Has Blair just brought the Labour party together - against him?

28 May 2026 · 43 min · 21 chapters

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In short

Debate on Tony Blair’s recent essay and interview—whether it unites or alienates Labour, especially on foreign policy (Britain acting independently vs “indispensable” America) and on accepting AI/tech change as inevitable. Hosts argue Blair’s domestic message is out of step with Labour voters’ cost-of-living and inequality concerns, and that his “it’s a thing” framing echoes earlier “no point debating” globalisation rhetoric. They also discuss a government-commissioned report on NEETs (young people not in education, employment or training), warning the problem is increasingly structural and driven by inactivity and mental-health-related work-limiting conditions.

Guests

Alan Milburn (former Labour health secretary; author of the NEET report). Also referenced: Karen Howe (author of Empire of AI) and U.S. Congressman Brendan Boyle (warning about Nigel Farage).

Key claims/examples

1m NEETs; 6 in 10 never had a job; inactivity up (not just unemployment); 70% increase in work-limiting health conditions over a decade; apprenticeship starts down ~35%; employers cite risk of hiring unproven youth. Foreign-policy example: Iraq and the idea of loyalty replacing judgment.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

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Reactions to Blair's Intervention

0:00 to 0:20

Discussion on the reactions within Labour to Tony Blair's essay.

“If the world were like a Sleep Number mattress, everything would adapt for your comfort.”

Reactions to Blair's Intervention

2:14 to 3:15

Discussion on the reactions within Labour to Tony Blair's essay.

“He'd just been appointed health secretary and he turns up at Tony Blair's Tony Blair Institute conference.”

Debating Blair's Points on Aspirations

3:15 to 4:20

Analyzing Blair's points about ambition and aspiration in British politics.

“I mean, he never had to contend with reform and somehow reform has made aspiration, education, ambition seem kind of nasty and elitist.”

Foreign Policy and Blair's Critique

4:20 to 6:00

Examining Blair's views on foreign policy and their reception.

“He said to you, for example, oh, Reagan supported Thatcher in the Falklands War.”

Blair's Historical Context and Current Relevance

6:00 to 7:24

How Blair's past leadership style contrasts with the current Labour Party.

“it was welcome, I think, and telling just how many people within the wider kind of Labour family decided to respond to it, decided to argue about it.”

Missed Opportunities in Blair's Essay

7:24 to 9:21

Discussing the potential missteps in Blair's recent essay on Labour's direction.

“He could have said, he references it in brief at the start of the essay where he talks about the constitution which was passed for the Labour Party when he was leader in 1994.”

The Divide in Labour Following Blair's Comments

9:21 to 12:28

The differing perspectives within Labour following Blair's assertions.

“And the result of basically not doing so, of simply talking in, frankly, a deeply neoliberal way of basically just saying we have to do this because business wants it.”

Comparative Analysis with Global Leaders

12:28 to 14:00

Comparing Blair's viewpoints with other global political leaders and their impact.

“It's not going to change the Labour race.”

Blair's Leadership Insights and Challenges

14:00 to 19:06

Discussion on Blair's leadership style, its relevance today, and the political climate.

“So there is something about what Blair is saying now, which just it just clashes with people's own experiences.”

The Politics of Change: Starmer and the Labour Party

19:06 to 21:08

Analysis of Keir Starmer's leadership and the Labour party's current challenges.

“this is why I was saying that Blair at his political peak, which would have been probably in the first five to seven years, I think would not have written this essay.”
Show all 21 chapters

The Importance of Engaging Voters

21:08 to 24:50

Debate on the necessity for political leaders to connect with everyday voters.

“And I know you're about to speak to Alan Milburn about some of those issues in a moment.”

Youth Employment Crisis and NEETs

25:22 to 28:00

Discussion on the rising number of NEETs and implications for young people's employment.

“This specifically relates to young people and young people who are not in education, training or employment, so-called NEETs.”

Youth Employment Challenges in the Labor Market

28:00 to 29:00

Explore the structural challenges facing young people's employment and the impact of education.

“and the sort of structural things are in place in terms of how government is dealing with it?”

The Disconnect Between Education and Employment

29:00 to 30:31

Discuss the gap between qualifications and work readiness among young people.

“I said earlier today that this was, it used to be a problem for other people's children.”

Mental Health and Its Impact on Youth Employment

30:31 to 33:06

Examine the role of mental health challenges in the employment prospects of young people.

“So there's no doubt that those policies have had an impact.”

Supporting Young People with Disabilities

33:06 to 34:56

Discuss the importance of support systems for disabled young people entering the workforce.

“I mean, there's an aspect where people say, well, you know, these young people are flaky, they're snowflakes, they're soft, they're less resilient.”

The Bedroom Generation and Their Employment Struggles

34:56 to 36:25

Analyze the challenges faced by young people who are disengaged from the labor market.

“because the way the welfare system works is more geared to income replacement than it is to employment support and that's what's going to change.”

Economic Realities Facing Young Job Seekers

36:25 to 37:51

Investigate the economic context affecting youth employment opportunities.

“And there's lots of that at a very localised level, but honestly, none of it really has heft of scale.”

Post-COVID Work Patterns and Their Effects

37:51 to 39:15

Discuss how post-COVID changes in work habits are affecting young people's job prospects.

“we need to explore exactly that terrain.”

