In short
The episode is split between two topics: (1) whether the Labour government is trying to sack BBC Director-General Tim Davie after BBC controversies, and (2) reflections on the 20th anniversary of 7/7 and the later 21/7 bombings, including the case of Jean Charles de Menezes.
Guests
John and Emily (hosts, former BBC journalists), plus Craig Oliver (former BBC News editor; Downing Street director of politics/communications for David Cameron) and Esme Khan (law background; involved in the Jean Charles de Menezes family campaign; featured in a Netflix documentary).
Key claims
Lisa Nandy publicly presses for answers about a Gaza-related BBC documentary (including a narrator described as the son of a Hamas minister) and hints Tim Davie should go without stating confidence. Others argue this is governance, not overreach, but may be driven by political pressure and Reform’s rise. Craig Oliver says the BBC’s structure makes “crisis-to-crisis” failures likely (e.g., Glastonbury content not being cut). Esme Khan argues de Menezes’ killing reflects institutional racism and a culture of impunity, citing 19 errors and no successful prosecutions.
Notable examples
Glastonbury chants; Gaza documentary delays; 7/7/21/7; the “shoot to kill” operation and de Menezes’ wrongful death.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Chapters
Tap a time to open that second in VOCrisis at the BBC
1:40 to 4:00
Discussion on the BBC's recent controversies and government scrutiny.
“And the mood music has been there, I think, for the last few months.”
Lisa Nandy and Tim Davie Dynamics
4:00 to 6:20
Exploring the relationship and tensions between Nandy and Davie.
“We've both been speaking to people sort of past and present of the BBC.”
The Role of BBC Leadership
6:20 to 8:20
Analysis of leadership challenges at the BBC and its governance structure.
“He hasn't been sort of planted on the top.”
Government Overreach Debate
8:20 to 10:50
Debating whether the government's actions constitute overreach in BBC affairs.
“I think we'd have said government overreach.”
Interview with Craig Oliver
10:50 to 13:00
Insights from Craig Oliver on BBC's crises and Nandy's criticisms.
“this is this Gaza programme, who was responsible, who did what, when.”
Conclusions on BBC's Future
13:00 to 14:03
Final thoughts on the implications of the current BBC turmoil.
“And then I do think as well, they do feel that we have got reform snapping our heels and we cannot look like we're weak on these things and that we do need to look like that we are telling people what to do.”
Crises at the BBC: Analyzing Leadership and Sensitivity
14:03 to 21:32
A discussion on the BBC's handling of sensitive issues and leadership challenges.
“And this is Lisa Andy's way of saying, look, don't think that I won't make it hard for you if you don't start acting the way that I want you to.”
Crises at the BBC: Analyzing Leadership and Sensitivity
21:48 to 22:37
A discussion on the BBC's handling of sensitive issues and leadership challenges.
“And the only thing you'll think is delicious.”
Reflecting on 7/7: Personal Accounts and National Impact
22:54 to 28:00
Journalists recall their experiences during the 7/7 bombings and its aftermath.
“There was just this real sense of palpable excitement that we'd gone and bid for the 2012 Olympics.”
Reflections on Collective Trauma Post-Attacks
28:00 to 31:16
Discussion on the emotional and societal impact of the London bombings and personal recollections of fear and resolve in the aftermath.
“Obviously you can't make policy on the back of how terrorists may respond but I think that it left a looming sense for many that it had been brought on.”
Show all 18 chapters
Prejudice and Its Roots After 7/7
31:16 to 34:26
Exploration of the changes in societal attitudes towards Muslim communities following the bombings and the irrational fears that emerged.
“And so there was, you know, to use the wartime phrase, the hackneyed phrase, you know, keep calm and carry on.”
The Aftermath of the Failed Bombing and Its Consequences
34:26 to 39:05
Discussion about the second bombing attempt on July 21 and its implications on public fear and police tactics.
“the actual bombings, 52 dead, more than 700 injured.”
The Killing of Jean Charles de Menezes
39:05 to 42:01
Analysis of the police shooting of an innocent man following the bombings, raising issues of accountability and systemic failures.
“to follow this suspect, you know, in commas, who got on a bus, then got off a bus, then looked as if he was getting back on the bus, then went down to the tube.”
Exploring Institutional Accountability and Culture of Impunity
42:01 to 45:30
Discussing the alarming culture of impunity within police forces and its implications for accountability.
“It's found to be institutionally racist, institutionally sexist, institutionally homophobic.”
Reflections on Society and Rhetoric Post-Brexit
45:30 to 49:19
Analyzing societal changes and the impact of political rhetoric on tolerance since Brexit.
“And now he thinks that tolerance is broken.”
The Impact of Extremism and Media on Society
49:19 to 51:18
Discussing the influence of extremism and media portrayal on vulnerable populations, particularly young men.
“Just a last thought, you started saying something which I hadn't actually thought of before.”
Understanding the Similarities Between Extremist Influences
51:18 to 51:33
Contemplating the parallels between different forms of extremist influence on youth.
“That's something I think we can all be proud of.”
The Impact of Extremism and Media on Society
51:33 to 52:22
Discussing the influence of extremism and media portrayal on vulnerable populations, particularly young men.
“Bite into a stacked sandwich made with hero bread or a fully loaded bagel.”
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Bite into a stack sandwich made with Hero Bread, and the only thing you'll think is delicious. You won't think it has up to 19 grams of protein, 11 to 32 grams of fiber, or just 0 to 5 grams net carbs. But it does. Hero Bread. No compromises. Just loaves, buns, tortillas, bagels, and noodles packed with flavor. Right now, get 10 % off at Hero.co with code iHeart. That's H-E-R-O dot C-O, code iHeart. All figures per serving of Hero Bread. See nutrition facts on Hero.co. This is a Global Player original podcast. Let me turn now to the role of the BBC. On Saturday afternoon, just after the broadcast, I called the Director-General to ask for an explanation and what immediate steps the BBC leadership intended to take.
