Truth Without Reconciliation

2 Jul 2026 · 39 min · 20 chapters

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In short

Reconstruction’s “unfinished promise,” focusing on post–Civil War political violence used to suppress Black civil rights and voting, and the federal response via the 1871–72 congressional “Klan hearings.”

Guests (backgrounds)

Historian Kadada Williams, author of books on Black rights-assertion during Reconstruction; her podcast Seizing Freedom uses newspapers, letters, and testimony. Historian Robin D.G. Kelly (UC Berkeley), scholar of interracial Southern political movements; teaches about the Klan hearings.

Key claims

Former Confederates and elites coordinated state-linked and mob violence to regain Southern power; the Klan was about power, not just hatred. Congress passed the Enforcement Acts (1870, 1871) and held official hearings to document violence, but federal enforcement largely failed (few indictments, most pardoned).

Notable examples

Hannah Tutson’s 1871 Jacksonville testimony about a raid after buying land under the Southern Homestead Act; her husband Samuel whipped and her sexual assault by George McRae while crops and home were destroyed. Emmanuel Fortune, a Black Florida politician and shoemaker/farmer, testified after leaving Jackson County due to threats; violence peaked in the Jackson Massacre (150–200 Republican men killed).

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

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Listening Guidance

0:05 to 0:35

Listeners are advised to take care while listening to the episode.

Promises of Reconstruction

0:35 to 1:12

Discussion about the Southern Homestead Act and its implications.

“But there were other promises as well, like the Southern Homestead Act, which allowed formerly enslaved people and poor whites the ability to purchase parcels of land.”

Violence During Reconstruction

1:12 to 1:50

A historian discusses the scale of violence faced by Black Americans.

“My name is Malcolm Gladwell, and this is Reconstruction, the Unfinished Promise.”

Introducing Kadada Williams

1:50 to 2:15

Malcolm Gladwell introduces historian Kadada Williams and her work.

“I'm speaking with historian Kadada Williams, who's written two books about how black Americans asserted their rights during the Reconstruction era.”

The Nature of Violence

2:15 to 3:06

Exploration of the violent responses against newly freed Black Americans.

“When you listen to these voices she's unearthed from the Reconstruction era, you start to doubt that the Civil War really came to an end in 1865, when the history books say it did.”

Congressional Actions

3:06 to 3:56

Congress's response to violence through the Enforcement Acts.

“There's this idea that resistance to emancipation is only in the South.”

Klan Hearings Overview

3:56 to 4:32

Details on the Klan hearings and their significance in American history.

“they traveled around the South and invited hundreds of witnesses, black and white, to describe the violence they had experienced.”

Hannah Tutson's Testimony

4:32 to 5:20

Details of Hannah Tutson's testimony regarding the violence she faced.

“this testimony involves graphic depictions of violence.”

Hannah's Family Life

5:20 to 7:11

An insight into Hannah's life as a newly freed woman and her struggles.

“She testified in Jacksonville, Florida, on November 10th in 1871.”

Struggles for Land Ownership

7:11 to 10:58

Hannah's determination to keep her family's land in the face of threats.

“She's working alongside her husband to build a new life for their family.”
Show all 20 chapters

Violence and Resistance

10:58 to 13:14

A harrowing account of the violence Hannah faced and her resistance.

“and you have to improve the land, meaning you have to grow a crop, et cetera, on it.”

Reflections on Testimonies

13:14 to 14:03

Malcolm reflects on the significance of Hannah's testimony and the broader implications.

“With the straps that you would use on a horse, these were one of many tools that attackers used to assault the people they were holding hostage during these raids.”

Hannah's Harrowing Experience

14:03 to 16:42

Learn about Hannah's traumatic assault and the aftermath for her family.

“After the men grew tired of abusing Hannah and her husband, they just left.”

The Resilience of Hannah and Samuel

16:42 to 19:16

Explore the enduring relationship of Hannah and Samuel after their ordeal.

“What we realize is that the daughter grabbed her two siblings when her parents were being dragged out of the house and ran to a woodpile far away to hide from the men.”