Blair's Views on AI and Democracy

42:03 to 44:06

Discover the implications of Tony Blair's views on AI and its impact on democracy.

“I couldn't help but ask her, given her deep expertise, what she thought about Blair's thoughts on AI.”

Reflections on Farage and Political Lessons

44:06 to 45:08

Listen to the insights on Nigel Farage and the lessons from Donald Trump's rise.

“Well, while we are looking at Americans thinking about our own politicians, I was speaking to the Philadelphia Congressman Brendan Boyle on the news agency USA, which is out this evening.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:00Jon Sopel:If the world were like a Sleep Number mattress, everything would adapt for your comfort. Because as your life changes and your body changes, Sleep Number mattresses adapt and shift to give you personalized comfort night after night. And now it's the final days of our Everything's on Sale event. Save up to$1 ,200 on mattresses. Our Memorial Day event ends Monday. To experience a whole new world of comfort, visit a Sleep Number store or go to sleepnumber.com. Sleep Number, to a good life's sleep. Opening up a world of opportunity. This is a Global Player original podcast. What happened in the last 24 hours, I think, is that all the Tories loved what he said and all the Labour voters hated what he said.

0:45That is most emphatic.

0:48Jon Sopel:It's not just that we need America. America is our indispensable ally. The trouble is at the moment that Tony Blair is arguing for stuff that is passionate and may be wrong. and Keir Starmer is not putting forward the stuff that absolutely is required and may be right.

1:06Tony Blair:The public can like it or lump it, but this is what we're doing under all circumstances. There is no coincidence that it's precisely when Blair's power started to diminish. When American presidents flirt with authoritarian leaders,

1:18Jon Sopel:when they undermine international law, when they embark on military adventurism, It's really important that Britain is able to act independently and in accordance with our own interests and values. If we're in any doubt about that, just look back to the war in Iraq and what happened then when loyalty to America replaced good judgment. That's what they call shots fired. Not the military kind. In fact, definitely not the military kind. Wes Streeting is taking on Tony Blair and frankly telling us he's wrong.

1:58Tony Blair:And Tony Blair, we're told, is not done. He intends to intervene more in what he believes will be an upcoming Labour leadership contest. But after yesterday's extraordinary essay, is anyone in the Labour Party still listening? Welcome to the News Agents.

2:19Tony Blair:the news agents it's mateless it's lewis and it is john and the blair interview the blair essay

2:29Jon Sopel:was so fascinating i've been kind of reflecting on it and just listening to west streeting there who the day after the election in 2024 tony blair was having a conference west streeting had been up all night. He'd just been appointed health secretary and he turns up at Tony Blair's Tony Blair Institute conference. That is how close they were. And you can see that Tony Blair has caused kind of, you know, it's a fox in the hen coop and people are reacting to it and thinking, geez, what are we going to do with all this stuff that he's just said? And I think instinctively They have reacted against it, and I suspect only Bear thought that people probably would.

3:15Jon Sopel:But I think he hopes, his calculation is, that people will think, well, maybe there are points that he's making around welfare, around taxation, around the minimum wage, around the growth agenda that need to be taken seriously, not just by Labour, but by all parties. OK, so I think the stuff that Blair did get right in that essay yesterday and in some of the interview was when he made a case for Britain not really sounding like it had aspiration these days or ambition or rating education enough. I mean, he never had to contend with reform and somehow reform has made aspiration, education, ambition seem kind of nasty and elitist.

4:00And I think Blair was absolutely on the money when he said, look, you know, we are at risk of sort of falling out of relevance because, frankly, we just we don't put enough store by trying to particularly, you know, with our young, with those coming through the system, and try and make them feel like there is something to be gained, something to sort of achieve. But when it comes to foreign policy, I do think he's really out of kilter with much of the population at the moment. He said to you, for example, oh, Reagan supported Thatcher in the Falklands War. I mean, fundamentally not true. I don't think the Americans ever sent air support there.

4:40but more importantly Thatcher did not start the war by invading Argentina and I think his kind of continual linkage back to Trump and back to the importance of supporting Trump and he said it wasn't about Trump, it's about America but I think that's the stuff that West Street is getting to in that clip where he says you know, enough we've had enough of that, we don't want to go back to this interventionist sort of frankly puppy dog relationship with America, where we always just kind of wag along and do whatever we're told. That did not go well for us. And it didn't even work this time around with Starmer and Trump.

5:20The essay itself was interesting.

5:23Tony Blair:And I think that's two things about it, just on the presentation of it. One is that Blair did show yesterday that he, perhaps more than any other figure in British politics that I can think of, can still command the stage almost universally. Yes, the papers are always willing to hear something which is former Labour prime minister has a go at current government. Red on red. You're pushing it open door there. But it's also true to say that for a party that has really as a matter of policy deliberately decided not to think anything and not to argue with themselves or with anybody, pretty much for the six years of the Keir Starmer leadership, it was welcome, I think, and telling just how many people within the wider kind of Labour family decided to respond to it, decided to argue about it.

6:14Tony Blair:It felt to some extent as if someone had finally sort of let the pressure out of the balloon. I was going to say exactly the same. And so, you know, he and I think also this was an opportune moment for him. I mean, he hasn't exactly been silent. He intervenes quite a lot. But this is certainly the most significant intervention he's made since Keir Starmer came to power. And he is right that we are now facing down the barrel of our seventh prime minister in 10 years, which is an unserious prospect for a serious country. And as the guy, easily the most successful prime minister that we have who's still alive, I think he can speak with some authority and and sort of give his advice as to how we might address the situation.

