Did Farage incite violence with his call for 'pure cold rage'?

3 Jun 2026 · 49 min · 17 chapters

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In short

The episode debates whether Nigel Farage’s comments after the murder of Henry Novak amounted to incitement to violence, and how that rhetoric connects to protests in Southampton and the Makerfield by-election. It also discusses related claims about “two-tier policing,” including police guidance on handling sensitive situations involving ethnic minorities, and how politicians used (or criticized) the tragedy for political advantage.

Guests

John and Maitlis (hosts of The News Agents) and a studio guest Jeremy Hunt (former UK Chancellor of the Exchequer; also held multiple cabinet roles). The episode also references political figures including Keir Starmer, Nigel Farage, Tommy Robinson, Kemi Badenoch, and Rupert Lowe.

Key claims

Farage urged “pure, cold rage” and allegedly “weaponised” Novak’s death against the family’s wishes; protests escalated, including scenes of violence and accusations of incitement. Farage is portrayed as using “dog whistles” and racialised rhetoric while denying direct responsibility. Police guidance is framed as operational sensitivity, not proof of systemic “two-tier policing,” though the episode says investigations should examine whether errors occurred.

Notable examples

Southampton protests outside Southampton Central Police Station; Farage’s prior “Southport” remarks after three girls were murdered; Commons exchanges where Farage raised “two-tier policing” after PMQ.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

Tap a time to open that second in VO

Farage's Rhetoric and Response

0:41 to 2:46

Discussion on Nigel Farage's provocative statements following a tragedy.

“I mean, yesterday it was Southampton, but not that long ago it was Southport.”

Protests and Public Reactions

2:46 to 6:12

Exploring the protests in Southampton and the political implications.

“Those were the scenes in Southampton last night where Tommy Robinson had called his supporters to protest about the police treatment of Henry Novak.”

Political Maneuvering in Makerfield

6:12 to 9:08

Analysis of the political landscape and parties' strategies in Makerfield.

“He was just saying, you might feel that.”

Responses from Political Adversaries

9:08 to 10:40

Discussion on Kemi Badenoch’s and Rupert Lowe's responses to Farage.

“because last night I spotted, I think, three iterations of what we would call populist right parties, all trying to work out who they were throwing shade at and who they were now siding with over this exact issue.”

The Complexity of Policing

10:40 to 14:00

Examining the recent reviews of police guidance on handling sensitive situations.

“And I think they're waiting for the police inquiry to take place.”

Police Response and Sensitivities

14:00 to 16:48

Explore the challenges faced by police when responding to racially charged incidents.

“Now, if you're Farage, you say, oh, you see, that's basically two-tier policing.”

Political Reactions to Henry Novak's Death

16:48 to 21:20

Analyze the political discourse surrounding the murder of Henry Novak and its implications.

“And if there needs to be rewording of the advice that police officers get during their training, then fine.”

Incitement and Public Outcry

21:20 to 22:49

Discuss how certain political statements can incite public unrest.

“We will be back in just a moment with Jeremy Hunt, the former Chancellor, and how Britain can get rich again.”

Jeremy Hunt on Economic Recovery

23:25 to 28:01

Hear former Chancellor Jeremy Hunt discuss his new book on economic strategies.

“And as a non-doctor, I was elected and I was responsible for the NHS.”

Challenges of Welfare Reform and Leadership

28:01 to 30:21

Explore the complexities and political challenges of welfare reform and leadership decisions.

“And it wasn't that I was actually doing nothing.”
Show all 17 chapters

The Political Cost of Welfare Policies

30:22 to 33:05

Discuss the political implications of welfare policies and the triple lock for pensions.

“Everyone seems to accept that it's not in government right now and not in frontline politics, that the triple lock is insanely expensive and a huge commitment.”

Democracy and Courageous Leadership

33:06 to 35:35

Analyze the relationship between democracy, courageous leadership, and policy-making.

“I have to say I love the quotations that you put in here because they sort of take you into, you know, really sort of pithy places.”

Welfare Reform and Mental Health

35:36 to 38:05

Discuss proposals for welfare reform and the necessity of addressing mental health needs.

“Well, Blair believed in the Iraq war famously and got reelected in 2005.”

Devolving Power to Local Authorities

38:06 to 42:00

Explore the need for devolving power to elected mayors and local authorities for effective governance.

“I think to your point, what they're saying is, where is the leadership now from politicians, right?”

Addressing Debt and Public Spending

42:04 to 47:47

Exploring the complexities of national debt and the impact on public services.

“and that is something he could do in his first months as primaries.”

Welfare and Political Dynamics

47:47 to 48:26

Discussion on welfare reforms and the political implications for parties.

“It's not a pact it's just a way of saying we don't need to be in this race.”

Trump's Policy Reversals

49:13 to 50:36

Analyzing the recent policy U-turns from the Trump administration regarding the anti-weaponization fund.

“So, look, we're not moving forward with the fund.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

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0:32Jon Sopel:This is a Global Player original podcast. It took them less than 24 hours to turn this into an absolute shitshow. But it is what Nigel Farage does. I mean, yesterday it was Southampton, but not that long ago it was Southport. But I suggest the rest of us respond to this with pure, cold rage. This is a verbal tick that Farage has perfected, where he can always deny what happens next. Living family have asked us not to respond in the way that the leader of reform has responded. They've asked us not to. They have lost their son in the most appalling circumstance. They make a simple plea of us as human beings to please not exploit that.