Understanding Violence in Reconstruction

19:16 to 22:06

Discuss the motivations behind violence from groups like the Klan during Reconstruction.

“Well, it's an incredible compilation of descriptive violence of all sorts.”

Understanding Violence in Reconstruction

22:22 to 23:59

Discuss the motivations behind violence from groups like the Klan during Reconstruction.

“The standard online checkout process, it's usually full of friction.”

Emmanuel Fortune's Political Journey

24:11 to 28:00

Learn about Emmanuel Fortune's rise to political power during Reconstruction.

“Staff writer Evan Osnos on the New Yorker Radio Hour.”

The Struggles of Black Political Engagement

28:00 to 32:52

Learn about the historical context and challenges faced by Black people in politics post-slavery.

“Emmanuel and his community were in the Plantation Belt, which is where many enslavers had produced cotton before the war.”

Reflecting on Violence and Democracy

34:11 to 39:20

Explore the complexities of violence against Black communities and the political implications in America.

“Kelly, I asked him to help make sense of that grim reality.”

The Economic Factors Behind Reconstruction's End

39:21 to 41:31

Understand how financial interests influenced the end of Reconstruction and its impacts.

“Triumph and tragedy, bad luck and sheer horror.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00This episode contains graphic depictions of sexual and physical violence. Please take care while listening.

0:35equal protection under the law. But there were other promises as well, like the Southern Homestead Act, which allowed formerly enslaved people and poor whites the ability to purchase parcels of land. The burning question by 1871 was how would these promises be kept? Because it was very clear that many Southern whites were not cooperating, that in fact they were responding with horrific violence and terror against just about any Black person who tried to exercise their rights under the law. My name is Malcolm Gladwell, and this is Reconstruction, the Unfinished Promise. Can you give me some sense of the scale of the violence here?

1:23So there are thousands of people who are killed during Reconstruction, And one estimate puts the number at 54 ,000. Oh, wow. Yeah, that is an astonishing number. Yes, which is about the size of a small to mid-sized town. So imagine that the population of a town disappearing, being killed over a roughly 30-year period. I'm speaking with historian Kadada Williams, who's written two books about how black Americans asserted their rights during the Reconstruction era. What's remarkable about her scholarship is how it brings to life stories that have been too long overlooked. Stories she's found in newspapers, in letters, and in public testimony.

2:10Her podcast, Seizing Freedom, brings those stories to life as well. When you listen to these voices she's unearthed from the Reconstruction era, you start to doubt that the Civil War really came to an end in 1865, when the history books say it did. And so even though peace had been declared on paper, we see enslavers and their allies using a great deal of violence to try to preserve slavery as much as possible. And so they are, to a degree, waging a war against newly freed Black people. So what choice does Congress make in the wake of this kind of violence? Because Congress is the body that established Reconstruction.

2:55I think Congress makes decisions that it can, recognizing how resistant the larger population was to emancipation. There's this idea that resistance to emancipation is only in the South. But there's extreme resistance to emancipation in the North and the West. And so Congress authorizes these preliminary investigations. The attorney general partnered with the Treasury Department to send agents south to investigate and arrest offenders. So that's one of the first things that they do. And they're finding enough information that merits legislation. And so Congress will pass the Enforcement Acts of 1870 and 1871.

3:40As Kadada explained to me, the Enforcement Acts were a series of laws passed by Congress to protect the civil liberties and voting rights of African Americans. But members of Congress also attempted to document what was happening. Over the course of seven months, in 1871, they traveled around the South and invited hundreds of witnesses, black and white, to describe the violence they had experienced. They even interviewed some of the perpetrators. These inquiries are sometimes called the Klan hearings, although not all of the perpetrators were part of the Klan. And they were the only real, official effort in all of American history to publicly reckon with the violence that followed the war.

4:24Many of those who testified were speaking on the record about their experiences for the first time. And I have to warn you, this testimony involves graphic depictions of violence.