6:54Tony Blair:Sadly, I think, for all sorts of reasons, this was an opportunity missed. And I think that largely because of the way he chose to write this essay and the way in which he addressed it. Look, I think that if his aim, if his aim was to alter the course of the Labour Party, I think he would have singularly failed as a result of this. Why? Because he didn't write it to the Labour Party. In fact, the way he wrote it was almost in spite of the Labour Party, almost designed to irritate the Labour Party. There was a way he could have made these arguments in what I would argue is a true New Labour, Blairite, third way, Labour fashion.

7:34Tony Blair:He could have said, he references it in brief at the start of the essay where he talks about the constitution which was passed for the Labour Party when he was leader in 1994. When he talks about redistributing power or ensuring that power and wealth, the point of the Labour Party is to ensure that the power and wealth is shared by the many and not the few. He doesn't mention that again. Instead, what he chooses to do is basically say that we need to accept every bit of the so-called technological revolution, AI revolution, with all of the social pressures that might be unleashed from it. He says we need to do all sorts of things in Labour laws and so on because business wants it, and unleashes a whole array of other policy proposals because otherwise we'll be relegated from the Premier League of Nations.

8:19Tony Blair:Now, even Labour MPs, but particularly Labour voters, do not get up in the morning and think, oh, my goodness, Britain is about to be relegated from the Premier League of Nations. They think about cost of living pressures. They think about the fact precisely that wealth and power and inequality seems so badly distributed across the country. He could have said he could have argued in a way that early Blair would have done. Early Blair would have done when he talked about Christian socialism, when he talked about, you know, we must be our brother's keeper. when he talked about the idea that socialism was was about empowering the freedom of the individual he could have said we can't afford these labour law restrictions because they're fine if you're in work but they're terrible if you're out of work if you're a young person trying to get into the labour market he could have said which would have been classic Blairism he could have said what was Blairism what was the third way it was about having a free dynamic market economy which ensured you had social justice, which used the proceeds of growth to ensure that you could have the strong public services that you needed.

9:21Tony Blair:He could have said all of that, but he didn't. And the result of basically not doing so, of simply talking in, frankly, a deeply neoliberal way of basically just saying we have to do this because business wants it. And if not, we'll be relegated from the Premier League of Nations. Frankly, he sounded like a slightly more fogyish Sunak or a slightly politer Camille Baden-Ock. And that has just pissed off a load of people in the Labour Party.

9:42Jon Sopel:I don't doubt that he's pissed off a huge number of people. I thought that the point about foreign affairs, that was where he was at his most emphatic. It's not just that we need America. America is our indispensable ally and we are totally lost. And I think that that is an argument. I mean, he went through the masochism strategy when he was trying to tell people about why the war in Iraq was the right thing to be doing. And I think he left a lot of the public behind. But I suppose Tony Blair's great advantage and simultaneously his disadvantage is that he is not and never really has been a part of the Labour tribe.

10:25Jon Sopel:And you're right, Lewis, he did frame things in the third way and he talked about social justice and he talked a lot about those things in the early days of new Labour. But the appeal of Tony Blair back in 1994, when John Smith had died, was that he spoke a different kind of language. There was a straight choice for the Labour Party. There was either going to be Gordon Brown or it was going to be Tony Blair. And they went for Tony Blair because he was obviously such a commanding, kind of slick communicator and would appeal to parts of Britain that the Labour Party, frankly, was struggling to reach ever since Labour lost power in 1979.

11:03Jon Sopel:So he was never part of the tribe, but the Labour Party recognised that they needed him. And so for a while, the Labour Party itself tried to learn to speak Blairism, tried to learn to speak the third way, tried to become much more new Labour. And now I think that that is just seen as a distant, long ago period. And we've spoken before on the podcast one about the the lack of clear narrative ambition policy direction of this government but also the failure to communicate and engage the public with it and i think that those things are you know what blair was addressing in the essay that he wrote and i i was in touch with someone last night close to uh blair himself and this person said you know We're really pleased with the way this has landed.

11:55Jon Sopel:I tend to agree with you, Lewis. I can't see the Labour Party adopting these policies. But some of the things he said that were a kind of a headwind on the UK economy that this government had introduced, I'm not sure that's neoliberalism. I think it's just a statement of fact that, you know, some of the things that we're doing are adding costs to business, making it harder for companies to employ. And, you know, that is not the way. if economic growth is the way we're going to lift living standards, is the way we're going to transform people's lives, then I think there were a number of points in that essay that were, you know, were well made.

12:34Yeah, I disagree. It's not going to change the Labour race. I think it actually will ignite the Labour race. What happened in the last 24 hours, I think, is that all the Tories loved what he said and all the Labour voters hated what he said. And if anything, you've now got this slightly odd spectacle of Andy Burnham and Wes Streeting very much on the same page, frankly calling Tony Blair old-fashioned. Now, look, you can't argue with the numbers, right? The stats show you that Tony Blair was the most electorally successful yada-yada-yada Labour politician ever, you know, won three elections, extraordinary majorities, all the rest of it.