1:22Jon Sopel:That is their plea to us. We all need to reflect on those words of Henry's father. My response, and the response of others to be fair, has been focused on the lessons to be learned so we can deliver justice. His response has been to appeal for rage. Rage. That's his response to a father who's lost his son and asked for that not to happen. exploiting this tragedy to create grievance and division would be wrong in any circumstances, but to do it when the family are expressly saying, please don't, is unforgivable. It shows exactly who he is. That was Keir Starmer, and the who he is is Nigel Farage because of his response to the murder of Henry Novak and seeking to make political capital out of it.

2:25Jon Sopel:It was Starmer at his withering, lacerating best. Yeah, he was accusing the reform leader of hijacking the death of Henry Novak. And the question is, was Farage deliberately going against the wishes of the dead boy's father out of desperation? Welcome to The News Agents.

2:52Jon Sopel:The News Agents. It's John. It's Maitlis. They're throwing bins! I can't breathe! I can't breathe! I can't breathe! I can't breathe! I don't like medium bobber here. I'm mental! Those were the scenes in Southampton last night where Tommy Robinson had called his supporters to protest about the police treatment of Henry Novak. And sure enough, they turned up initially to a protest outside the Southampton Central Police Station. And then from there, they went on to an area called St. Denis, which is very close to where Henry Novak was killed himself. of. It's worth just stating that the area where Henry Novak was killed is 226 miles to Makerfield and you might think the two are completely unrelated but in a lot of the politicians' response Makerfield is sort of uppermost in their mind particularly on the right where an auction seems to be going on about rage and counter-rage and this was Nigel Farage yesterday talking about his response to Henry Novak's death.

4:12Think of this, the biggest fear a police officer now has going about his or her duty on the street is the fear of being reported for having acted in a way that was racially biased. That fear now greater than dealing with a dying man living on the ground. Henry's family have responded to this in just the most extraordinarily dignified way. But I suggest the rest of us respond to this with pure, cold rage.

4:47Jon Sopel:So don't respect the wishes of the family. Let us politicise it. Let us show our rage. Bring people out onto the streets and attack police officers. Yeah, I think it's worth analysing what he does without a sort of lesson in semantics. Nigel Farage has once again gone as close as he can to what feels like incitement before stepping back and saying, oh, no, I'm just saying you might feel quite angry. You might feel angry with the system. You might feel angry with the tragedy. You might feel angry with the outcome. I'm not suggesting you do anything. I'm just saying it would be normal to feel pure cold rage.

5:36This is a verbal tick that Farage has perfected where he can always deny what happens next. It wasn't him that sent people to Southampton. It wasn't him that went on the train like Tommy Robinson to go and start chanting words that were almost certainly horrifying to Henry Novak's family and friends. You know, he can say it wasn't him that injured 11 officers, according to the Hampshire police and a police dog, in the protests that took place around Southampton last night. He was just saying, you might feel that. And what we so often see with Farage is what the journalist Adam Bienkow calls a ramping up of racialised rhetoric.

6:25Rick. And I do think the question that you posed a second ago, what on earth has Southampton got to do with Makerfield, is everything right now. Because there are people who are looking at Farage, who frankly hasn't been that present for the last few weeks. He's been chased by these allegations of the£5 million donation, the house that he might have bought before it or after it. He's been chased by people who just frankly like to have a bit more accountability of the money that's been coming into his party. He's been chased by people who want to try and understand the reform candidate they've put up, the disgraceful, really grimy comments that he's made about women, about his position on Brexit, about Covid, about conspiracy theories.

7:16There are a lot of things that Farage probably doesn't want to answer right now. And so he's leaning in to the place that he feels most comfortable, which is this very, very careful dog whistle, which means go and do your thing and remember who we are. Look. And I guess one of the questions we're asking is, is this because they're feeling politically squeezed right now in a seat that they thought they would have won quite easily?

7:45Jon Sopel:Yeah, but it is what Nigel Farage does. I mean, yesterday it was Southampton, but not that long ago it was Southport when he issued a video after those three girls had been brutally murdered and said, I wonder whether the truth is being held from us. I don't know. Just a dog whistle that it was probably a terrorist and that it was an Islamic extremist who had committed the murders. No, it was a very, very deeply disturbed young man who had, you know, there should have been greater action against him much earlier on. It was an absolute failure by the authorities. But that is what Nigel Farage did.

8:22Jon Sopel:And that brought the accusation, if you remember, that, you know, Nigel Farage is Tommy Robinson in a suit. Exactly what you were just saying about he doesn't go as far as Tommy Robinson. There is always that just that enough distance between him and what is said. and yet you have to put this in the political context of the maker field by election where reform think they have a great shot of beating Andy Burnham the Labour candidate who would then be probably crowned the Prime Minister except that Nigel Farage is being outflanked on the right by Rupert Lowe's party restore and as suddenly seen in the opinion polls restore at something like 7 % or whatever, which could stop a reform victory.