4:48You've got victims, perpetrators, elected officials, and in that group you have about 200 African Americans who testify at the hearings. State your age, where you were born, and where you now live. As near as I can tell, I'm about 42 or 43 years old. I was born in Gadsden, Florida, and I now live in Clay County near Waldo on old number 11 Pond. One of the testimonies that really stuck out to me was that of Hannah Tutson. She testified in Jacksonville, Florida, on November 10th in 1871. Are you the wife of Samuel Tutson? Yes, sir. Were you at home when he was whipped last spring? Yes, I was at home.

5:39Tell us what took place and how it was done. When they came to my house that night, the dog barked twice. An old man got up and went out of doors and then came back and laid down. The dog flew out again. And I got up and went out of doors. But I could see nothing. I went back into the house, and just as I got in the bed, five men bulged right against the door, and the door fell right in the middle of the floor, and they all fell down.

6:18Hannah was a newly freed woman. She was a wife. She was a mother. She had three younger children in the house. She also had several older children that had moved out and were living on their own. I can imagine that Hannah looked like a lot of Black women at the time. She could have been brown-skinned. She could have been light-skinned. She could have been dark-skinned. We just don't know. She could have been really slim coming out of slavery. She could have been thick because she was in her early 40s when she testified. She would have been moving towards menopause. I see a constellation of possibilities from all of the Black people that I know myself, that I've seen in photographs over time.

7:06She's got a whole world mapped out in her mind. She had her own dreams of what her life was going to be like having survived what she called the red times of slavery. She's working alongside her husband to build a new life for their family. She's doing everything she believes she should do. And yet she's being menaced and harassed by these people who want to deny her everything. And they dismantle her life.

7:44Tell us what took place and how it was done. George McRae. He ran right to me and gathered me by the arm. As I saw him coming, I picked up the child, the baby, and held on to him. The old man threw his arms around my neck, held on to me. Another man catch hold of my foot. And then there was so many hold of me, I cannot tell who they were. The committee is asking her about the details of the May 1871 raid on her family's home. And she's describing what happened when a white man named George McRae attacked her and her family.

8:41Hannah and Samuel had just barely made it out of slavery. They spent several years scrimping and saving every penny they could to buy land. They purchased it legally through a government program, and hardly any time passed before gangs of white men began to harass Hannah and her family. The five men dragged Hannah and her husband outside. One of the men stomped on Samuel as Hannah begged her husband to stop fighting back. I said, Sam, give up. It's not worthwhile to try to do anything. They'll try to kill us here. They took and carried me to a pine, just as large as I could get my arms around.

9:22And then they tied my hands there. They pulled off all my linen, tore it up so that I did not have a piece of rag on me as big as my hand. They tied me and I said, man, what are you going to do with me? And they said, God damn you, we will show you. You are living on another man's premises. I said, no, I am living on my own premises. I gave$150 for it.

9:53Samuel and Hannah are part of a rural community. Their testimonies indicate that it's a mixed-race community with Black and white and probably Native American neighbors. What most people seem to be doing when they acquire land is build a home, plant a large garden, bring in their livestock, and start a crop. On top of helping Samuel with a homestead, Hannah has her own business as a laundress. Doing laundry was how many Black women helped their families survive the transition from slavery to freedom. I imagine Hannah's work was probably crucial in their ability to purchase their land. Congress passed the Southern Homestead Act in 1866 to help newly freed African-Americans acquire land.

10:45One of the conditions of the Homestead Act is that you have to stay on the land in order to keep it. You have to pay the fee, you have to stay on the land continuously for a period of time, and you have to improve the land, meaning you have to grow a crop, et cetera, on it. So what you're hearing in Hannah's testimony is that she will not be intimidated or threatened off her family's land. She knows that if her family leaves, they'll lose everything. As I read her testimony, I learned that the same men had been to her home three weeks before. And when those men returned to their land, they did much more than threaten Hannah and her family.