13:10But 20 years on, 30 years on, we're in such a different place, right? Which he doesn't really address in the piece. Which he doesn't address. And I think, you know, sorry to do this, but if I just like fly over to America for one moment, if you had put Mamdani in front of Blair before he won that extraordinary election as New York mayor last November, I don't think that Blair's sort of critique would have fitted anything that Mamdani said. Right. I mean, Mamdani, I think, would want much more regulation of tech companies. Mamdani would want to have a much more sort of focused question about what business does or doesn't do in our lives.

13:47Mamdani would not be sort of going, let's go back to oil and let's like forget all the free, you know, recyclable energy that we can have at our fingertips if we just think about it. And yet he's probably one of the most successful people to have come out of the sort of progressive left, you know, in years. Right. So there is something about what Blair is saying now, which just it just clashes with people's own experiences. And I think he's got great points to make about leadership. Sometimes you just have to get on and do things. You have to lead and people will come with you if they see their lives improving and changing.

14:23I get all that. But I don't really think that he is. He is where politicians or where even the country is now, is he? No.

14:33Jon Sopel:Well, I suppose I take issue with the comparison to Mamdani. Mamdani is not running a country. He's not facing costs of borrowing and the bond market. He's not worried about this sort of economic growth. But he is choosing his electoral message. That's what we're talking about here. We're talking about somebody who came in and said, I'm going to talk about four things. I'm going to talk about them endlessly. And I'm talking about them because you want them to make your lives better. And I'm going to get elected on a really strong mandate. Right. That's essentially what Blair did. Yes. I mean, Blair had a pledge card and, you know, all the rest of it.

15:05Jon Sopel:But I think that the Mamdani comparison is just, you know, do people want cheap energy right now? Yeah, they probably do, actually. And I think that, you know, there's nothing cheaper than renewable. I mean, literally, there's nothing cheaper than sun and wind if we just went along with it. Right. Of course, everyone wants cheap energy, but it's a kind of failure, isn't it? But when you've still got fossil fuels, fossil fuel in the ground, which is there to be exploited, and you wouldn't exploit it?

15:30Tony Blair:Well, look, and that is an argument which does seem to be gaining some traction now that Ed Miliband is rather alienated from the Prime Minister. Apparently the Prime Minister is looking against the North Sea. Yeah, exactly. I'm sorry, I haven't spoke there. But like, you know, but John, I suppose where I'll push back on you is to say, I think, you know, when I think about Tony Blair and his most successful period, I think his most unsuccessful period politically is the period that he now regards at his best, which is basically late Blair, which is actually after he stopped winning elections, where I think he went, as you already said, into his masochistic phase, where he basically starts saying, look, the public can like it or lump it, but this is what we're doing under all circumstances.

16:12Tony Blair:There is no coincidence that it's precisely when Blair, Blair's power started to diminish. And when I hear him talking about AI now, I mean, that bit in the essay, which I thought, to be honest, was just ridiculous, was when he said that what is coming in this technology revolution led by developments in AI, which will change everything. I mean everything. There is no point in debating whether this technological revolution is a good or bad thing. Just know it's a thing. In fact, it is the thing. What on earth does that mean? I mean, what that really reminds me of... Wait, why do you not like that?

16:43I mean, I think that's kind of spelling out the obvious, which is like, this is going to change all our lives.

16:47Tony Blair:Well, because, yes, but then the question about politics is, how does it change it? I mean, whenever you have technological revolution or technological change, It is the business of democratic politics to decide. But that's exactly what he goes on to say. He says after that, I'm not saying whether it's a good thing or a bad thing. I'm just saying it is a thing. No, he doesn't say that. He doesn't say, OK, and then we have to have a discussion as a country about how democratically we decide to allow this to be rolled out or whatever it is. He just says that we just have to accept it, which is precisely how he used to talk about globalisation.

17:15Tony Blair:The famous 2005 speech, in his conference speech, where he says there's no point debating globalisation. You might as well debate the changing of the seasons. And what happened there? Precisely as a result of that sort of politics, you have tremendous populist backlash, which builds up over the decade. Political actors who say, hang on a minute, no, globalisation can be stopped. It can be changed. As indeed the succeeding 20 years proved that it could. And if progressive politicians or mainstream politicians, for example, with the upcoming technological changes, turn around to electorates and just go, tough, this is coming.

17:48Tony Blair:your lives have to be transformed however big tech firms want you wait for a mother of all backlashes and for populist forces to come along and go no they don't yeah but the problem with that is i think you would look at where we are today with the trade wars and with you know trump sanctions and the tariffs and all the rest of it and say actually none of that proves that globalization wasn't a better answer to what we've got now and the fact that boosted inequality just as ai revolution might well boost inequality profoundly look at what's going on with youth unemployment at the moment. Do we just accept that?

18:19No, the point is, though, not that you take the reform line, which is like, oh, in that case, the EU's bad. In that case, trade is bad. In that case, isolation is bad. Isolation is the thing and protectionism is better. You work with globalisation to make sure it is sorting out people's lives and giving them jobs. You don't kind of retreat. And in a way, this is the toughest problem for our government right now, is that it doesn't want to fight reform on any of the ideas. It doesn't want to fight reform on whether immigration's good. It doesn't want to fight reform on whether globalisation has a place.