0:50As the Prime Minister said yesterday, it is essential that the BBC explains how these scenes came to be broadcast. The BBC has rightly apologised and took the immediate decision not to put this content on iPlayer. I welcome that. However, key outstanding questions remain, including... That was the Culture Secretary, Lisa Nandy, speaking a week ago. This weekend, she was asked a question that was far simpler. Does she have confidence in the Director General of the BBC, Tim Davey? She wouldn't say. But is it government overreach for the Culture Secretary to call for the DG to go? And has this government, the Labour government, fallen out of love with the BBC?
1:40Welcome to the News Agents.
1:46It's John. It's Emily. And the mood music has been there, I think, for the last few months. There is not, in other words, a lot of love between Lisa Nandy personally and Tim Davey, the director general. But this weekend, the culture secretary gave an interview to The Times and she repeated her demand for an explanation as to what happened at Glastonbury. What happened around that Gaza documentary that is still under investigation, that has still not produced any answers, even though it goes back to February. And what Lisa Nandy says in this interview is, I want an explanation as to why not. If it is a sackable offence, then obviously that should happen.
2:34She's asked if she has confidence in Tim Davey. She doesn't say a thing. And in that silence, I guess volumes will be read. Of course, because what normally happens is that lines of communication are open and regularly used between the head of the BBC, whether it be Tim Davey, the director general or Samir Shah, the chairman. There is an endless conversation going on between government and the BBC. The fact that Lisa Nandy has chosen to go public on her frustrations is significant in itself. She clearly is beyond frustrated with Tim Davie. The impression being given is that she doesn't think he's up to the job.
3:15That led to on Thursday of last week, Samir Shah as chairman of the BBC saying we've got full confidence in Tim Davie. She then gives an interview at the weekend saying, really, have you? Are you sure that's right? And you wonder what is the arm wrestle that is going on in private about this? Is it simply that someone's head should roll? And why haven't we got a report yet on this documentary about Gaza and the young kid whose father had connections with Hamas that wasn't declared? Why haven't we got to the bottom of that yet? Or is it something wider that's to do with charter renewal? Yeah, she says the BBC leadership have got to get a grip on it.
3:56It makes me angry on behalf, she says, of BBC staff and the whole creative industries in this country. We've both been speaking to people sort of past and present of the BBC. I was speaking to one former exec who essentially put it down to something very tribal. He said, look, Nandi doesn't like Tories. She's categorised Tim Davey as a Tory in quotes. This works as part of her desire to flush him out. Maybe even if it's subconscious, she sees things through a lens of criticism rather than sort of constructive empathy. This person said that, you know, her dislike for him is slightly divorced from the reasons behind it.
4:37Now, that sounds to me a little bit like saying, oh, she gets over emotional. You know, she can't let her politics allow her to see clearly. And I feel it's slightly too simplistic. But it is interesting that the fight that Labour is picking with Tim Davy or that Nandi is picking with Tim Davy is not coming from a traditional left position. It's coming from a more centre-right position. In other words, she thinks that their actions over the Gaza documentary and their actions over Bob Villan, the band that appeared at Glastonbury shouting those chants about death to the IDF, were wrong, were bad, bad mistakes.
5:19and that she is acting weirdly as if she thinks that Tim Davey has let the BBC go down a slightly insurgent path without due care to many of the people working there. One of the serving senior executives at the BBC said to me he thought the problem with Lisa Nandy was that she was just far too pro-Israel in her outlook and demeanour and that that is partly a result of the constituency that she represents, which has a large Jewish community in South Manchester. that she is too pro-israel is not impartial only sees the mistakes and look there have been mistakes and the bbc is a infuriating organization putting its hand up and say yeah we screwed up there and i think that she has just run out of patience i also think there is stuff and this was said to me last week i went to an event where there were an awful lot of bbc people there one of the things that was said to me is that tim davy is safe all the time that the board thinks that he is the best person to deliver the renewal of the charter i the bbc's operating license if you like for another 10 years and the moment they think that tim is an impediment to that that's the moment that samir shah will move against him samir shah is not doing that samir shah is saying he's the right person but i bet you there are negotiations and there's some interesting reporting around saying that actually what lisa nandy is trying to get is concessions over accountability in the bbc and the government saying we will be able to intervene much more directly in what you do and if you let us you can have your charter renewal maybe for a slightly longer period and that's an interesting one to watch as well because that is editorial control in a sense isn't it it's editorial over this is a big question right samir shar who's the chairman of the bbc i think has taken a very different approach to tim davy than to his predecessors not least because he's a journalist and he's a documentary maker and he comes from within.
7:25He hasn't been sort of planted on the top. He's come in through the BBC. He understands literally the nuts and bolts of how you make programmes. And I think for that reason, he's been slightly less scared. You know, he doesn't mind a bit of creative tension. Maybe there should be creative tension. The exec I was talking to said, that's not a bad thing. You know, in any governance structure, you don't want there to be a cosy relationship between your chairman and your DG or your chief exec. You want them to sort of cut up against each other sometimes because that's what keeps everyone on their toes.
7:57The question is whether you think that when the Labour government or any government is asking questions of the BBC, they are holding this huge Leviathan, behemoth, whatever you want, organisation to account, or whether you think they are starting to tell it what to do. And therein lies the fundamental discrepancy or queasiness. If we had been doing this podcast when Boris Johnson was prime minister and his culture secretary had more or less come out and said, I think the future of the DG is in doubt. Maybe it is time for him to go. I think we'd have said government overreach. What is the government doing telling the BBC what to do?