9:07And this is where it gets complicated, because last night I spotted, I think, three iterations of what we would call populist right parties, all trying to work out who they were throwing shade at and who they were now siding with over this exact issue. Rupert Lowe's Restore Party has come down, I think, on the side of Kemi Badenoch against Nigel Farage. You've got the tweet there.

9:33Jon Sopel:Yeah, I mean, it is extraordinary because you would think that Rupert Lowe's party, Restore, positions itself normally to the right of Nigel Farage and the more kind of aggressive, we've got to deport illegal immigrants. But Rupert Lowe came out last night and attacked what Nigel Farage and an ad that Reform had put out, kind of misrepresenting what Kemi Badenoch has said. And he goes, to weaponise his death, this is Rupert Lowe, to weaponise Novak's death so vindictively in order to make a viciously deceitful graphic, attacking a political opponent is low. I am not in the same party as Kemi Badenock.

10:09Jon Sopel:In fact, we are competing for votes in Makerfield. I disagree with her on a great many number of policies. I would never manipulate the death of an innocent young man to score petty party political points, especially using such blatant lies. Yeah, I mean, Kemi Badenok has played, we should say, a very straight bat on this. She has effectively supported the prime minister's position. The tragedy is unacceptable. The policing was unacceptable. It needs to be thoroughly investigated. And I think they're waiting for the police inquiry to take place. But what she said was, I don't care about black lives.

10:48I don't care about white lives. You know, I want to get to the bottom of this. and reform essentially just took out the...

10:56Jon Sopel:The only clip was, I don't want to hear about white lives and like she doesn't care about white lives. I mean, just ridiculous and so easily demonstrably false. But it is interesting to see, I guess, the, you know, is it, Sunze, the age old adage, my enemy's enemy becomes my friend. So now Rupert Lowe is backing Kemmy Baden-Ock because he feels that his enemy here is Farage. The Prime Minister actually thanked Kemi Badenok in the Commons today for her response and her handling of this. And we are into what feels like quite new territory, which is the two main parties, what were formerly the main parties, are feeling like the grown-ups in the room now.

11:38and this horrible swirl of misinformation and racialised ramping up is all happening in the sort of hard right periphery of who can say the most shocking thing because they think that's where the British public is. And actually, my sense is the British public is not there at all. The British public is frankly with the family of Henry Novak and all you have to do is go back to that poor boy's father who must have anticipated this, who could have seen, as we all could, this coming and said, I don't want any more hatred, any more division, any more tension to come of this. And it took them less than 24 hours to turn this into an absolute shit show.

12:25Jon Sopel:Look, it boils down to, we played Nigel Farage's statement earlier. It was like, you know, Henry Novak's dad might want this, but I've got a by-election to fight. So I've got to win the by-election and I'll do it by whatever means possible. And if that means stirring up the pot over this issue and make capital out of the tragic, appalling, horrendous death of a young man, then maybe I will do it because it will serve the political ends that I seek. And, you know, to your question, Emily, I hope you're right. I hope you're right that this is not where the British public opinion is. But, you know, Farage is a very, very clever and canny political operator.

13:06Jon Sopel:And presumably he thinks this will play well in Makerfield. And that is why he has done it. And that is, he hopes, will help his candidate win that by-election. Yeah, well, one thing that he will be talking about today and he will be concentrating on is, just to complicate the story even further, is a move overnight by police chiefs who have said they're reviewing, this is their words, anti-racism guidance that suggests officers should treat ethnic minorities differently in order to ensure equality of outcomes. Now, the Times bizarrely has sort of seized again half of this and said, oh, you see, that's a case of two-tier policing.

13:49It's an admission of two-tier policing, something that the Prime Minister said in PMQ today he does not believe happens. I think what the police chiefs are trying to explain is that they have tried to give guidance for officers who are attending a scene where there may be sensitivities involved, whether it is different religions, different races, whether it is people with disabilities, whether it's people with different mental conditions, the police have to arrive at the seen and know that there will be sensitivities. Now, if you're Farage, you say, oh, you see, that's basically two-tier policing.

14:29If you're the police chiefs, you say, give us a break. You know how complicated this job is. You know how bloody difficult it is to arrive in emergency on a 999 call in the dark and try and make sense of what happens. And we should just, to go back a step, remember that when the police got that call from the brother of Henry Novak attacker, murderer, they were told that there had been a racially aggravated crime. In other words, they had been explicitly told that they were arriving at the scene where they had been a racially aggravated attack. It was dark. I mean, the big question in my head is, for Christ's sake, bring a torch.

15:12You know, there should never have been that moment where they didn't understand that a poor boy was bleeding on the ground. There should never have been that moment. But you can understand the mindset of police who have just received a call. They think they're arriving at one thing and they don't understand what's going on. And they've heard this very clear sort of excuse, right, from a man who I think is now being investigated by police over what actually happened. And so the idea that police chiefs are saying, well, we're going to review this because we don't want to give anyone, anyone justification for saying that we have a two tier policing system is still going to lead some people to say, aha, you see, it was happening all along.

