a guy, he has to be a senior member of a group like Al-Qaeda. Right. He has to be able to give orders and he has to be unique within the organization. You couldn't simply, under Harold Koh's theory, go after, say, a driver or a cook who was in al-Qaeda, or even foot soldiers, because they were fungible. Meaning they could be easily replaced. Another criteria was whether they were externally oriented.

44:19For Koh, if they were just participants in a civil war, you couldn't target them. But if they were targeting Westerners or Western interests, then yes. So if you take Dan Kleidman's account of Harold Ko's criteria as a representative, and we personally have no way of verifying it, but if you take that as the norm, then maybe there is a strong vetting process in place. But I interviewed numerous people who participated in these meetings, and one of the things that I heard over and over again was that there was this kind of inexorable momentum toward killing, and that the military people in these meetings could speak with a kind of a tone of do or die urgency.

45:00In fact, two of the people who I quote in my book used exactly the same metaphor to describe that sense of momentum that was very difficult to resist. It was like standing on a train track with a train hurtling toward them at 100 miles an hour. Then I guess the important question for me is, how often do they say no? Has the answer been 99 times yes and one time no or 50 times yes and 50 times no? How many no's are there? Well, look, I'd say I did not come across many, many examples. But he did tell us about this one instance. This was a meeting between the top lawyer at the Defense Department, a man named Jay Johnson, and the top lawyer at the State Department who was then Harold Coe.

45:49And according to Dan's sources, Harold Koh and Jay Johnson were faced with determining the fate of a 40-year-old man, roughly 40, named... Sheikh Mukhtar Robo. I think that's the right way to say his name. I'm not sure. He was a member of the Somali group Al-Shabaab. And for context... World Cup celebrations have turned to tragedy in the Central African nation of Uganda. A few months before this conversation, this is in 2010, Al-Shabaab bombed a rugby club and a restaurant at the same time in Uganda, killing 74 people. Broken chairs, smashed tables, and the sounds of pain as rescuers search for the living and the dead.

46:27So that had just happened. And according to Dan Kleidman, at this moment in intelligence circles, there was a debate raging as to whether al-Shabaab should or should not be considered an associated force. At the time, their leader had sworn allegiance to Osama bin Laden, but their agenda was primarily a local agenda. And they had never struck out against the United States or against American interests in the region. So you've got the top lawyer at the State Department and the top lawyer at the Pentagon facing off as to whether this fellow Robo from al-Shabaab should live or die. And how does this work?

47:02Does somebody just like – does someone pound the table? Yes. This was a very heated meeting. Jay Johnson argued vehemently that Robo was covered under the AUMF. He was, after all, a founding member of al-Shabaab. Harold Koh vehemently disagreed. Harold Koh's conclusion, based on the evidence and the intelligence that he saw, was that Robo was not externally focused. In fact, he belonged to a faction of al-Shabaab that was arguing against attacking the United States and other Western interests. So according to Kleidman, these two men went back and forth and back and forth until eventually Harold Koh just drew a hard line and essentially said, Look, if you do this, you need to know that you will be doing it over the unambiguous objections of the State Department's legal advisor.

47:49The unambiguous move. And that's very strong language coming from a lawyer. And the signal that it sent to the White House was you will be taking military action even though the top lawyer at the State Department said that this would be an illegal action. All right. So what happened? Did they decide not to? They did not do it. This is not academic. It's lives depend on which way the decision goes.

48:39We'll continue in a moment.

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51:51military force was signed into law on September 18th, 2001. And together with BuzzFeed and reporter Gregory Johnson, we have manhandled these words. Yeah, we have dissected, we have bisected. Trisected. And whatever other kind of sected you could do. Quadrasected. To the AUMF, as it's called. Yes. And, you know, we've looked at how the sentence has defined our last 12 years of counterterrorism. And now? How will it define our future? Gentlemen, thank you for being here today. This is a very important... So when we were thinking about that Senate Armed Services Committee hearing, we ended up calling someone who sat on the committee.

52:23Tim Kaine, senator from Virginia. And who was there that day. Yeah, that was a very kind of hair-raising day. And Senator Kaine told us that one of the most hair-raising moments for him was when one of his fellow senators, Lindsey Graham, asked one of the Department of Defense officials. Do you agree with me the war against radical Islam or terror, whatever description you'd like to provide, will go on after the second term of President Obama? In other words... How long do you think this particular war, as declared in this section, is going to go on? Senator, in my judgment, this is going to go on for quite a while, and yes, beyond the second term of the president.