8:37Sorry, some of us did say that. The Boris Johnson government did put one of their own inside the BBC, on the BBC board. This person is also, I think I'm right in saying the co-owner or co-investor in the Jewish Chronicle, which has led to a lot of unease amongst many BBC staff in terms of what his editorial overreach is to do with the telling of the Gaza-Israel story. That's absolutely true. And the person you're talking about is a guy called Sir Robbie Gibb, who we both worked with in our BBC careers and who then went to become director of communications for Theresa May, leaving the BBC and then goes back into the BBC kind of to be overlord of impartiality or watching what the BBC was doing on impartiality.
9:18I suppose the difference is that what Johnson did was he tried to neuter the BBC by just intimidation, withholding government ministers from going on programmes if he didn't like the programmes concerned. What we didn't have was if you don't do this, then that. And with Lisa Nandy, it's sort of almost feeling like if you don't do this, then I'm going to ask for Tim Davy to resign. Or you could say that's just about governance. Keir Starmer isn't saying, oh, I'm not going to come on the BBC and do an interview or I'm not going to invite you on my press trips. I think what they have done is keep the editorial and the corporate government lines very separate.
9:56And for that, I think we should probably be grateful now. Yeah, absolutely. But at the same time, Lisa Nandy gave an interview where she knew she'd have been asked these questions. And even in not answering the question, she knew what she was doing. We're going to speak now to Craig Oliver, Sir Craig Oliver, who I think has been both our bosses at various times. He's a former editor at BBC News and former Downing Street director of politics and communications for David Cameron.
10:31good to see you craig do you think there is anything slightly unusual in the way that lisa nandy has gone about her criticism of the bbc and wanting clearly heads to roll that is say different from when you were in downing street a little i think there's a lot to unpack here she's clearly frustrated an incident that happened in february hasn't been released until july and this is this Gaza programme, who was responsible, who did what, when. And I think she's a real degree of frustration that you can tell that. And this is when one of the kids who's narrating the documentary is undisclosed as the son of a Hamas minister.
11:09Yes. How did that happen? And why does it take several months to tell us what went on and what's been happening there? So I can see that she is frustrated by that. I think there's a couple of other things going on here. is that there does seem to be a rolling state where the BBC seems to go from crisis to crisis. And each time there's a question about grip. Who's in charge? Who's responsible? And anybody who's worked at the BBC, as all of us know, is it's not quite like another organisation. It's not like there's a CEO and a direct line of control and everybody jumps when that person says jump.
11:40The BBC is much looser than that. And I think that the BBC, when I try and explain it to people, it's much more like that the director general is more like a medieval king and he's got a series of very powerful barons beneath him that he needs to influence rather than can directly tell what to do also you've got an organization that is so huge and has got so much going on look at what happened in glastonbury a couple of weeks ago there's literally endless streams of stuff going on who's across all this who is making sure that everything is working so it's an organization where things are looser and it is it than it is at other organisations and then therefore has a tendency for cock-ups to happen because the spotlight is so strongly on it.
12:21So do you think it is government overreach for a culture secretary to hint pretty strongly that she thinks Tim Davies' time is up? What I think is going on here, as well as the frustration that we've just talked about, is that it is definitely clear that the Labour Party sees reform snapping at its heels. And it does not want to look like a political party that whenever there is any question about the BBC, hasn't looked like it's on it. And I think in the past you wouldn't have seen that. I think when the people at the BBC were probably quite relieved that a new Labour administration came in and thought, great, people who tend to support us much more than the Conservative Party and certainly the reformer in charge, those people, I think, are increasingly feeling under pressure from populists they don't want to look like they're being weak and therefore do not feel that worried about slapping somebody down in these circumstances now so the government's response is not because of the bbc and what they've done it's because they might be outflanked by populists who might well i think two things are true i think genuinely they are frustrated why is it that every time there seems to be a crisis at the bbc it takes forever and it appears like people then just get moved off to be head of the archive or something like that.
13:39Why does that keep happening? And then I do think as well, they do feel that we have got reform snapping our heels and we cannot look like we're weak on these things and that we do need to look like that we are telling people what to do. I suspect it's also that there's probably been some private things that have gone on. There have been some private conversations that are bubbling to the surface in the interview that was done in the Times at the weekend. And this is Lisa Andy's way of saying, look, don't think that I won't make it hard for you if you don't start acting the way that I want you to.
14:10So a former executive of the BBC told me that they thought Nandy just hated Tories. I mean, just spelled it out like that. You know, Lisa Nandy hates Tories, has it inferred. Tim Davey isn't really looking at individual, you know, misaligned acts, just thinks that he shouldn't be there anymore. I think sounds to me like slight conspiracy. I mean, Tim Davies' background is that he has some connections to the Conservative Party in his past. I think he had some relationship in terms of a council or whatever. I think the idea for a politician that actually I suspect you're a Tory and therefore I want to bring you down, I don't really buy.
14:45I just don't get that. I think much more realistic is that they've clashed in private, that they found that they basically don't feel that they're doing what they want them to do sometimes. And I think it's a way of marking his card and saying, look, you cannot have a series of crises that go on and not have anybody asking you any tough or difficult questions. So should we talk about those crises? Every journalist I know, the struggle between how you tell the Gaza story, the Israel story, is a real and palpable one. Do you think that the BBC has got it more wrong than anyone? Or do you think they're just in the middle of an absolutely intractable issue?