18:54It doesn't want to fight reform on whether Brexit was a fucking terrible idea. It just kind of goes, oh, you're right because the people are following you now. You must be right. And I think that is a terrible place for Labour or the government to end up.

19:05Tony Blair:This is why I was saying that, just quickly, John, this is why I was saying that Blair at his political peak, which would have been probably in the first five to seven years, I think would not have written this essay. And if he had written this essay, would have been precisely valuable. He's forgetting why he was successful. At his most successful, the reason that his politics had such purchase and such power, albeit in a different political age, is because he was seen to marry Labour visions of social justice with a dynamic free market economy. And in this, he is shorn of the first and only relies on the latter.

19:42Tony Blair:And as a result, he does the thing which he always used to criticise his opponents for, which is to say that the important thing about politics is to maintain your values, and he doesn't speak about values at all in this essay. It is basically valueless. To maintain your values, but your policies update over time. All he's doing is talking about policy and not about values, and that's just political death in the modern era.

20:03Jon Sopel:Look, Tony Blair has immense intellectual self-confidence that often teeters on the edge of being messianic about, I am so convinced I'm right, I'm not even entertaining the possibility that I'm wrong. Just suck it up. Believe me, whether it's globalization, whether it's AI, I know what I'm talking about. And this is what we have to do. And I think that I agree that that is a weakness. I do think, I wonder whether, that for all that, you know, we've talked about Andy Burnham kind of, you know, rejecting what Tony Blair has said and West treating the same. And understandably, because actually they're in the middle of an election, potentially, you know, kind of in a beauty parade where there might be an election for who's going to be the next prime minister, almost proving Tony Blair's points at some point in that essay, that I think that what you're seeing is Tony Blair has made an argument about certain things.

20:59Jon Sopel:And we've talked about them on the podcast before about the growth in welfare spending, the kind of huge sort of almost exponential growth that is going on, and the number of people with mental health issues. And I know you're about to speak to Alan Milburn about some of those issues in a moment. But I think that these are points that I think people probably across all parties agree with. And that Labour, you know, this government, Keir Starmer's government, has singularly failed to address. Now, Keir Starmer is sort of, in policy terms, he's in certain places, in exactly the same places Tony Blair would like him to be.

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21:35Jon Sopel:It's just that actually it's not been the policy. It's been the politics that has let Keir Starmer down. He has failed to manage his party. He has failed to convince people that this is the right things to do. And so it's not been so much the policy in that area. It's just been the politics and Keir Starmer not being up to it. Yeah. I mean, one thing I think is true is that he has animated a proper intellectual debate in a way that nobody feels like they've done for kind of years. I mean, we have not stopped talking about the Blair speech for 24 hours, not because we love it, but because there is something to argue about.

22:10And a debate is a good thing. I think the difference, to your point, Lewis, between I mean, it sounds so obvious that Blair and this Blair is frankly, he doesn't have to petition the voter anymore. When was the last time he spoke to an ordinary voter?

22:23Tony Blair:He doesn't. He doesn't. Yeah. He doesn't have to ask people for their vote. And that immediately changes the register of what you're doing. Now, in a way, that's really good because it's not somebody who's saying, oh, I'm so desperate to please you that you will, you know, I'm going to say the thing that you want to hear. I'm going to say the thing that I think. And I do believe, actually, the one thing we've lacked is that leadership of kind of ambitious thought, just saying stuff and saying, well, it's better to have a plan. It's better to have an idea than not to have anything. But obviously, you know, he can say this and it goes nowhere.

22:56He's not going to lose Makerfield. You know, he's not going to lose a seat. The one thing Keir could do right now, tomorrow, that could really please the whole nation. Right. The majority of people in it, I think, would be to introduce the legislation that curbed tech companies powers over ills against children. That's what I was just saying.

23:15Tony Blair:In which case, that's completely against what Blair was saying. Because because if you were just listening to a Blair prospectus, you would just allow this to just happen. So the point is, if Keir did that, it would be an amazing thing. Now, maybe he comes up and does that the week before the by-election. Who knows? But the trouble is at the moment that Tony Blair is arguing for stuff that is passionate and may be wrong. And Keir Starmer is not putting forward the stuff that absolutely is required and may be right.

23:48From a range of trusted voices and award-winning journalists.

23:52Jon Sopel:Good morning, I'm Nick Ferrari. It's time to get to your calls. Find out the latest news and hear every side of the story. So just as I take responsibility for the results, I also take responsibility for delivering the change that we promised for a stronger and fairer Britain that we must build. Now he's still toast. He's just wasting our time now. The words of two in a growing list of Labour MPs whose patience with the Prime Minister has run dry. Is there anything he said or can say to make you want him to stay? Listen on our free Global Player app or the LBC app. LBC leading Britain's conversation.

24:30Jon Sopel:If the world were like a sleep number mattress, everything would adapt for your comfort. Because as your life changes and your body changes, sleep number mattresses adapt and shift to give you personalized comfort night after night. And now it's the final days of our Everything's on Sale event. Save up to$1 ,200 on mattresses. Our Memorial Day event ends Monday. To experience a whole new world of comfort, visit a Sleep Number store or go to sleepnumber.com. Sleep Number, to a good life's sleep. If your best finance people are doing expense reports, chasing receipts, or spending time on month-end clothes, it's time to get Brex AF, a Gentic finance that eliminates that work before it starts.