15:54Jon Sopel:I think it's an entirely legitimate question to ask about whether there was two tier policing in in this particular case, something absolutely bloody dreadful has happened where, you know, the police get a call racially aggravated attack. They take, they believe the attacker rather than the victim. And, you know, and instead of this kid being read his last rights as he lay there dying, he is being read his rights as someone who has just been arrested. And that is truly horrendous. So, yes, fair play. Look, nobody's denying something went absolutely tragically, horrifically wrong. Let that investigation take place.

16:39Jon Sopel:If there needs to be a course correction, because maybe the police having been accused of being institutionally racist, then have gone maybe too far in the other direction. Let that be examined. Let that be calmly looked at. And if there needs to be rewording of the advice that police officers get during their training, then fine. But don't whip it up immediately now when before that work has taken place and just try to sow further division in a society and make life for police officers who, you know, try and hold order by consent, don't make their jobs more difficult than they already have, you know, than the difficulties they already face.

17:19Yeah. I mean, if you were police in Southampton, you saw 300 people outside your police station. What you'd actually be thinking is how quickly can I leave this job? Right. And they wouldn't be the only people thinking that. police numbers have dropped drastically because no one, frankly, wants to go into policing in this climate, in this country, in this age.

17:37Jon Sopel:And, you know, having lived in the States for eight years, give me the policing of the UK by consent rather than policing at the barrel of a gun by force that you get in America. I think our police service, huge force. We've seen all sorts of incidents where we think, my God, the police have acted appallingly in the way that they have behaved. But overwhelmingly, I think they're trying to do a very difficult job and they try to do it very well indeed. Just to go back to the Commons for a moment, there was a curious moment of, I think what I'm going to call possible stage management. A Labour MP raised the question of Henry Novak after a prime minister's questions that frankly, fairly to Kemi Badenok, had been dominated by a discussion of welfare reform.

18:24and I think it actually made her point that if you don't want to politicise something then you choose something else to attack the Prime Minister on. She did. She went for welfare reform. But much later in that sort of half hour came a question from a Labour MP about the murder of Henry Novak and the Prime Minister gave a very considered, very thoughtful response to that about the importance of not politicising this tragedy. And as he finished speaking the next person to get to his feet was Nigel Farage. And again, I just want you to listen to the phrasing of this question, because you're always trying with Farage to hear the words and then read between the lines.

19:12Just take a listen. The horrendous circumstances of Henry Novak's death. Can I urge the Prime Minister to consider this? It is now clear to growing millions in this country that we're living under two-tier policing. The instructions that are given to police officers from police bosses are clear and written down in ink. It says you must treat different ethnic groups in different ways. that, apart from the upset and the anger at the circumstances of his death, the anger that you saw spilling out in Southampton last night, and which is in danger of getting considerably worse Because if the public lose trust in being treated fairly by the police, can he take some action, end this divisive practice of two -tier policing and make sure that all British citizens are treated the same?

20:31Just look at what happened there. He talks about it being in danger of getting worse. He talked about it spilling out onto the streets. Violence doesn't just spill out onto the streets. It emerges onto the streets when people like him incite it. And as you saw, if you watch that video, that little clip, you will have seen Luke Taylor, Danny Chambers, two Lib Dems sitting behind him who are enraged by his words, who are saying, you incited that, you did that, you provoked that. and he is ignoring all the Commons cries, he's ignoring all the people saying shame on you to make his point that, ooh, we wouldn't want this to get worse, would we?

21:16Well, maybe he would. Maybe that's exactly what he's saying.

21:20Jon Sopel:We will be back in just a moment with Jeremy Hunt, the former Chancellor, and how Britain can get rich again.

21:35and award-winning journalists. Good morning, I'm Nick Ferrari. It's time to get to your calls. Find out the latest news and hear every side of the story. He was actually treated in a way that meant an accusation of a racial slur was treated more seriously than an act of murder. They wanted riots and they got riots, aided and abetted by people who really should know better. But the next dimension of this tragedy could be even more troubling. Listen on our free Global Player app or the LBC app. LBC, leading Britain's conversation.

22:13Jon Sopel:That sound could mean a lot of things. And when something's going wrong at home, the hardest part can be figuring out what the problem actually is. At Thumbtack, you can upload a voice message or a photo, and our AI-powered search will help diagnose your project. Plus, the pros we know have over 14 million five-star reviews, so you can hire with confidence thumbtack we know homes hire the right pro today

22:48Jon Sopel:well we are joined in the studio now by the former chancellor of the exchequer and numerous other cabinet posts uh jeremy hunt who has written a new book called can we be rich again and Jeremy Hunt is this a there used to be car manuals about how you fix your car the Haynes manuals is this kind of one of those books for the economy in a way yes but I suppose I put it differently if you can cast your mind back four years to that crazy moment in October when I became chancellor inflation 11 percent the economy heading into a big recession huge black hole in the public finances and I had no background in economics and had never done a job in government with any responsibility for the economy and this is the book I wish someone had given me you know and the truth is everyone says well you recommend all these things why didn't you do them well you learn on the job that is what happens in politics you don't know everything when you arrive in fact sadly there are some things you learn after you stop doing the job and you think back on your time in office and you reflect on it and so it was kind of therapeutic putting together these things but also the discipline which of course is the thing you you can't do when you're a busy minister we're saying all these so-called good ideas what's the actual impact on annual GDP growth and which are the ones that actually work and which are the ones are really not worth the effort we're going to come back to Tony Blair in a bit later but I mean I remember him saying that the problem is you come into government knowing nothing and the moment you leave government is when you know most and you're most useful and that seems to be a real kind of example of craziness in our politics that there you are you say you've become chancellor and you've got no background in economics or you know running the country's finances i mean that is true absolutely true and um of course in a democracy it is right that you know the defense secretary is a civilian in charge of the uniformed services.