53:01And beyond this term of Congress? Yes, sir. I think it's at least 10 to 20 years. It was chilling. Because, like, this is already... The longest war in the history of the United States. Longer than Vietnam. And now a DOD official is saying, add on 10 or 20 years? So I said... Is it the administration's position that... You tell me if somebody is born after 9-11. Let's imagine in 2030... They join a group that has just become associated with al-Qaeda. In 2030. Is it the administration's position that the AUMF would cover them and those organizations? And without hesitation, the administration witnesses said yes.

53:43As long as they become an associated force under the legal standard that was set out. It's not limited in time, not limited in geography. Really troubling. But, you know, I'm also troubled by another thing. I mean, you know the iconic, it's a New York picture of E.J. Day Kiss in Times Square.

54:09August 14th, 1945. There ought to be a day where those who have served in war, that you declare that the war is over and then you celebrate them. Are these people happy? That's the only word to express it. Are you happy?

54:28You get asked sometimes by service families, like, when is this going to end? Does it ever come up? Yes. Yes. Yes. He told us that something like one in three people in his state of Virginia are connected to the military. So he does get that question a lot. And the truth is, we all want a VJ day. We need it. And so, seven days after that Senate Armed Services Committee hearing, President Obama... It is a great honor... ...gave a speech. To return to the National Defense University. Where he seems to say, basically, it's time. This war, like all wars, must end. That's what history advises. And that is why I intend to engage Congress about the existing authorization to use military force, or AUMF.

55:19Basically, he announces that he would like to get rid of those 60 words and end this war. Yeah. But common sense tells you that these are different kind of enemy, not a state or a government. They just sort of, they make war in a different way. Senator McCain has a great line. He goes, look, we're in an age of warfare where the war isn't going to end with the signing of a peace treaty on the deck of a destroyer. That's not how it happens these days. There's no clear start and ending. And yet the president. He wants to end the war, says Ben Wittes. And every war has come to an end. He sees himself as a person who came in to a country fighting two wars, and he brought them all to an end, and I think he wants to have done that.

56:03But how do you do that? How do you end a war when the vast amount of people that you're calling the enemy haven't stopped fighting? So what he does in the May speech, and it's extremely clever, and by the way, it's really well lawyered, is he announces a set of rules going forward for drone strikes. America does not take strikes to punish individuals. We act against terrorists who pose a continuing and imminent threat to the American people. That he's only going to use drone strikes when there's an imminent threat. And it's well understood by people who understand this kind of stuff that in the Constitution and also in international law, The president is allowed to act unilaterally in self-defense when there is an imminent threat, meaning it's urgent and you can't feasibly capture that person.

56:58Ben fears that what President Obama was doing there by stressing that word. An imminent threat to the American people. Is it he was laying a new foundation. He was saying when the AUMF ends, and I want it to end. I do have another way of justifying all these things. Maybe they wouldn't change. So the drone strikes and the raids would continue. As long as you have a capacious enough understanding of what the word imminent means, you might be able to continue a whole lot of this stuff. And then you don't have to go to Congress at all. And you can say you've ended the war. And the human rights groups will cheer for you.

57:42and we're going to mysteriously find that there are a whole lot of imminent threats for freedom. Thank you very much, everybody. God bless you. May God bless the United States of America.

57:59And in the context of what happened to those 60 words, you do have to wonder what's going to happen to a word like imminent. And all the while, according to Ben Wittes and pretty much everyone we spoke with, We haven't really answered the big questions. When do we want to attack the enemy? Who is the enemy? And if we're going to be fighting them, even when we're not technically at war with them, then what's the difference between war and peace?

58:37and that's why this whole subject is so unsettling like if you don't know the common sense definition anymore of when you're at war and when you're at peace then how do you how do you write rules? Yeah. This was an attempt to begin a war and so it had the usual beginning questions. Okay, you, who are you? You out there, where? You for how long until you surrender? No, you're not going to surrender. Like all the usual business of warfare is it doesn't apply in this case so then you have to think now what do we do? Yeah. It's just like one long improvisation. Yeah.

59:42Hey, it's Madigan here in the present. There are a lot of updates here and also, depressingly, a lot that has stayed the same. So Obama never did get rid of the AUMF. In fact, he sort of stretched it out even further. About a year after he made that speech calling to end the AUMF, his administration started using it to justify fighting ISIS, arguing ISIS was a successor to al-Qaeda, even though al-Qaeda publicly rejected ISIS. obviously the U.S. withdrew from Afghanistan in 2021 under President Biden you probably remember that didn't go too well it was basically a disaster and on top of that it still left us in this bizarre place with this AUMF hanging open despite the fact that so many people claimed the war was now over it definitely wasn't the VJ day that Tim Kaine was hoping for and Barbara Lee our one lonely congresswoman who voted against the AUMF has continued fighting against it.