15:23I don't think the BBC's got it more wrong than anyone. I think there's some great journalists. And I think that people like Jeremy Bowen and Lise Doucette have done a brilliant job in trying to articulate that story. When you think how pressurised that story is, by a country mile, the most sensitive issue that the BBC deals with. And I think on a day-to-day basis, the BBC's done a brilliant job. And if they hadn't, we'd have heard about it a lot more. The problem for the BBC has been in more peripheral and fringe things like Glastonbury, where why didn't somebody get, hang on a minute, these people are the support act for kneecap.
15:54Should we be showing it at all? And then when they do start saying certain things, why don't we just hit the cut button? I do think that that is a legitimate question for the BBC to face and had they thought this one through properly is a legitimate question and I think people feel look are you just being a bit too loose do you have too many outlets are you actually across it why not have somebody from News and Current Affairs come in and say look you do realize this is incredibly sensitive and we will be turned into a political football and that's the way I come at it I'm not regardless of the rights and wrongs of what Bob Villan said the BBC needs to be super sensitive to its reputation at the moment particularly at a time when reform is on the rise and that kind of thing they will be seen as a legitimate target so they need to go around shutting down any possibility that they can be seen open to criticism and i think showing bob villain from a straightforward reputational point of view was like a no-no they probably should have avoided it and as soon as there was any sign of trouble they should have hit the cup well i suppose the other thing that i've heard i mean you know emily crows former executive i know various people still there who say the problem with Tim Davy is that he's a marketeer by background and not a journalist and therefore doesn't see things quite as quickly as clearly about the pitfalls of something as maybe some others.
17:13Maybe that's an unfair criticism as well. Tim is a very sophisticated man. I know him well. Yes, he was a marketeer at PepsiCo, but you don't get to be Director General of the BBC without being very sophisticated. And you certainly don't last five years in the job without having some kind of sense of political antenna. He is in the kind of job where you attract problems and issues. He's also in charge of a huge organisation where those kind of issues are going to be in the limelight a lot of the time. So I think it is incredibly difficult for him. I suspect what happened is he turned up at Glastonbury.
17:46Somebody told him it was a problem. He said, make sure that doesn't get broadcast again. Then somebody said to him, look, you do realise that technically we're going to have to leave the feed running so somebody could rewind it and go back and look at it. And that's technically very difficult to stop. And I think he probably went, OK, just leave that bit. I think he regrets saying that. I haven't talked to him, but I think I've heard various things around it. And I suspect he probably looks back now and says, look, I wish we'd completely expunged it totally. We've all been in the BBC. And the sort of the leaving party joke was somebody go, morale in the newsroom's never been lower.
18:21And they'd be saying that for the last 30 years, right? There was always a line that morale at the BBC had never been lower. So I guess the question is, do you genuinely feel anything has changed? Or has it always been like this? And it's just that the noises off have become louder because there is more commercial pressure now. The BBC has always been in a position where it's going to be a political football. And there have been rounds all the way down the years. Two things I think are going on. it is stretching itself further and further it feels very very clearly that it needs to be a universal offering and that means it needs feels it needs to cover an entire landscape and it shouldn't with fewer resources my personal view is i think that they need to look much harder and say look we're going to concentrate some of this stuff but the argument against that is well you know if we're not appealing to certain groups then that's a problem personally i think that the time has come to say look we need to be a lot more selective in terms of but they can't shut things down i mean that's the other lesson you have in the video.
19:21Things don't really shut down. Yeah, but the other great joke is, isn't it, it's what you say about leaving do, so people in terms of morale, like anybody tries to shut anything down and suddenly there's this huge campaign and immediately somebody jumps up and goes, oh yes, of course, we couldn't possibly ever do without BBC Six. Well, we could. The world would not fall in end. The sky would not fall in. But the BBC has a tendency to say, oh, we must have all of this output all of the time. And that's problematic. the second thing that I think is the huge issue is somebody's pressed fast forward on the world haven't they things are coming at people much quicker in a social media environment these crises come along a lot more quickly they they're a lot louder a lot noisier and I think that the BBC is a natural magnet for those kind of crises and it is finding that in a time where it's more and more stretched more people more people are questioning it it is a natural magnet for crises And I think that that is something that they are really, really struggling with.
20:19Do I think that they always have the grip that they need to? No, I don't. I think that they sometimes are in avoidable situations. They do allow things to drag on for a long period of time. This Gaza documentary report should have been done and dusted and moved on very, very quickly. They clearly frustrate people. They look like they're marking their own homework. They look like that they're not taking them as seriously as possible. And that leads to politicians criticising. I mean, do you understand why you hear a lot of Jewish people say, I simply don't watch the BBC, I simply don't listen to the BBC anymore?
20:49I understand that. And I understand that people on the other side of the equation say that they're not treating Gaza seriously enough as a war crime. And we hear a lot of noise about Bob Villan and not enough about Gaza. It is an issue that by a country mile is the most difficult for the BBC. That means its news output is doing brilliantly, actually, in terms of managing that. but when the rest of the BBC gets involved it's a bit more cavalier and problematic and they are struggling in this world where social media everything's on fast forward populists on the rise people seeing them as a football all the time they are really really struggling with that great great to have you in thank you thank you very much
21:31and in a moment the 20th anniversary of 7-7 the first suicide bombings on British soil and the legacy it's left behind.
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22:33And right now, Hero Bread is offering 10 % off your order. Go to hero.co and use code IHEART at checkout. That's code IHEART at H-E-R-O dot C-O. All figures for serving of Hero Bread. See nutrition facts on hero.co. This is The News Agents. Slightly unbelievably, it is now 20 years since the dreadful events of 7-7. And we want to spend most of our time talking about where we've got to now but where were you on 7-7 because we were both working journalists then I was the lead presenter for BBC London News and what I remember so clearly was covering the story of the Olympics the Olympic announcement we we had gone and done the whole broadcast the night before from Stratford East London which was going to be the big development and I can't tell you what that place felt like when we heard you know the envelope being opened the city of London it was that very slightly sort of Swiss awkward delivery and this amazing cheer went up and we were live we did the whole afternoon the evening broadcast from there and there was just this feeling of absolute magic in the air you know it was like we're good at this We're going to be amazing.