24:58And as a non-doctor, I was elected and I was responsible for the NHS. And I think there is something right about that too. But the big difference between politics and nearly every other profession, let's say you become chief executive of British Airways. You can arrive, get your feet under the table, get your people in place, get to know the industry. And then maybe a couple of years later, so here's my plan to make BA the best airline. In politics, your political capital is draining away from the moment you arrive. And I think if there was one, if we get a new chance this year, which, you know, people are speculating, we might.

25:36If there was one thing I would say, irrespective of ideology or party, it is you have to do your big things in your first three months. You can't wait any longer because political capital is like an egg timer. The sand is dripping away. And if you wait a couple of years to do your big things, you won't have any capital left. And so for the economy where there's always going to be vested interests who are against this reform or that reform, whatever the big thing is you want to do, you just have to do it really fast. And that is the big challenge of the job. I think what you say in the book is choose one thing that you want to go for and make sure that everyone knows about it and then do it.

26:20which I guess talks a little bit to the problems of incrementalism. But I mean, to be fair, Jeremy, I know you want to kind of skip over the why didn't I do that when I had the chance, but some of the things that you talk about were within your grasp. You know, ending the triple lock, which you've now said is sort of, you know, screams in your face. Of course you want to end the triple lock. Of course you want to think about where that wealth disparity is and who you're going to help. you talk about the need to cut taxes. You talk about the need for welfare reform. I mean, it was all within your grasp.

27:00Yes. Look, first of all, it's a totally fair criticism. There were lots of big radical things in the book that I didn't do. And, you know, without getting into boring self-justification, I suppose what I would say is there were lots of big difficult things I did do, like increasing taxes for a Conservative Chancellor. It's very, very difficult. And you remember the heat that I got over freezing tax thresholds or cutting spending where, you know, also I got a lot of heat. And we did make a start on welfare reform. But maybe welfare reform is a good one to talk about because whereas I did the big tax rises and spending cuts which stabilised the markets and the public finances straight after that big increase in debt that we had after COVID.

Read the full transcript

27:48I did those quickly. And to use the horrible Westminster jargon, I landed them. And they were accepted on all sides as being necessary. And I won the argument that they were necessary. On welfare reform, I waited a year. And it wasn't that I was actually doing nothing. You know, I wanted to do it in my very first budget. But I only had like three months after the autumn statement because it was in March 23. And I couldn't persuade the OBR to to recognize the impact on GDP. So I had another go for the autumn statement of 23. And by that time, we were within months of a general election. And it just it really is difficult for any politician.

28:31So I totally understand as chancellor. You didn't have long. Right. That's absolutely clear. And you came in sort of parachuting on a 999 call, essentially. But you were the longest serving health secretary. So actually, you could have done something fundamental to social care in those, what was it, six years, seven years. And I mean, maybe that speaks to the point again, but that nobody was kicking you out of that job. You had a long time doing that. Yes, I mean, the social care issue is difficult. It does boil down to money. And I think even as health secretary, I was pushing for it very hard.

29:07But, you know, in the end, it had to be the priority of the prime minister and the chancellor. And indeed, I didn't do it when I was chancellor. So I can't say it was someone else's fault. But you're right on the NHS. So I arrived as health secretary and I thought the NHS is this huge leviathan and I'm going to concentrate on patient safety and reduce the amount of avoidable harm and death. And I did. I'm not trying to blow my own trumpet, but I look back on it. Did I make the structural reforms to the NHS that would have really set it up for the future? No, I think we need to decentralise the NHS, get rid of these national targets that no other healthcare system has in the world that I think turn patients into numbers.

29:53I think, frankly, Stalin would be proud of all the targets that run the NHS, and it's dehumanising. And we've got rid of them in education, we've got rid of them in crime, and we should have... And I wish I'd done that. So it's a fair criticism. And in truth, would I have been supported by the prime ministers I served to do that? Well, it would have been politically very contentious because people would have said you're scrapping the targets because you can't meet them. So it wouldn't have been easy, but it would have been the right thing to do.

30:22Jon Sopel:Jeremy, can I just, you know, and we talked about the triple lock and moved on from it quite quickly. Everyone seems to accept that it's not in government right now and not in frontline politics, that the triple lock is insanely expensive and a huge commitment. yet no one in government will do anything about it because of course old people vote in much greater numbers than young people and so politically i suspect if you'd gone to a prime minister and said hey why don't we get rid of the triple lock then i said you must be bloody joking i think that's probably true but um i think there's two answers to that question john the first is it is important in the political process that people who have more freedom to speak out actually do make these arguments and I'm not the only backbencher in Parliament who is saying that it is it's not that we don't want to treat pensioners generously and eliminate pensioner poverty but if in reality the only way you can fund above inflation increases in the state pension is by borrowing you are actually being generous to pensioners at the expense of their children and grandchildren.