11:27One of the first things the men did was separate Hannah and Samuel. They take them to completely different parts of their property. They tie Hannah to a tree. A few of the men begin whipping her. This continued well into the night. The men, they take breaks from their assault of Hannah while they destroy their crops, while they tear down their home. And when some of the men would go off and leave, one of the men who stayed, George McRae, took that as an opportunity to assault Hannah. Every time they would go off, George McRae would act scandalously and ridiculously toward me and treat me shamefully.

12:17When he, George, saw them coming again, he would make me get up. He would make me squat down by the pine and say, what are you trembling for? I'd say that I was cold and was afraid that I'd freeze. he would get his knees between my legs and say, God damn, you open your legs. He sat down there and said, Old lady, if you don't let me have my way with you, I will kill you. I said, no, do just what you are going to do. They whipped me and went off again to the horses and got liquor of some kind and poured it on my head and I smelt it for three weeks. So it made me sick. They went off and whispered, and then George McRae told them to go to my house and tear it down.

13:09There were four men whipping me at once. With the straps that you would use on a horse, these were one of many tools that attackers used to assault the people they were holding hostage during these raids. They used everything from branches to whips, ropes, and chains. How many lashes did they give you in all? Can I tell you? For they whipped me from the crown of my head to the soles of my feet. I was just raw. The blood oozed out through my frock all around my waist, clean through. After I got away from them that night, I ran to my house. My house was torn down.

14:03After the men grew tired of abusing Hannah and her husband, they just left. Hannah, bloody, naked, and most likely in excruciating pain, made her way back home. When I first started reading the congressional testimonies, I read them like a lot of historians typically read them, meaning I skipped past a lot of information and I honed in on Hannah's description of her sexual assault. As I developed a better lens for reading the testimonies, I started to slow down and not just take in her sexual assault, but to understand all of the things that led up to it, all of the things that happened around it, and all of the things that happened afterward.

14:56And I felt a sense of even shame that I had missed all of the other details of her testimony. And so I felt that in some ways, maybe that she's calling to me from across time saying almost that you missed it, that you missed it. You still don't get it. I think what Hannah wanted me to see really clearly that her babies were in the house when they were attacked and they were injured in the attack, too. in ways that historians who look at these records often do not consider at all. I said, Lord, my little children are dead. I went to the box of my things and I picked up a dress I had there. But I went five miles before I put it on my back.

15:53When I got near one of my neighbor's house, I hollered murder. And they heard me. and they said they heard horses' feet go by. I did hear horses myself and I hollered for I was afraid. I cannot read and I've got no clock. But as near as I can tell, an hour must have passed and I went 12 miles by sunrise after I got away from them. She goes searching for her family. She doesn't find the children at the house, which has been torn down. She fears that they have been killed. She goes back, continues to look, and she finds Samuel passed out tied to a tree. They still don't know where the children are.

16:41They wait until the sun rises, and shortly after that, their daughter and her two siblings come home.

16:54What we realize is that the daughter grabbed her two siblings when her parents were being dragged out of the house and ran to a woodpile far away to hide from the men. The eldest daughter explained that she fed the baby gooseberries to keep it from crying and attracting the men to where they were hiding.

17:22How old were your children? One was about five years old, another between nine and ten, and the other was not quite a year old, lacking two months. That was the one you had in your arms when the jerk bit away? Yes, sir. Did the baby get hurt? Yes, sir. And one of its hips, when it began to walk, one of its hips was very bad, and every time you would stand it up, it would scream. But I rubbed it and rubbed it, and it looks like it was outgrowing it now.

18:04What reading Hannah's story made me want to do is to try to figure out if I could learn anything about what happens to them after they testify at the hearings. When you're doing that kind of archival research, you lose track of people over time. Nearly 15 years after Hannah testified at the Klan hearings, I found them in the Florida census. She had moved from where they were along with Samuel and two of their children. They were all living in St. Johns County, Florida. But I'm struck by the fact that they are still together. Because to survive a harrowing attack where a husband is bound and whipped and a wife is bound, whipped, and sexually assaulted, a lot of couples don't come back from that.

18:51They can't live with each other and with what happened to them. But Hannah and Samuel, they're still there. I don't know if it was a healthy union or not, but I know that they're together and that is, at least for me, it is, if not comforting, then interesting.