23:56There is hope. There is joy. There was just this real sense of palpable excitement that we'd gone and bid for the 2012 Olympics. And it had all come our way and nobody was expecting that. They all thought it was going to go to Paris. So we were just on this complete high, I think went to bed really late. And then the next morning was like somebody just just slamming the whole city into a wall. That's what it felt like. It felt like all the bubble and the FFS and the joy and the thing was just like smacked down as soon as I woke up. I think I was at the gym when we started getting messages in and Mark, my husband, had just gone to Heathrow to fly to Amsterdam.
24:41And I remember thinking, what if this is 9-11? What if this is airlines as well? What if, you know, I'm a natural catastrophist. So I'd already gone to the next place. And I think what people maybe don't realise or forget, or my kids wouldn't have known, was that now you look back, you can see the terror, but the containment of the terror. You can see 52 dead, horrendous numbers of injured and those four places. But when it was evolving, we just we didn't know if it was going to be four or 40. We didn't know if it was going to be trains and buses and planes. we didn't know if it was going to affect everyone you know in the city on that day yeah where were you well i was in paris because i've been there because of the expectation that paris was going to win the olympics i was a presenter on the news channel and i flew the next morning on the 7th early from paris to edinburgh which is where to gleneagles to gleneagles where the g8 was on and it was you know before smartphones so my phone had been turned off i turned it back on when we land at edinburgh airport and suddenly it's flashing new message new message new message new message new message and i'm thinking what the hell has happened since i've been on this flight and then you pick up one of the messages and the message was don't even leave the airport get the first flight you can back to london we need you in the studio and everyone was decamping and i I remember the US ambassador was on the same flight also coming back.
26:16I tried to get a lift in his motorcade that was going to sweep him into the city from Heathrow Airport. He couldn't do that. But, you know, it was that sense of everything has changed exactly as you describe it. Unimaginable, but yet imaginable because we had seen what happened with 9-11. And the idea that suicide bombers were detonating themselves in London on the tube network where, you know, I'm a Londoner born and brought up. in London, places you know so well, and the idea that this was happening in our capital city. So the weirdness was Tony Blair, who was Prime Minister at the time, was at Glen Eagles, and he had spent the night before glad-handing all the delegates, all the sort of G8 countries, because it was part of his pitch to the Olympics.
27:01And he was credited with having done a lot of sort of the mood music, creating the mood music, that got London over the line, even though that was, you know, an announcement that came from Singapore. There was this idea that he, you know, he had been doing the work up in Glen Eagles. And overnight he went from being the man who sort of won London the Olympics to being the man who was now head of a country hit by terror. And also a man who I think you could argue was facing questions about his own foreign policy and the links to that. And in the documentary that we're going to be discussing in a moment, in the Netflix documentary, he's actually asked, do you not accept that it was partly your war in Afghanistan, in Iraq, that led to this?
27:46And he answers sort of very judiciously, I thought, well, people may say that, but I'm the leader and I can't make policy on the back of what terrorists may or may not do. and obviously that's the correct answer. Obviously you can't make policy on the back of how terrorists may respond but I think that it left a looming sense for many that it had been brought on. Yes, they were criminals, they were absolute murderous criminals who had been fed a propaganda and an ideology not least from some of the more extremist Muslim clerics in this country and all that was true. But there was this sort of really uncomfortable sense of, well, how much has our government led us to this place?
28:37Just kind of before we... I mean, a personal recollection. I remember, you know, obviously my kids are that bit older. Yours were kind of presumably just... Only had one. Only had one at that stage. I remember my kids having to be picked up early from school. Schools were shutting down. And of course, the last thing you were going to do is to put them on the tube or on a bus to go home. So the kids were collected. And I remember we lived relatively near the Royal Free Hospital. Just the endless ambulances going up and down the sirens, the two-tones of the ambulances heading to the hospital, ferrying the injured to there.
29:15It was kind of something that stays with you for some time. I remember London on its feet because we couldn't, you know, I went into work, obviously, to BBC London, which was in Marlebone, and there were no buses, there were no tubes, the networks were shut, most of the phone networks were off. And so everyone was on this really weird, sober pilgrimage. The whole of London was walking. And I walked, I lived down by, I think, Barron's Court at the time, and I remember walking like an hour and 45 minutes, you know. I turned up, you know, in jeans and trainers. It was that sort of day. And I remember the people we spoke to over the following three weeks.
29:57And I mean, this sounds really obvious, but they were us. You know, they were all of us. But for the grace of God. Well, you know, but for a minute, but for a stop, but for a change of line, but for a delay. There was a woman who lost her legs. And I remember she used to watch me on BBC London News. And I remember her pulling me as, you know, as one of our survivor interviews. And she said, Emily, do you know what? I'm really going to miss my shoes. And she knew that she'd sort of make me like cry and laugh at the same time. She's like, you get that, don't you? What am I going to do with my shoes?
Read the full transcript
30:34And it was the fact that she was kind of able, you know, I mean, this wasn't on the day. This was on the weeks afterwards that she was able to find something that that was so that was so resonant, You know, it was like it's how women everywhere talk to each other, you know, and there was somebody who should never have seen that kind of trauma at such a young age in such a precarious way. I mean, nobody should have. And yeah, that that sense of I remember being very tied to London, actually, at that stage, very tied to that sense. We all we all had to work this out like together. We all had to get through this together.