25:12Jon Sopel:Learn more at brex.com slash AF.

25:22Tony Blair:Well, there's a really important report out today which links back to the conversation to some extent that we've just had about some of the things Tony Blair was saying and about what the government can do to reinvigorate our economy. This specifically relates to young people and young people who are not in education, training or employment, so-called NEETs. And there is now a million young people in this situation, a new record. and this report forecasts that if nothing is done, that number could rise to 1.25 million, perhaps higher by the end of the decade. Alan Milburn, who was a health secretary, health secretary in the Blair years, is the author of the report commissioned by the government and joins us now.

26:02Tony Blair:Alan, thanks so much for being with us. It strikes me that one of the most interesting and indeed chilling things about your report and what you found is that it is true to say, as you say, that there has always been cyclical unemployment for young people and when the economy is going through a difficult patch young people are usually the kind of canary in the coal mine for unemployment for obvious reasons they're the easiest to get rid of or not hire but you're saying that something new is happening something that is more structural tell us what it is so that's basically right so um the old problem and there's still a problem of cyclical youth unemployment by the way the numbers are far too high but the really worrying thing about this neat number is not just the number it's the makeup of it.

26:45So six in 10 of these young people have never had a job, okay, of that 1 million. If you go back 20 years, it was four in 10. The problem then was more unemployment. Now it's inactivity. In other words, they're not even looking for a job. And that's driven by a whole variety of things, which is why we tried to do a proper diagnosis of what on earth is going on here. And partially, it's about some changes in the labour market, fewer entry-level jobs. Partially it's about who the NEAT cohort is. The biggest worrying thing, probably the biggest change factor, has been about, I guess there's been an increase in about 70 % over the last decade of young people who are reporting a work-limiting health condition, and that's mainly mental health.

27:29And the consequences are that the sort of stickiness that you're seeing of young people not just becoming NEAT, but staying NEAT is growing, and this then is a massive challenge. And look, the real problem is that the system that we have, whether it's education through to welfare, you know, the system was really set up to deal with yesterday's problem and it's not equipped to deal with today's.

27:52Tony Blair:So to what extent do you think it is that, I'm sure the answer is both, but where would you apportion most of the problem? Is it how government is dealing with it and the sort of structural things are in place in terms of how government is dealing with it? Or is there just something more fundamental going on in the economy in terms of just the number of positions that are available. We're seeing the kind of in the foothills of kind of the AI changes that we're seeing, which we know even in sort of middle class professions, entry level jobs are starting to dry up. Like where is the sort of balance of problem, do you think?

28:18You know, people tend to look at this over the years. If you think about public policy, it's best to try to address this question of youth and employment through a supply side lens. In other words, if you make young people more employable, improve standards in schools, improve their skills, suffering their benefits, then that will solve the problem. But if you have a labour market that isn't working to bring them in, then you can fix the supply side and the demand side remains unaltered. And that's what you've got. What's really interesting and so worrying about this is that if you look at the numbers, the proportion of young people who've got five good GCSEs who a neat is now 30%.

28:5815 % of the neats have got a degree. I said earlier today that this was, it used to be a problem for other people's children. And it's now something that every mum and dad worries about, that their kid could end up neat. So you've got something profound going on in the labour market. It's sort of largely been disguised for the last 20 years. It's been going on and on and on. Fewer entry-level jobs, death of a Saturday job, startling decline in the number of young people starting an apprenticeship. That's down by about 35 % in 10 years. And on the supply side, you've got a school system that is more geared to qualifications than it is getting these kids work ready.

29:37That's what every employer will tell you. They'll all talk about lack of work readiness as being the problem. And what they mean by that is not that they're not literate or numerate. They haven't got their GCSEs, but can they communicate? Can they collaborate? Have they got enough confidence? Have they got agility? Have they got adaptability? So there's something in the school curriculum and the primacy that we place on qualifications, say, over work experience that is causing young people a problem down the line. Is it a question of finding the right skills, different skills for the young that is not to do with the GCSE or the qualification, but is to do with that bridge into the market?

30:15Or are you fundamentally saying that, frankly, whilst there are still policies in place like the NIC raise, like the minimum wage, like the Employment Rights Act, there just aren't going to be the jobs for these people, however skilled they are, however brilliant they are? So there's no doubt that those policies have had an impact. I mean, that's clear. Every employer has raised NICS, national minimum wage with me. There's no doubt about that. And the truth is, every time an employer takes out a young person, it's a risk because they're unproven. It's not like they've got a track record or a CV.

30:52They haven't. And in fact, nowadays, the nature of the cohort coming into employment is bringing with it, because there are more anxious generation, higher levels of mental health, etc. It brings a bigger pastoral burden for employers. So at the margins, employers are now going, well, hold on a minute. Is it worth it? So what I'll say to the government is, look. Every employer is saying that to you. if every employer is saying that to you and i'm taking your word here then those policies have got to end right they've got to change haven't they

31:30well what i'm saying to the government i mean i'm going to make some recommendations in the autumn this is a diagnostic report it's not a recommendations report but i mean honestly it's very clear the way that this is written and the way that we've analyzed it that if you really want as a matter of public policy to increase the number of young people in work then what you've got to do is minimize the risks for the employer and you've got to maximize the incentives okay which isn't to say and this is the bit of the problem but sometimes the debate just becomes too reductionist you know the truth is the problem of youth detachment and the difficulties that young people are having and breaking into the labor market getting on that first rung of the career ladder which sort of feels further and further away for so many people that didn't begin two years ago with the budget that probably begun 25 years ago it's not a question of two years it's a question of two decades.