19:15Do you remember your thoughts and reactions when you first encountered the testimonies from the Klan hearings? Well, it's an incredible compilation of descriptive violence of all sorts. To help make sense of the motivation behind the violence, I wanted to speak to another historian, Professor Robin D.G. Kelly. Kelly is one of the most renowned scholars of the interracial political movements that emerged in the South after Reconstruction was overthrown. And he teaches a class about the Klan hearings at UC Berkeley. One of the things I really emphasize in my own thinking about violence is, what is it for?

19:57You know, so much of it is political violence about suppressing a movement, a revolution. There's not a more revolutionary moment in American history than Reconstruction. And so it's violence produced by the state and the state's relationship to mob violence. And that's something that we should talk about. The violence coming from the former Confederates, coming from the Ku Klux Klan, which was driven by elites. That violence, I would argue, is an extension of the shadow state, trying to basically take back power in the South. Slavery, we know, is incredibly violent. But is the violence after slavery is abolished different in your mind?

20:41Postbellum violence is different in many ways. One, now you're talking about Black people who are not property. So the value of an African who is in bondage is one that required the owner to protect that investment. Now you don't have that kind of protection. The other thing which I think is really, really important, I don't want to lose this, is that state violence and mob violence are two sides of the same coin. In other words, they're completely connected. So the Klan itself was a conspiracy on the part of former planters, property owners, with the support of a deputized white population. and so what ends up happening in 1871, 72, 73, that whole period, this constant struggle of massacres, massacres that are in the service of this new formation or new state power.

21:52So I think it's really important not to see organizations like the Klan as just like a bunch of backwards, ignorant people who hate Black people. It's not even about hating Black people. You know, you can hate or not hate. What they want is power.

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24:44When Black people gained the right to vote, they upended the balance of political power in the South. One story that really struck me in the historical record is that of Emmanuel Fortune. Fortune lived in Jackson County, Florida, way up in the panhandle of the state. He'd been enslaved and he was in his 30s when Reconstruction began. He became a shoemaker and a farmer, a leader in the community. In 1868, Fortune was elected as one of four representatives from his county to the State Constitutional Convention. And that's where his career in politics began. By the time Congress held its so-called Klan hearings, Fortune had been elected to the Florida House of Representatives.

25:31He testified on the same day as Hannah Tudson, November 10, 1871 State your age, where you were born, where you now live and what is your occupation I am going on 39 years old I was born in Jackson County in this state and I now live in Jacksonville This testimony reveals yet another dramatic story one that Kadada Williams wrote about in her book I Saw Death Coming — Emmanuel Fortune was a native Floridian, and the only surviving parent to three children. His wife died in 1871, just months before he gave his testimony at the congressional hearing. I think that Fortune would have dressed his best.

26:19He was a lawmaker, so he would have been used to doing that. And as most proud Black men do, you know, when they're going to important places, when they've got important business, they dress accordingly. The hair would have been done. That part would have been super straight. Coles would have been clean, pressed, and ready to go.

26:39When people like Emanuel Fortune go and testify, they would have gone to these often big formal places, often big buildings. Sometimes they may be state buildings. And depending on the weather, it may be inside, but it might be outside. I would imagine that Fortune had a knife or a gun on him for his own self-defense, no one was going to be patting them down before they went into the room. They're not there with long guns or anything, but, you know, you could keep a pistol on your person.

27:15When did you leave Jackson County? In May 1869. And why did you leave there? There got to be such a state of lawlessness and outrage that I expected that my life was in danger at all times. And I left on that account. In fact, I got indirectly information very often that I would be missing someday and no one would know where I was on account of my being a leading man in politics and taking a very active part in it. You can't overstate the political change Black political power represents in the South. Once Black men start voting, that dramatically alters the balance of power in the region. Emmanuel and his community were in the Plantation Belt, which is where many enslavers had produced cotton before the war.