31:33And I think I can make that argument now in a way that was more difficult in government. And the more people like me do that, the more likely we are to win it.

31:41Jon Sopel:There's a structural point there. I've just come back from Australia and there was a whole discussion on these things about whether social policy is skewed towards old people. In Australia, it's not because there's compulsory voting. So young people are going to vote in the same numbers as old people and that has a really fundamentally important effect on what is the social policy of a government whether it be liberal you know the conservative equivalent or whether it be do you know i was against the australian compulsory voting for for a very long time and then um and then this year i met an australian politician who talked to me about it and explained that the really good thing about compulsory voting is that it disincentivises politicians from speaking to a narrow sector of the population because they know, come the general election, everyone's going to be voting.

32:39So I think there are some arguments in favour of it. So would you support that? Well, I'm actually... This is a terrible thing to say to you guys, but I'm actually writing another book... So we've got to invite you back again. ...called How to Fix Our Democracy or something along those lines. And I haven't finally formalised my thoughts, but it is something I'm really intrigued by, let me say that. So you wouldn't be against it? No, I'm actively considering whether that's something we should look at, yeah. Because you quote Jean-Claude Juncker. I have to say I love the quotations that you put in here because they sort of take you into, you know, really sort of pithy places.

33:13And he famously said, I know exactly what to do for the country. I just don't know how to get re-elected afterwards. It does seem for your next book, this is a fundamental flaw with politics and with democracy, because frankly, I don't believe that you didn't know what to do. Jeremy, you're a smart guy and you've been in politics a long time. I bet you knew exactly what to do when you came into pretty much even the chancellor job as well. But you didn't believe that your party could get reelected if you did it. I mean, look at the you try and make a case for a 25 percent tax rate. You say it gets rid of all the fiscal drag and all the problems with people trying to earn sort of less on the upper limit so they don't get pulled into a higher band of taxation for very little more money.

34:00And you say the sort of simple answer, let's call it a Scandinavian model, is something like a 25 P tax rate. You must know there were things that you you could have done that would have been better. But unelectable. Well, you know, this is the most scary argument of all. And this really worries me because increasingly and, you know, when you do books, you go around, you've both done this, you go around book festivals. And increasingly, I get a question, which is, is the problem just democracy, that we can't have leaders who are constrained by a timetable and electoral timetable? and I profoundly disagree with it.

34:46I want to disagree with that and I do actually disagree with it and the reason I disagree with it is because I can also give you lots and lots of examples when in politics we've had decisive leaders who've known there is something difficult to do in a democracy and have made the argument and have won that argument. Now I'm conscious the example I'm going to give is one that lots of listeners to the podcast will disagree with but I'm not talking about the specific policy But look at George Osborne's austerity. You know, he actually made the case there needed to be spending cuts. When he became chancellor in 2010, he cut spending by 18 percent.

35:23That is bigger than any cuts that Margaret Thatcher did and was reelected in 2015. Look at Michael Goh's school reform. Sorry, these are all Tory examples. But let me I could give some some Blair ones, you know, civil partnerships. Well, Blair believed in the Iraq war famously and got reelected in 2005. So, I mean, whether they were the right policies or the wrong policies, I think that in the end, people do respect politicians who are prepared to be courageous. Now, let me just give a solution on the triple lock, because because I by the way, one thing about this book is I am positive about Britain's prospects.

35:59And I want to try and give a positive solution here. I am not thinking that it would be realistic for Rachel Reeves or any Labour government to abandon the triple lock this Parliament. It was a manifesto commitment they were elected to keep it for this Parliament. It wouldn't actually save that much money to do it. But what I would like is for all the major parties to agree that they won't put it in their manifesto for the next Parliament. and I'm not saying and this is very important that we are talking about cutting the state pension I want an inflation guarantee I want every pensioner to have the security of knowing that the state pension will at least match increases in prices but I do think it would be a good thing if the parties recognised that this is something that is just unaffordable and wrong.

36:51Jon Sopel:So that's such an interesting area that you're raising there that the idea that the party should work together on this. Because presumably on welfare reform, everyone agrees that the welfare bill is too high. But it won't happen because Labour can't feel that it would upset its backbenchers if Keir Starmer was suddenly to work with Kemi Badenock over this. And Kemi Badenock might find headwinds if she was working with Keir Starmer on something. I think she offered to, didn't she? Yes, she did offer to. And Blair said last week, should have taken her up on the offer. Well, look at the... What is the big radical reform?

37:26I mean, there's lots of things we need to do on welfare, but I think the big one that everyone knows in their heart of hearts is right is that people who have mild and moderate anxiety or depression, we should be giving them treatment, not parking them on benefits, which, by the way, will lead to more social isolation and probably make the anxiety and depression worse. And it will be a fraction of the cost. And I think that that is something that a government can win the argument for with the public. I think the public profoundly agree with that. And if you coupled tough reforms to welfare with a big increase in mental health provision in the NHS, I think the public would say that makes sense.