31:16And so there was, you know, to use the wartime phrase, the hackneyed phrase, you know, keep calm and carry on. There was an element of that in which people did return to the tube network. They did return to traveling on buses because, goodness sake, that was the only way we could get around the capital. I'm going to mention Gareth Furby at this point, who was our home affairs reporter, who said the next day, he said, I'm getting on the number 30 bus. And everyone went, and he's like, well, of course, I'm going to recreate that journey because that was also part of our job. Like we had to prove that London still function.
31:49Yeah. Yeah. But there were changes in behaviour. And maybe this is the sort of wider lens through which we should look through these past 20 years, because in the immediate aftermath of the bombings, if you got on a tube train and you saw someone who was Muslim, and had a backpack, you got into another carriage because you feared what might be there. Now, is that a rational response or is that a prejudice response? Maybe it's both. Maybe it is the two things combined. And I think that, you know, 20 years on, have attitudes changed towards certain groups of people as a result of what happened? Did we become less tolerant as a result of what happened on 7-7 in London 20 years ago.
32:41To that point, I remember people coming up with things that they thought would solve that problem that you describe. You know, there was somebody who came up with the see-through backpack. Do you remember this? There was like, oh, we're going to have transparent PVC backpacks so that everyone can see what is in a backpack. So there are no wires or nails or ball bearings. And, you know, just, I mean, just the idiocy of that suggestion, The fact that it was even said out loud showed you the state of sort of, I think, sort of trauma and paralysis we were all in when we were grappling with exactly that question.
33:16Am I being a racist if I think that? Am I being out of all proportion if I think that? And actually, one of the most moving parts of the Netflix documentary is a young Asian lad, Mustafa, who's Muslim, who says, I was caught up in the bombings. And now I'm suddenly having to deal with people looking at me and going, who are you one of them? And he's going, I was literally on the tube. The quantities of pain that that whole period released, I think, was slightly unending because it was the victims, it was the dead, it was the grievers, it was the survivors who'd lost limbs. And then, you know, on another sort of ring around that, it was all the people who felt somehow that they'd been pulled into the blame.
34:05you know the the communities who felt that they were being looked at in weird ways that they weren't able to get on the tube that they you know i remember talking to muslim friends who said i can't i literally don't take a backpack you know i don't carry anything with me when i go on the tube anymore i mean this is kind of crazy but for all the reasons you're saying it was a totally irrational but logical reaction so today we're marking the 77 anniversary which was the day of the actual bombings, 52 dead, more than 700 injured. But what, I mean, I was amazed my kids didn't know about this. Just two weeks later, and again, I remember exactly where I was on the day of the 21st of July, there was another attack on the underground.
34:50Exactly the same process, exactly the same targets, but this time an absolute miracle. The bombs didn't detonate, nothing went off. They had got their quantities wrong. I mean, it came down to, I think it was, we learned in your documentary, chipati flour and hydrogen peroxide, which was meant to be this explosive mix with nails and bolts and all the rest of it that just miraculously never went off. And as a result of that, the police realised that there were four more people going around London who were wannabe suicide bombers. They were the people who were trying to blow themselves up. And so instead of having just the lead of the four now dead suicide bombers from the seventh, you had four more who were actively pursued by the police, by the investigations.
35:40And so at this point, there was what I can only describe as an absolute frenzy and fear in the whole city based on the fact that we now knew it hadn't been a one off, that there was more explosives, more explosive devices, more people that were willing to kill themselves. And there was now this active investigation to find them. Now, in the search for these four new young men, which was going on at a pace, the police were starting to realise that they would have to occasionally operate in ways that we've never seen before. In other words, if you couldn't just ask them to put their hands in the air if they were wearing a suicide vest, you couldn't just taser somebody because it could have triggered something else.
36:28So even police tactics in that time changed because they were dealing with people who could have been carrying live explosives on them. They felt that the situation demanded you can't just shoot someone in the leg if they've still got their hands free to press a button. So it became shoot to kill. Nothing declared publicly in terms of the government coming out and saying this. And they got the wrong man a day later, John Charles de Menezes. So the 21st of July, we saw the failed suicide bomb attempt, but four people on the loose. And then the next day they are pursuing a guy into Stockwell tube station and they shoot him a point blank range, kill him and then discover he was a Brazilian guy who was just working in London.
37:15They'd got the wrong man. And let's bring our guest into the studio, Esme Khan, because that's where you got involved and you feature prominently in the documentary. and what was it that kind of you decided okay i've got to get involved in this well i was living in south london at the time so i was actually working in tavistock square when 77 happened so the scene of like the bus explosion which was terrifying but equally terrifying i think was this sense of if you're a person of color if you are someone in the muslim community you had kind of this double fear of like all other Londoners the fear of being caught up in an awful terrorist attack but then also being under suspicion by the public and the police and I was living in Stockwell at the time and happened to meet a friend of Jean-Charles de Menezes just two days after the shooting and through him kind of was put in touch with his family I kind of had a law background at the time and ended up with the family I guess spearheading that the family spearheaded a campaign for justice to try and get truth and accountability for the death of their loved one because Jean Charles was completely innocent and I think what even to this day is still quite challenging for the family and for their legal team and for everyone involved and for the community in South London was not only that the police shot an innocent person but then this real tapestry of like misinformation, mistruths, some would say lies, were kind of put in the public domain.
38:49And this is a pattern that we see quite a lot around contentious deaths at the hands of the state. So it wasn't perhaps surprising, but it was really worrying. And that's how I became involved. Because the police were under enormous pressure in those days. And they had got, I think it was a gold command order to follow this suspect, you know, in commas, who got on a bus, then got off a bus, then looked as if he was getting back on the bus, then went down to the tube. And the moment he was on the tube, they basically had an order. Do not let this man onto a crowded tube carriage. They thought that he was one of the bombers and they leapt over the barriers.