Read the full transcript

28:08This meant there was a large Black population there. And all of these now-free Black people saw this moment as an opportunity to participate in the democratic process. One of the things that we know is that there are a lot of Black political meetings. And at the Black political meetings, you see something that you don't see at the white political meetings. And that is the participation of Black women. What Black people transitioning from slavery to freedom knew is that the vote didn't belong to the men. So even without the formal franchise, Black women are participating in those political meetings, in those political discussions.

28:48And we have records that show that in certain communities, Black women are organizing to excommunicate and arrange for the public whipping of men who don't vote or who don't vote according to what the community wishes. And this may seem extreme for people today, but for Black people who are transitioning from slavery to freedom, we're talking about real life and death matters. That's how seriously they take the vote.

29:20You took a leading part in politics in your county? Yes, sir. Did you make political addresses all over your county? Yes, sir. Were you personally injured by your opponents? No, sir. They never would attack us openly. That is not their way of getting revenge. They are too sharp for that. They treated you civilly to your face. Yes, sir. He says they speak to me civilly, but I hear things that are happening in the community. I hear that threats are being made against me. He mentions a point where he is away from his home and there are other people saying, you know, I saw these strange white men by your house.

30:03Had there been any men killed in your county before you left? Yes, sir. Several were killed. Dr. Finn Lason was killed for one, and Major Perman was shot at the same time. Three men were called out of their doors and shot. Some were shot through the cracks of their houses, and others as they were going into the houses. I do not remember their names, but there were a great many cases of that kind before I left. I was told by my friends that there were men staying around my place as though for no good purpose. I expected that my days were very few, and I thought I would leave for a while.

30:47After Black men started to vote, the violence intensified. It peaked during what they called the Jackson Massacre. In a short period, between 150 and 200 Republican men were killed. This was in and around Jackson County, Florida, where Emanuel Fortune used to live. Emmanuel was meant to be one of those murdered men, and despite the risks that testify and involve, he showed up to the hearings to tell his story. All over the region, Black political leaders and their white allies were being terrorized, attacked, and sometimes murdered on a near-daily basis. The violence lasted for years, from Louisiana to South Carolina, from Mississippi to Florida.

31:35The congressional hearings where Emanuel and Hannah testified were part of a series of progressive federal efforts to deal with the violence. Congress actually created the Department of Justice specifically in an effort to investigate and prosecute the Klan. So there was some hope that there'd be accountability for the violence, but that's not what happened. As part of the larger effort to ignore and abandon Reconstruction, Federal grand juries only issued about 3 ,000 indictments. Only 65 individuals were ever in prison, and most of them were eventually pardoned. In the end, the widespread network of terror in the South accomplished what it intended to do.

32:23People like Hannah Totson and her family lost their land and fled, and elected officials like Fortune were run out of office and out of their hometowns. By the turn of the century, there were hardly any Black people left holding public office in the South, and the after-effects extended well beyond that.

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33:50I'm Kai Wright. I'm Carter Sherman. Welcome to Stateside with Kai and Carter. We're a new show from The Guardian. We're talking to big thinkers and the best journalists just trying to understand the world through smart conversation and honest reporting. We don't have billionaires telling us what to say. Stateside with Kyan Carter will come out three times a week, Monday, Wednesday and Friday, starting May 13th. Subscribe on YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts.

34:19What's most disappointing is that more than 150 years after Emanuel Fortune and Hannah Tutson gave their testimonies in 1871, there are still far too many Black people who experience a disproportionate amount of violence at the hands of fellow citizens and law enforcement. In my conversation with Robin D.G. Kelly, I asked him to help make sense of that grim reality. Where do we focus our energy today with all of this ongoing violence and anti-Blackness? Oh, God. I mean, what a question as we're facing fascism in the United States right now. That's why we're asking it. I don't have a good answer because each day my wife and I are like, okay, so we're moving to, you know.

35:09That's also part of our tradition to get out of Dodge. We come from migratory people, either forced migration or voluntary in the sense that there's only so much fight left. In my own personal opinion, I'd rather fight and honor our ancestors that you write about, that is, those people who lost their lives to defend democracy in this country, to try to make it a democracy, than just flee. because there may be one country, but there's also one planet. And this one country we live in has its fingers and tentacles all over the world. So there's no escaping it. You know, this is the nature of the global economy.

