Why is Starmer firing his MPs?

17 Jul 2025 · 36 min · 13 chapters

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In short

The episode asks why Keir Starmer removed the Labour whip from four MPs and what it signals about Labour’s internal discipline and future votes.

Guests

John (host), Emily (host), Lewis Goodall (host; reports on court and Afghanistan data leak). Key guests/MPs discussed: Brian Leishman (Labour MP, Scotland), Neil Duncan (Labour MP), Chris Hinchliffe (Labour MP), Rachel Maskell (Labour MP); plus Diane Abbott (Labour MP, Hackney).

Key claims

Starmer’s move is framed as punishment for “serial organizing” against the party leadership, not a single policy dispute; it’s also timed before recess to deter future rebellions on upcoming votes (education, fiscal measures) despite Labour’s large majority.

Notable examples

welfare reform rebellion; Abbott’s reiterated racism claims and likely whip removal; comparisons to Blair/Corbyn-era whip handling. The episode also covers the Afghan relocations data leak court case: Parliament’s Intelligence and Security Committee wasn’t informed, raising contempt-of-court and accountability concerns.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

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Starmer's Suspension of MPs

0:32 to 1:30

Discussion on Keir Starmer suspending Labour MPs and its implications.

“This is a Global Player original podcast.”

Political Dynamics at Play

1:30 to 3:10

Analysis of the timing and reasons behind the suspensions before recess.

“And yesterday there were lots of end of term metaphors flying around Westminster with Kemi Bade not giving her end of term report to Keir Starmer on how he'd done as prime minister.”

Future Votes and Party Message

3:10 to 4:35

Exploration of Starmer's strategy regarding future votes and party coherence.

The Dangers of Organizing

4:35 to 6:38

Insights on the risks of MPs organizing against their own leadership.

“And that the reasoning he was giving was not for being on a different side of a specific political issue like welfare.”

Diane Abbott's Controversy

6:38 to 8:19

Discussion about Diane Abbott's reiterated claims and the implications for her status.

“And I think one of the questions is, I mean, from this person, certainly why he didn't do it a week earlier.”

Strength vs. Weakness in Leadership

8:19 to 9:36

Debate on whether Starmer's actions indicate strength or weakness in leadership.

“it's very likely that Abbott's going to lose the whip as a result of it.”

Comparing Leadership Styles

9:36 to 11:32

Comparison of Starmer's leadership style with Blair's and the implications for governance.

“But the point is, why didn't Blair do that?”

Organizing and Political Coherence

11:32 to 14:00

Final thoughts on the balance between organizing within the party and maintaining coherence.

“There is a balance, but I don't think that the people we're seeing here, I mean, some of them are a little, I mean, clearly, a couple of them in particular, I think it's fair to say, enjoy the limelight, as MPs often do.”

Starmer's Political Maneuvering

14:00 to 16:21

Discussion on Keir Starmer's approach to handling dissent within Labour MPs.

“and he's thinking, what can I do to shore it up?”

Starmer's Political Maneuvering

17:02 to 17:24

Discussion on Keir Starmer's approach to handling dissent within Labour MPs.

“See our seven-day return policy at Carvana.com.”
Show all 13 chapters

Court Developments and Intelligence Oversight

17:36 to 28:00

Insights into recent court proceedings regarding the Afghan data leak and government accountability.

“Well, Lewis has just come back from court, which is something we've known that he's been in and out of court.”

The Financial Implications of Government Spending

28:00 to 32:51

Explore the financial challenges and potential costs facing the British government.

“of quite what this would mean for the British state?”

Voting Age Debate and Youth Engagement

33:00 to 38:48

Discuss the implications of lowering the voting age and youth political engagement.

“Before we go, the government has announced today that 16 and 17 year olds will be able to vote in time for the next general election, a change of the law.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:01Jon Sopel:Evening. Buyer's remorse. Buy a new car? I'll be moving in. Let's get started. Uh, sorry, I think there's been a mistake. I bought it from Carvana. You what? Yeah, great price. I even have seven days to love it or return it. So there's no... No, no buyer's remorse. More like buyer's rejoice? I guess I'll let myself out. Congratulations. I mean it. Buyer's rejoice. Buy your car today on Carvana. Limitations and exclusions may apply. See our seven-day return policy at Carvana.com. This is a Global Player original podcast. I don't see myself as a rebel. I really focus on supporting a Labour government, but I'm not afraid to debate and to speak up for what's in the interests of my constituents.

0:47Jon Sopel:I'm incredibly disappointed. I mean, I'm devastated. I'm a proud Labour Party member, and I have been for quite some years, and I still think that the Labour Party is the true vehicle for positive social mobility and actually making the country a much fairer and equal place. Brian Leishman and before that, Rachel Maskell. They are two MPs of four who have now had the Labour whip removed. In other words, they've been suspended, kicked out of the party for now. What is the message Keir Starmer is trying to send? And is it a sign of Keir Starmer's strength, virility, power or a real sign of his fundamental weakness?

1:29Jon Sopel:Welcome to the News Agents.