39:28They jumped down the escalators, they got onto the tube and they shot him at point blank range five times. And the narrative that emerged at that time was that it was Jean Charles who had leapt the barriers. It was Jean Charles who'd kind of skidded his way down the escalators. In other words, he had acted irrationally. He had acted in a way that had aroused suspicion. He never did. He never did. And I think this is just one of the most crucial aspects of why I think the killing of Jean Charles de Menezes became such a symbol in the UK. A huge amount of kind of public fury, even though the police were obviously dealing with a very, very difficult challenge at that time.
40:07You know, he really became kind of a symbol, I think, of what happens when certain communities are targeted. I mean, it says in the police notes, it's in the documentary, that he was targeted because of his Mongolian eyes. And the health and safety trial that the Metropolitan Police were under because of this case found that there were 19 errors that led to his shooting taking place. Everything from the surveillance officer who was meant to identify him, you know, taking a leak at the time to confusion from the different surveillance teams. And whilst, of course, it's really important to recognise the context in which the shooting took place.
40:45You know, I then went on to work for the charity Inquest that works on deaths after contact from the police. And I think it's really important to understand that there is a pattern where this happens after contentious deaths. You know, we saw it with Ian Tomlinson a few years later where the police originally said he died of natural causes. Then CCTV footage showed a police officer hitting him with a baton from behind. We saw it in the Mark Duggan case that sparked the London riots where initially media reports said that it was a gunfire shootout. Later it turned out he was unarmed. And, you know, in times of crisis, we need faith in our public institutions.
41:25We need faith in our police. It was a time of crisis. And I think what I and the Menezes family are always keen to kind of explore and get in the public domain is what happens when a particular community, in this case, it was anybody who vaguely looked Muslim, doesn't feel safe. He was Brazilian. He was Latino, not even, you know, he didn't even look Muslim, right? Exactly. But sadly, you know, you know, Baroness Casey's review of the police in 2023 highlighted, it said, that the police were kind of still, unfortunately, 20 years after the McPherson report into the death of Stephen Lawrence. It's found to be institutionally racist, institutionally sexist, institutionally homophobic.
42:05And Baroness Casey said that they should also be called institutionally corrupt. And I think that is terrifying, really, for all of us. You know, it's supposed to be a democratic country. and what we saw in the Menez's case is that at the time when we needed the police the most you know they let down a certain community but I think worse than that was kind of the culture of impunity that followed because to this day not a single police officer has so much as lost a day's pay over the killing of an innocent man in any other public service if you're a firefighter if you were a doctor if you're a teacher if there's been evidence of gross misconduct you would be held to account.
42:40So, you know, my question today is still, why are police officers seen to be above the law in this country? Why couldn't they just put their hands up and say a mistake was made? You don't think you overstate it, that there is a culture of impunity? I think that maybe I spent too long living in America. But the fact of the matter is that in the States, I don't believe that the four people responsible for 21-7 would have got to being on trial. I think the police would have taken them out at the first possible moment when they came out whether they came out with their hands up in their underpants at that block of flats or not i just think that it's nobody's suggesting that we want to be more like no no no but but i just equally think that all the things you list in terms of what happened to john charles de maness is absolutely right and you know you can imagine the stress in the documentary we hear from the the firearms officer we don't see him who fired the shots and he says i'll never you know this wants him forevermore.
43:38I felt sorry for the guy. I felt sorry for him being put in that position. I felt sorry for more or less everyone who is put in that position. This is tough decisions. So since 1990 in the UK we've had 1 ,900, this is from the charity inquest that monitors these things, 1 ,900 deaths following contact with the police. Of those we've only had one successful prosecution of a police officer. Now that for me would suggest a culture of impunity. What we see it's you know it is quite often after a contentious event that the police have been involved in there's conferring on notes there's misinformation put in the public domain certainly for me actually it was the inquest it was the investigation into the shooting of John Charles de Menezes that actually for me as someone who really I trained in law grew up thinking the British legal system was one of the best in the world was the most disappointing because at the inquest into the killing you know they are An inquest is a legal proceeding that always takes place after a contentious death.
44:39It cost£8 million, a huge amount of public money. It took three months. And at the end of it, the coroner decided on his own that he would not leave the ruling of unlawful killing to the jury. So the jury only could decide whether John Charles was killed lawfully or open. Now, that for me, as someone who really believes in the rule of law, doesn't seem fair. and it also doesn't install trust in our public services. Look, mistakes are made. Everyone makes mistakes in all of their jobs. I think what the Menezes family and those working alongside them would say is that when mistakes are made, it's just important for there to be accountability so there can be lessons learnt and given the high numbers of contentious tests that still continue, I would say that those lessons haven't been learnt which is, I think, why it's important to still talk about it.
45:29So if I brought you to 2025, and I think it was Neil Bassett writing The Guardian this weekend, that we've had a trajectory of tolerance, he said, interrupted by the events of 7-7. And now he thinks that tolerance is broken. Neil Bassett, who's in Canterra's in the Met Police. I'm curious, Yasmin, to get your assessment of where you think we are now. in terms of, as a young British Muslim, do you feel London is your city? Do you feel London is somewhere that you are still watching over your shoulder the whole time? Do you feel the same about Britain as a whole? Well, I know, as a proud Londoner, I think London, London's one of the best cities in the world.