35:57So how do we transform it? One of the things that happens whenever I give talks, especially about racist violence, someone inevitably asked me about the quote good white people. Do you get this question? And if so, what do you think is behind the question? Yeah, I get that question all the time. What's behind it? One, I think it's just guilt, you know. But the other thing is, sadly, there's this ongoing mythology that the good white people are the elites. They don't usually ask the question in terms of who were the white working people who were working on the docks or digging ditches or even in other forms of low-wage labor, working alongside Black workers to try to do something, try to change something.

36:50That's not it. It's about the educated, the intelligent. But what I say to them, I said, you know, the educated, intelligent, they are really the main source of organized mob actions. They may not participate. Their hands may not be soiled. But they produce a certain kind of knowledge. You know, all the ideas about Black inferiority, you're not born with that. Lynching really can't take place unless it takes place in the classroom. People write books. Whole universities are built around the notion of Black inferiority. So these so-called elites are the ones producing ideas which generate this level of violence.

37:35I don't know what it means to be good, but I do know what it means to be completely ignorant of your class interests. And for some reason, all the potentially good white people continue to be hoodwinked by racism. You know, racism has done a number on white people. And as a result of that, we don't have democracy. How do you talk about Reconstruction to your students and the public? What do you say worked and didn't? Sometimes people call it a failure. Is that the language you use? Why or why not? I never call it a failure. What I do say is that moment from about 1865 to really into the early 1880s in certain places, that's when America was most democratic.

38:33It was the only real revolution that this country has had. The only one. And it wasn't a failure, it was defeated. And it was defeated with all sorts of force. It doesn't mean that we can't win or we haven't won some things, but it means that that opportunity not only changed the nation, but change the world and open up the pathway for the expansion of colonialism and forms of domination that might have been stopped. Had we had a real, true, multiracial, working-class democracy in this country, everything would have been different. But this is where we are, you know? The Reconstruction era was short-lived, yet tumultuous.

39:24Triumph and tragedy, bad luck and sheer horror. But violence alone wasn't enough to bring it down. For the Confederates to regain control of the South, the political leaders of the North also had to capitulate. So why would a group of people who fought so hard to rebuild the nation as a multiracial democracy just give up the fight? The answers are, of course, complicated and nuanced. But one reason, one very big part of it, had to do with money. Coming up, we'll follow the story of an audacious 19th century white-collar crime, one that helped former Confederates put an end to Reconstruction. The board got together and they said, all right, let's put Douglass in charge.

40:13That'll give Black people confidence because if Frederick Douglass is in charge of this, well, that means there's got to be something good going on here. That is not what it meant.

40:32On the Broadside, we take you into the heart of the South with stories that'll surprise you. Bigfoot apparently loves glow sticks. He likes to party, I guess. Exactly, he's a raver. And topics that dig into the muddy margins of history. Right, the good, the bad, the ugly. It's not clean at all. It's so messy. Wait a second, this is actually real. Listen to The Broadside, one story every week, exploring the rich traditions of the South. Right now, we are living through some of the most tumultuous political times our country has ever known. I'm David Remnick, and each week on the New Yorker Radio Hour, I'll try to make sense of what's happening.

41:14alongside politicians and thinkers like Cory Booker, Nancy Pelosi, Liz Cheney, Tim Waltz, Ketanji Brown-Jackson, Newt Gingrich, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Charlemagne Tha God, and so many more. That's all on the New Yorker Radio Hour, wherever you listen to podcasts.

From the publisher

As Black citizens exercised newly won rights in America, a vigilante backlash shook the South. In response, Congress summoned more than 500 witnesses to testify about the violence they had experienced. Historian Kidada Williams takes us back in time to those seven extraordinary months — what became known as the “Klan hearings”— when lawmakers mounted the only official effort in US history to publicly confront postwar racial terror. 

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