1:00:43Our producer Sarakari actually talked to Barbara a few years back. Hello, hello. Oh, it's connecting to audio. All right, hold on a minute. Hold on a minute. Hi, we can hear you. Right as Barbara was sponsoring a bill to repeal actually a different AUMF, so we just told you this whole story of the AUMF after 9-11. This one came in 2002. For the Iraq military action, the invasion and war in Iraq. And just last year, in December 2025, Congress finally passed it, clawing back that second authorization. But as for our big AUMF, like the original one, there are multiple efforts still to repeal or replace it.

1:01:21Barbara Lee herself introduced a repeal bill. She's actually no longer even a congresswoman now. She became the first black woman elected mayor of Oakland in 2025. But her bill is still out there. There are several other attempts. And as of now, they're all still pending. So the 2001 AUMF remains fully intact today. It is still there on the books exactly as broad as it was in 2001. So those are the updates. I'm Matt Kilty. Thanks for listening. Huge thanks this hour to BuzzFeed and to their reporter, Gregory Johnson. Check out Gregory's piece. It's where we started with this. We will link to it from radiolab.org.

1:02:02It's on BuzzFeed as well. It's called 60 Words and a War Without End, the untold story of the most dangerous sentence in U.S. history. That is a title right there. Also, thanks to the great Dylan Keefe for original music and Glenn Cochie for music from his album Adventureland. This hour was produced by Kelsey Badgett and Matthew Kilty and myself, Jad Abubrad. I'm Robert Rolich. Thank you for listening. Hi, I'm Jonquil, and I'm from Brooklyn. And here are the staff credits. Radio Lab is hosted by Lulu Miller and Latif Nasa. Soren Wheeler is our Executive Editor. Sarah Sandback is our Executive Director.

1:02:41Our Managing Editor is Pat Walters. Dylan Keefe is our Director of Sound Design. Our staff includes Jeremy Bloom, W. Harry Fortuna, David Gable, Maria Paz Gutierrez, Sindhu Nyanam Sambandan, Matt Keelty, Mona Madgauka, Annie McEwan, Alex Neeson, Sarah Kari, Natalia Ramirez, Joanna Strogatz, Anisa Vitsa, Ariane Wack, Molly Webster, and Jessica Young, with help from Gabi Santos and Maya Appleby-Malamet. Our fact checkers are Norabel Blidia, Hilary Elkins, Rachel Gross, Diane Kelly, Emily Krieger, Natalie Middleton, and Sophie Samai.

1:03:28Hi, I'm Aubrey calling from Salt Lake City, Utah. Leadership support for Radiolab's science programming is provided by the Simons Foundation and the John Templeton Foundation. Foundational support for Radiolab was provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation.

From the publisher

We’re coming up on the 25th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks, and it had us thinking about an episode we produced in 2014. It’s the story of one sentence, written in the hours after September 11th, 2001, that has led to the longest war in U.S. history. We examine how just 60 words of legal language have blurred the line between war and peace. 

In the hours after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, a lawyer sat down in front of a computer and started writing a legal justification for taking action against those responsible. The language that he drafted and that President George W. Bush signed into law—called the Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF)—has at its heart one single sentence, 60 words long. Over the last decade, those 60 words have become the legal foundation for the "war on terror." In this collaboration with BuzzFeed, reporter Gregory Johnsen tells us the story of how this has come to be one of the most important, confusing, troubling sentences of the last two decades. We go into the meetings that took place in the chaotic days just after 9/11, speak with Congresswoman Barbara Lee and former Congressman Ron Dellums about the vote on the AUMF. We hear from former White House and State Department lawyers John Bellinger & Harold Koh. We learn how this legal language unleashed Guantanamo, Navy Seal raids and drone strikes. And we speak with journalist Daniel Klaidman, legal expert Benjamin Wittes and Virginia Senator Tim Kaine about how these words came to be interpreted, and what they mean for the future of war and peace. 

LATERAL CUTS -
Really anything from our sister show, More Perfect

EPISODE CREDITS: 
Reported by - Kelsey Padgett
with help from - Matt Kielty
Produced by - Matt Kielty
with help from - Kelsey Padgett

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