46:16And I think it will always exist in that way. I think around the country, I think things are a bit different. I'll be quite honest with you, I'm a recent mum. And in the last year you know whether it was from the far right hate marches that we saw last summer that targeted you know asylum hotels or you know the increase in attacks on mosques yeah after the southport killings um to just the rhetoric really seems to have changed ironically i kind of think we were in a better place 20 years ago when these attacks took place now i think that it's been kind of mainstreamed hasn't it the the fear-mongering and honestly I feel like all the discussions that happened over Brexit have just expanded into our society since then I think I think we're a less tolerant society than we were I think if you just look at the rhetoric coming out of senior politicians it's so much more inflammatory so you talk about us being less tolerant now or how it's been mainstreamed and I hear you I mean I hear you in all the rhetoric that we kind of see now I guess the question that a lot of us will be asking ourselves was were we too tolerant at the time of the hate preachers the hate speech were we trying to sort of I mean I remember you know I remember interviewing Omar Bakrur Mohammed and Abu Hamza But on BBC London News, I mean, sometimes I think, what the fuck were we doing?
47:44But did we not get how instrumental that was in changing the fabric of the country, maybe? I don't know, because obviously I think that the media kind of tend to be attracted by controversial figures. And I think that continues to this day, that people who I perhaps think would speak in particularly divisive language language are commonly still on mainstream broadcast programs across all TV channels. But I think, you know, the sad fact is, I don't think, you know, within British Muslim society, nobody was glorifying these people. You know, I remember countless conversations with my dad, who NHS psychiatrist, who would just be from Pakistan, fuming, embarrassed, but also like shocked and curious basically having all the reactions everybody else would what would drive someone to do this like why is this happening also kind of the fury that i think it's how a lot of my american friends feel at the moment actually um that kind of sense that if you know somebody responsible for tommy robinson right they're all responsible for donald trump or whatever you know it it's really jarring because there are how many you know billion x numbers of muslims all over the world and a very small number of extremists have unfortunately caught I think the attention of some very vulnerable socially excluded young men it's interesting actually that's young men again I often think of all the Andrew Tate stuff now and how again it's do you think it's the same do you think I wonder actually you know this thing of vulnerable why is it that it's so men easily influenced socially excluded I think that when you have moments like 7-7, they're real opportunities and much the tragedy to kind of have broader looks at ourselves and how we got here and where we go next.
49:40Just a last thought, you started saying something which I hadn't actually thought of before. Do you think that Islamist suicide bombers and Andrew Tate are basically just different sides of the same coin? I think that brainwashing vulnerable young people and trying to convince them that the world is divided into us and them, encouraging and glorifying senseless acts of violence. I mean, these are all very similar, aren't they? I don't think we're seeing obviously the same kind of violence on our streets, but maybe we're seeing it in our homes. You know, I have got a young daughter and I worry about the future it feels so regressive compared to you know where the direction I felt things were going I do think social media has a lot to answer for I do think we've become more fragmented as a society we don't have the same institutions whether that's you know whether we believe in them or not but you know whether it's religious institutions whether it's workplace organizations everything has shifted online um but I'm also an optimist I think that is probably what drove me to work with the Menezes campaign.
50:46And I think that one of the things that really struck me about 7-7 and also 21-7 and the Menezes campaign was kind of what you touched on earlier. I do believe, despite the hostility, despite the rhetoric, at the time, there was this sense in the UK that, well, we're just going to go on with it. We're not going to be like the US. We're not going to go kind of over the top. Not that they did go over the top. But, you know, there was that sense, I think we always have about handling things a little more stoically. That I thought, you know, despite the fact that, of course, it led to increased tensions.
51:21That's something I think we can all be proud of. Yasmin, thank you very much indeed. Thank you. Thanks for coming.
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52:18And right now, Hero Bread is offering 10 % off your order. Go to Hero.co and use code IHEART at checkout. That's code IHEART at H-E-R-O dot C-O. All figures per serving of Hero Bread. See nutrition facts on Hero.co. This is The News Agents. you may remember that this time last week we sort of took the piss out of richard tice from reform a bit when he said wimbledon without line judges whatever next what's happened to our country and we thought this is nothing it's just no line judges ai could do it better actually i beg to differ. I said this man has worked out the next culture war and who knew it would all be based on Wimbledon but it is.
53:10Yep because what happened in yesterday's match between the Brit Sunni cartel and Pavlyuchenkova from Russia was that AI screwed up. Yeah. There was no line judge to say that ball was obviously out. The robot screwed up. The robot had switched off apparently. The robot had missed three calls. The robot had gone home because it only works till five. Yeah and And the umpire got it wrong. And anyway, yeah, Richard Tice, we salute you. You're right. It's the end of our country. No line judges. Come back line judges. But the Russians haven't won either. At least not at tennis. We'll see you tomorrow.
53:42Bye-bye. Bye for now. This is a Global Player original podcast.
From the publisher
Labour used to be the party that leapt to the defence of the BBC. So why was the Culture Secretary this weekend calling for heads to roll, saying she was "exasperated" at the broadcaster, and refusing to express confidence its director general Tim Davie?
The BBC has admitted to failings in its Glastonbury coverage, which saw it stream one act chanting "death to the IDF" - despite the corporation later admitting it had deemed them "high risk" before the festival. But those admissions don't appear to have satisfied the government. Is Labour falling out of love with the BBC? And should the BBC be worried? Jon and Emily discuss with Sir Craig Oliver, former BBC News editor turned Downing Street director of politics and communications.
Later, on the twentieth anniversary of the 7/7 bombings, which killed 52 people, injured more than 700, and led to the largest criminal investigation in British history - have we learnt the lessons from the tragedy? Yasmin Khan, a human rights campaigner and friend of the de Menezes family, appears in the Netflix documentary 'Attack on London', and came in to News Agents HQ.
The News Agents is brought to you by HSBC UK - https://www.hsbc.co.uk/