38:04I think it's absolutely winnable. But just to go back to your point about democracy, I mean, I don't think anyone is saying, oh, it is the end of democracy because, you know, you wouldn't get reelected. I think to your point, what they're saying is, where is the leadership now from politicians, right? That's really at the heart of it. I actually think that if you look over the 14 years of Conservative governments, there were plenty of examples where actually things were done in those terms. Difficult decisions were taken. and then Brexit came like a big hiatus. So just before you skip over that, things were done like austerity.

38:43I think we can all agree austerity didn't actually leave the country in a better place at all. Actually, I would disagree with you. And I know this is something that a lot of people would disagree with as well. But, you know, when the Conservatives came to office, I think everyone kind of forgets that we were borrowing nearly one pound in every four that the state was spending. So a doctor on£100 ,000 that we were paying in the NHS, the state was borrowing£25 ,000 to fund that salary, and it's completely and totally unsustainable. And so, you know, Alistair Darling's plans that he was pencilling in, had Labour won, were not that different to George Osborne's plans.

39:25Of course, Ed Miliband as Labour leader played up that difference because, you know, that's the age-old Tory Labour argument, but they weren't that different because we had to do something about that horrific deficit. Look, there are lots of other things that we didn't do. I fully accept that. I'm not trying to make the case for the defence in a big way. But I think Brexit paralysed politics because it was such a huge thing. Whatever the rights and wrongs, it was such a huge thing for the political system to absorb. I mean, I remember in Theresa May's government, it was really, really hard. When Theresa May was trying to get her Brexit deal through, it was very very hard and then straight after brexit we had the pandemic and these are not excuses but i think they were you know that what they meant was it was just very very difficult when when so many huge things were happening externally um but now i think we we have got to get back to this and you know whatever happens in british politics this year um let let me say something less contentious, which is one of the chapters in this book.

40:31If Andy Burnham becomes Prime Minister later this year... You'll have to be his Chancellor. No, I won't be his Chancellor for sure, but there's a chapter on devolving power to elected mayors, which, you know, he profoundly agrees with would make an enormous difference. We are literally the only country in the Western world where a city the size of Leeds or Sheffield or Manchester doesn't allow elected leaders to solve their own problems. Literally everything that Andy Burnham has wanted to do as mayor, he's had to bang on the door of number 11 Downing Street, whether to me or to Rishi Sunak or to Rachel Reeves.

41:10It's crazy. And if you look at cities like Bilbao or Denver in the US, that 40 years ago were just like Manchester, totally suffering from deindustrialisation, Bilbao has caught up with Madrid. Denver has caught up with New York in terms of per capita wealth. Manchester is still about half London's wealth. Well, the rate of growth under Manchesterism and Burnham and Bernstein before him has been pretty impressive, right? That's what's so depressing. Manchester's the city we've given the most devolved power to. And it is still, I accept it's done better than other places, but it is still struggling as compared to London and the south-east.

41:54And the core reason, which I think Andy Burnham would totally agree with, is that we don't give the people elected to run Manchester the power to sort out their own problems. And in fact, we make it worse because we give electoral legitimacy to the mayors who elected, but we don't give them the agency to sort out problems. and that is something he could do in his first months as primaries. He could say, I'm going to give the mayors in our cities and the mayors of our counties the same powers that they would get in Denver or Bilbao and we're going to make it easy for people to solve their own problems.

42:31Jon Sopel:You talk about the debt there and you gave a very vivid example of a doctor earning 100k and 25 of it the government is borrowing to pay. do you feel equally confident about the debt and you know we had the tony blair essay last week saying we're not a serious country if we're spending more on incapacity benefits and sickness benefits than we are on our defense well i agree with that um but i'm really interested that you mentioned debt because this was one of the things in the category of what did i come to understand after I'd finished doing the job rather than when I was in the job. So when I was doing budgets, if I'm honest, I saw our debt as something that had to be managed.

43:16I had to make sure that all the measures in my budgets didn't provoke the markets into the kind of meltdown that happened with the mini-budget. But I didn't really understand the scale of the problem. And I now look at it and I realise that actually interest rates shot up after Ukraine and I was basically the first chancellor and Rachel Reeves the second who's had to deal with high debt and high interest rates together and I don't think people understand the impact this is having on growth and if you say why is it that we're so struggling to get out of like one percent growth I mean you know 110 billion pounds on debt interest sounds like just a number but if you add on the amount we have to pay for public sector pensions which we haven't put aside over the years it's about 19 pence on income tax that we are having to pay for our debt interest and the pensions of you know former doctors and and armed forces officers and civil servants and so on now that 19 pence of income tax that's not going to things that are going to help to grow the economy.

44:26We're not spending that on new motorways or nuclear power stations. A lot of it is going to foreigners who are lending us money. And we have to, if we're going to be a grown-up country, to use Tony Blair's words, we have to have a plan to bring down debt over time. It's not going to be immediate. It's like having a huge mortgage on your house. You can't deal with it instantly. But I think the rule that we should have is that outside emergencies, is we should say that public spending won't grow faster than the growth in the economy. It's quite a simple... Doesn't that basically take us back into austerity there?

45:03Not at all. Essentially, you are still making that same argument, which is solving the debt problem is more important than spending on public services. No, what I'm saying is that if you... I mean, I totally agree, by the way, that we should prioritise within public spending the public spending that supports growth. But I would flip that argument. I flip that argument on its head, Emily. Every one percent GDP goes up. The Chancellor has 10 to 12 billion pounds more to spend on public services. So the question is, how do you get GDP to grow? And I think that having a plan that over time reduces this huge debt overhang is the smart thing to do.