32:18So this is why you've just got to be, you know, one of the things I'm very cautious about in this is that when you look at the history of all this, you guys know this, you know, there's been no shortage of youth employment programs, you know, YTS, New Deal, Kickstart. Okay, fine. But none of them have dealt with the fundamental structural problem that you've got here. It's a structural problem. And it's got worse, not better. And currently, we don't have a system. And frankly, we don't have a plan to deal with it.

32:43Tony Blair:There's a lot of emphasis, Alan, on the question of welfare and specifically mental health related welfare, i.e. increasing numbers of young people, as you say, economically inactive because of their mental health. How important and how big a part of the picture do you think that is? Because it is something, particularly in the papers, that receives a lot of attention. No, it's a huge issue. And I mean, look, there are several aspects to this. I mean, there's an aspect where people say, well, you know, these young people are flaky, they're snowflakes, they're soft, they're less resilient. They're sort of, they're talking about their mental health, but they don't really have a mental health problem.

33:19That is not what we found. We found, first of all, that 84 % of these young people want to be in work and training. They want to work. They're trying to work. The people that you meet, I've just met a group here in Islington, you know, they're applying for the job for jobs not just like a few jobs sometimes hundreds of jobs they never get a response nothing literally nothing no response no and it's the silence that kills right because it dents their confidence it kills their hope this is just now normal so it's not that they're not trying but they are a bit different that is undoubtedly true what we can't do is just say that because someone has got i don't know a neurodiverse condition adhd or autism or because they're living with anxiety or depression, that somehow or other, the health system and the welfare system should automatically catapult them into the world of benefits rather than into the world of work.

34:08So when I talk to Amazon, for example, you know, they are extremely proud, and rightly so, of their brilliant program that they run for young workers with autism, you know. So they're recruiting these people, they know that they've got to look after them, but they're brilliant workers, you know, they like coming to work, and all of that sort of stuff. So I think we've just got to get out of this sort of notion about, and this is, there's a weird debate about this because people want to ask all the time, is it over-diagnosed or is it over-medicalized? Okay, look, I'm not a doctor. I don't know the answer to that question.

34:39My question is a different one, which is a so what question. So if they have got a diagnosis, why does that mean that they cannot work? What does the system need to do to enable them to work? Tens of thousands of disabled people are proving every day that just because you've got a diagnosis doesn't mean that you can't work providing you get the right level of support and that's where the rubber hits the road because the way the welfare system works is more geared to income replacement than it is to employment support and that's what's going to change. I've been really surprised Alan by my own kids suggesting stuff that I think my generation would never have talked about and that's an idea around something like national service and I don't mean a conscription or something that takes us back to the Boer War but something that gets kids from all over the country together in dormitories, teaches them skills, whether it's first aid or how to mend a car or how to cook or how to fly a drone or how to look at cybersecurity, you know, actual practical stuff married with really interesting sort of future stuff that takes you into a whole tech world.

35:44And, you know, if you gave them sort of six months, eight months, would that kind of bring a kind of cohesion and a sense of confidence and a sense of re-skilling that we just don't we don't feel that we have at all and I'm you know if you look at somewhere like Estonia you know uh obviously they're right on the border with Russia it's a totally different thing but all they're young do something which just brings them into the same place at the same time and I don't know just sends them out into the world feeling like they've got a hardback shell on them yeah no so I think this is really interesting and as we move into the next phase of this and sort of think about okay so what is it that we actually need to do now that we've sort of diagnosed the nature of the problem it's important to get that right the diagnosis because otherwise you just end up with yet more misplaced solutions you know so new deal isn't around anymore kickstart isn't around anymore these things come and go you've got to make sure that the problem that the problem is identified in the right way and the solution is more permanent so what is very obvious is that within the one million there are different cohorts okay so there are some people who are very close to the labor market probably just need a nudge over the edge but then there's a generation and i've met you know as i've been going around the country talking to young people meeting them there's a cohort who what i call the bedroom generation who's sort of stuck in their bedrooms doom scrolling at night you know not going to sleep being awake at four o 'clock five o 'clock in the morning and they're stuck there not for one or two years but for three or four the idea that they're going to walk straight from their bedroom into a full-time job is fatuous it just is but at the moment that's the offer that you know the government through policy is making for perfectly understandable reasons and that will work for part of the cohort but for another part it will be about how do you edge them into the workplace do they need a supported internship does some sort of volunteering or community service or whatever that's got to be part of the suite of offers that are available to young people.

37:41And there's lots of that at a very localised level, but honestly, none of it really has heft of scale. So, you know, we need to look, we need to look, we need to explore exactly that terrain.

37:53Tony Blair:Alan, the Labour Party is still, because it stood on this, it's manifesto, the Labour Party, the government, is still committed to the equalisation of the different levels of the national minimum wage, which has already been reduced from where it used to be. Given what you're saying, do you think that would be a good idea or do you think they should abandon it well i mean we're gonna as i say we're gonna pronounce on that in in the autumn but you know it's pretty obvious from what we've seen that there is a risk if we keep going down the same track you know if you want more young people in employment you've got to make sure the jobs are there for them to get the jobs there for them you've got to make sure the employers are willing to take the risk and so this is not easy and And particularly in sectors, as I say, if you're in, say, the hospitality sector or the retail sector, margins tend to be very low.