45:48Let's just move into some of the current issues. We had some of the Mandelson files. Sort of headline, for better or for worse, was the Pat McFadden comment that he felt he was surrounded by colleagues or backbenchers who said the question is always, how can we tax more to spend on welfare? I mean, presumably it is not that has not just happened with this Labour government. That was also what we've had as a pattern for the last 15 years, right? Not the last 15 years. But it started to go wrong very badly in the pandemic. The welfare rolls were actually coming down until 2019. But in the pandemic, you had a double whammy.

46:33Firstly, it made a lot of people ill because it was a horrible pandemic. But secondly, you had this explosion in benefit claims linked to mental health that were not necessarily to do with the pandemic. And those two things together mean that we are adding about a thousand people every day to the role of people who are signed off not having to look for work. And, you know, we at the moment, if you're out of work, we've got six million adults out of work and you collect the three main benefits that are available to you. You'll get between 31 and 46 grand. If you work full time on the national living wage after tax, you get 22 grand.

47:17you can't run a modern economy with those kinds of incentives we are about three weeks away from the makefield by-election just to wrap up you've talked very favorably about the need for i guess policies parties to work together to actually create the best outcome it's no secret that the conservatives don't want reform in power um labor doesn't want reform in power is this uh an ideal moment for a conservative candidate to pull out of a race that the conservatives aren't going to win anyway and stop handing it to reform no um we have uh different policies i mean we're talking about welfare uh for a lot of this discussion um where reform have flip-flopped all over the place and i think sometimes we have different values uh to reform and i think the way you win in british politics is by making the argument for the things that you believe in not talking about pacts which look to the electorate like you're trying to stitch things up behind their back.

48:16It's not a pact it's just a way of saying we don't need to be in this race. Happens quite a lot. Yeah but I think that's how it would be interpreted.

48:24Jon Sopel:Jeremy Hunt thank you very much for being with us and good luck with the book. Thanks for coming in. Thanks.

48:37Jon Sopel:Thumbtack presents Uncertainty Strikes I was surrounded. The aisle and the options were closing in. There were paint rollers, satin and matte finish, angle brushes and natural bristles. There were too many choices. What if I never got my living room painted? What if I couldn't figure out what type of paint to use? What if I just used Thumbtack? I can hire a top-rated pro that knows everything about interior paint, easily compare prices and read reviews. Thumbtack knows homes. Download the app today.

49:13So, look, we're not moving forward with the fund. You're right that there's a date that in the case in the East District of Virginia in June, but we are not moving forward with the fund, period. The reasons for the fund is something that President Trump talked about for a long time,

49:30Jon Sopel:which is the fact that there were a lot of people in this country who had their government weaponized against them. The reasons for the fund, I think, remain as important as they were before. But we are not moving forward with the fund. That is the acting Attorney General, Todd Blanche. And you can almost smell the burning rubber on the tarmac as a screeching U-turn is performed by the Trump administration in the face of such opposition to the most ridiculous idea that they ever had. Yeah, this was for the anti-weaponisation fund, this utterly ridiculous idea. The cop-killer slush fund. The cop-killer slush fund was what its critics called it.

50:13And it turns out that in the end, the critics were on the Republican side as well. So a massive climb down, essentially, from the Attorney General, from Donald Trump, after the courts ruled it couldn't go ahead. And there is a moment where the Democrats can't quite believe that it's over. Is that it? Is that going? It is not moving forward ever. And Blanche says, correct. So we will tell you more about that climb down. We're going to be talking about the Epstein files. And we're going to be looking at a particularly curious candidate that the Democrats have got in Maine. That's on the News Agents USA.

50:52Jon Sopel:We'll see you tomorrow, though. Bye bye. Bye. This has been a Global Player original production. Thumbtack presents Tile Trouble. Every single time I use my sink, I make eye contact with the uneven grout of my kitchen backsplash. The crooked corners eye me and I'm haunted by more tiling questions than I thought possible. What kind of pro can fix a backsplash? Can I replace one cracked tile or should I replace them all? What? What if I just use Thumbtack? I can hire top-rated pros, read reviews, and compare prices with a tap. All on the app. Thumbtack knows homes. Download the app today. Thank you.

From the publisher

Nigel Farage was accused by many in the Commons today of inciting violence with his call for people to respond to a young man’s murder with "pure cold rage". The Reform UK leader explicitly ignored the wishes of Henry Nowak's family - who had urged politicians not to use Henry's death to ramp up tensions - to suggest that the anger seen in Southampton last night could even get worse. As he spoke, he was jeered and accused of hijacking a personal tragedy for political gain. The question perhaps is whether Farage's rhetoric on race has hardened - and if so why? Is it the spectre of the Makerfield by-election where Reform has another hard right party snapping at their heels?

Later, Jeremy Hunt is with us to discuss why those in power know what to do - but not how to get reelected afterwards. Is this a fatal flaw with our system?

The News Agents is brought to you by HSBC UK - https://www.hsbc.co.uk/

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