38:44These tend to be sectors that really had badly hit by cost of living, hospitality in particular. It's discretionary spend to go to a hotel or to a restaurant. And that's what's really hit them the hardest over the course of these last sort of five or six years. So we've just got to make sure that we understand what's going on in the economy and then apply the right solutions, because otherwise you start to get perverse outcomes. Would you say everyone out of their bedrooms? I mean, enough working from home. Has that been a fundamentally unhelpful place for us to end up post-COVID? Yeah. So, you know, I've had the small team going around the country looking at talking to young people and asking them about their lives.

39:22And they ask this question about which, what time did you go to sleep last night? And the answer is two o 'clock, three o 'clock, four o 'clock, five o 'clock, sometimes never. And so Peter Fonagy, a professor at UCL, has been doing some work on this for the Department of Health and Social Care. And Peter's conclusion is, look, there is some functional impairment now that is taking place, not exclusively because of social media, but sleep patterns are disrupted, concentration levels are lower, the rhythm of these young people's lives is just not regular in the way that for our life when we were growing up it was.

39:55That has an impact. So this is a real issue. Alan in Melbourne, thank you so much for joining us. Thanks, Alan.

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41:07Jon Sopel:Learn more at brex.com slash AF.

41:17Tony Blair:Well, as we know, Tony Blair is an enthusiast for AI. As we were saying there, he thinks it's going to change everything. Indeed, it is the thing. on tomorrow's show on Friday's episode I'm going to be talking to someone who I think it's fair to say really really knows what they're talking about with regards to these companies and what their agenda might be Karen Howe she's written an amazing book called Empire of AI where she basically argues the way we need to understand these companies is not is not as some sort of evangelical kind of altruistic kind of force that's going to change everything they are like the social media companies that came before them sometimes they're the same companies you know commercial forces driven by Deeply driven by their bottom line, fundamentally.

41:58Tony Blair:Anyway, I spoke to her on the day that Blair's essay came out. I couldn't help but ask her, given her deep expertise, what she thought about Blair's thoughts on AI. Here's a little preview of that conversation. Tony Blair has, as we're speaking today, in fact, published a very interesting essay about British political change. And one of the themes that he often majors on is the importance of what he calls a technology revolution and AI in particular. He said, the second thing we must consider is the technology revolution led by developments in artificial intelligence, which will change everything.

42:35Tony Blair:I mean everything. There is no point debating whether this technological revolution is a good or a bad thing. Just know it as a thing. In fact, it is the thing. It will displace jobs, though creating new ones, but no one yet knows the full consequences. Companies and countries will rise or fall on the back of it, it will revolutionise the private sector, and should in time revolutionise public services and government.

43:01Jon Sopel:AI is a political project. The central feature of that political project is taking agency away from everyone. and Mr. Blair has successfully continued to propagate this idea that no one has agency in this, which is, I think, deeply anti-democratic. The entire premise of democracy is that we are able to shape our future. And if someone is saying you cannot stop one of the forces that will come to shape how the future looks, then what's even the point of democracy after that? I mean, that is deeply untrue. The things that we do today is what shapes our future. And there are many people around the world that are now actively contesting the way that these empires of AR are engaging in this technological imperial project.

43:53Jon Sopel:And it's having an effect on these companies. So everything that Blair said is, I think, absolutely not true.

44:02Tony Blair:Everything.

44:02Jon Sopel:Everything. Get off the fence, Karen. Come on, tell us what you really think. Well, while we are looking at Americans thinking about our own politicians, I was speaking to the Philadelphia Congressman Brendan Boyle on the news agency USA, which is out this evening. And here is his take and his warning for British voters about Nigel Farage.

44:24Tony Blair:I do want to make one other point, though. I really hope the British public learns the lesson of Donald Trump when it comes to Nigel Farage. It is amazing to me the way these hucksters and flim-flam artists are able to get away with some of this stuff in this new media environment. Farage is a total fraud, and I hope the British public realizes it before it's too late. Hucksters and flim-flam artists. Yeah, it just rolls off the tongue, doesn't it? It's perfect, isn't it? It's perfect. Thank God we've got somebody. Would you say you're more of a huckster or a flim-flam artist? Oh, I'm definitely a flim-flam artist.

45:00Tony Blair:I think you'd want to be Flim Flammer, wouldn't you? I'd be swinging on my Flim Flammer, I think. I quite fancy a Flim Flammer right now, actually. Let's go and find one. We'll be back tomorrow. See you then. Bye. This has been a Global Player original production.

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From the publisher

The day after Tony Blair spoke to The News Agents we ask whether his comments have started a healthy debate, changed the leadership race, or galvanised the whole party against him. The only man to win three elections for Labour speaks from experience and confidence. But is his diagnosis right for today? Will he ever be trusted on foreign affairs? And is efficacy more important than Democracy in 2026?

Later, we talk to Alan Milburn who’s basically diagnosed that Britain is pretty f****d for young people. What’s the answer?

The News Agents is a Global Production.

The News Agents is brought to you by HSBC UK - https://www.hsbc.co.uk/

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