1:34Jon Sopel:The News Agents. It's John. It's Emily. It's Lewis. And yesterday there were lots of end of term metaphors flying around Westminster with Kemi Bade not giving her end of term report to Keir Starmer on how he'd done as prime minister. and in that end of term feel four of the naughty people were called into the headmaster's office and to be told they're being suspended in other words four Labour MPs who have been gobby and rebellious were told you're out you're on your ear you're no longer getting the Labour whip and it comes of course after Keir Starmer had that massive rebellion and then the climb down over welfare reform and it seemed that persistent offenders had been called in to be told you're out yeah and those four MPs are Brian Leishman Neil Duncan Jordan Chris Hinchliffe as well as Rachel Maskell they're not I guess household names in the Labour Party but they are all I guess in the Prime Minister's eyes serial offenders and the question that we're asking today really is whether he becomes safer or less safe as a result of this and what to make of the timing of it why you choose this week just before recess parliament you know ends next tuesday why you would do this now whether it is fear of what's coming or whether it is a cleaning out of the cupboards before the summer holidays begin it is a curious one this i mean to do it before

3:09Lewis Goodall:the summer recess to do it on a day when actually the Tories were actually attacking each other over the Afghan leak in different ways so it's sort of interesting to think about the why they might have done it I mean one justification or one reason I think basically is I mean something quite straightforward is I think they're thinking about future votes in a weird sort of way one of the things that we've talked about on the show before one of the things that's sort of weirdly surprising about this government is that despite the fact it has this huge majority it's weirdly more fragile than it appears we've seen that transpire repeatedly over the course of this parliamentary term there are tough votes to come on send education for example and potentially other things i mean when we get i think we're thinking about not necessarily the budget votes but some of the things that might be coming down the track with the fiscal situation as it is come the autumn i think they're sending a message to labour mps that this sort of thing that we've seen over the course of the last month or two is not going to be tolerated not just tolerated but i think they think that some of these votes are going to be so important for that wider fiscal situation there's going to probably I think come a point when the the metal of the government is tested again and it is seen as something that tests the chancellor and the prime minister's fiscal credibility so this is I think a sort of it feels like a small thing I think in a weird way it's

4:18Jon Sopel:quite a big thing people are saying how can Keir Starmer reconcile what he did yesterday with his statement that look we've got to listen more and I've got to listen more to the back benches and I've got to be more attuned to their concerns and how could you possibly kick people out if you're also saying at the same time I'm going to be on a listening exercise and I think actually you can it's not only that Keir Starmer needs to listen which he clearly does because as we have previously discussed the whole operation around the welfare reform proposals was amateur and calamitous as it turned out but also the backbenchers have to listen and learn which is that you know there is a very tight fiscal situation that Rachel Reeves has a black whole that she's trying to fill in and you can't just keep saying no to everything and organizing against the government that's got you elected and put you into the houses of parliament although

5:09Lewis Goodall:they did force them the government into a position that the government itself says now was the right one so it is logically a bit of a weird one it is a weird one but surely you've

5:19Jon Sopel:got to show that i mean exactly as you say lewis there is a cost associated with being outspoken with organising against your own government and that there is a line that you cannot cross. So I've been speaking to somebody very close to the heart of government and it was interesting to hear their assessment that this came, I think, from Keir Starmer himself, right from Keir Starmer himself, and that there were others around him, experienced MPs, saying, you know, there are other ways of doing this. You do not have to withdraw the whip. And that the reasoning he was giving was not for being on a different side of a specific political issue like welfare.

6:10It was for the serial organizing that they were doing publicly. And that basically was what it came down to, that when when you are going out and you're becoming a voice and almost an alternative power base to the PM, that's where things get tricky. So if you're actually rallying groups of 50 MPs, it's not about I feel really strong about Winterfuel or I feel strong about this. It's like, are you actually setting yourself up in opposition to your own leader? And I think one of the questions is, I mean, from this person, certainly why he didn't do it a week earlier. It feels almost late that he's doing it now.

6:45But when I asked whether they expected the whip to be returned, this person said almost certainly like six months. So there is a world in which you get the summer out of the way when you don't need your numbers. You don't need your majority for any votes. You say, OK, July, August, pretty much by December, they're being welcomed back in. And you make sure that the lesson has been learned. The signal has been clear. They're back in line and they will vote. But if they then continue to rebel, Starmer looks ridiculous.

7:15Jon Sopel:Right. You've been naughty boy. Are you promising to behave? Six months, you're out. After six months, you come back in and you misbehave again. Well, I guess that brings us to the Diane Abbott question today, doesn't it? Where, you know, the mother of the House now, the longest serving MP, Diane Abbott Hackney, has basically reiterated the same claims that she made in a letter to the Observer three years ago and said she stands by them. Now, those claims, which were that she thought black people suffered a different kind of racism to Jewish people, to Irish people, to travellers. And she said, I stand by what I said, even though the first time she said it, she apologized.

8:01She apologized and then had the whip removed and only just got it back before the last election. So it's really interesting, to your point, do people want to actually have that sense of re-establishing their own slightly naughty identity vis -à-vis the Prime Minister? Or do they want martyrdom?

8:18Lewis Goodall:Well, and our Labour source is saying it's very likely that Abbott's going to lose the whip as a result of it. And so we're just back to square one. I mean, she must have known. I mean, personally, I don't understand why those comments are very offensive.

8:32Jon Sopel:But if you apologise and then un-apologise, I mean, it's a bit of a weird... Well, I think we all understand a political apology, which is like, you know, don't kick me out of your party. I'll say whatever you want to. Most apologies are written for you. Yeah, sure. But then but then to retract it, to retract the apology is almost then the coronary of what you've just said, Emily, is that what Diana is saying. Right now, I do want you to kick me out of the party. So you think she wants to join the Corbyn Sultana? I don't know. I mean, it looks like she's go and make my day.

8:59Lewis Goodall:Go ahead. Make my day. There's a question I think about, is this a sign of strength or is it a sign of frailty and weakness? And I think it's a sign of weakness for quite a few reasons. I mean, one is, I think it's going to make him weaker over the long term, right? Because even people within the PLP who don't necessarily like the people who've lost the whip, they're not on the left. This is quite an unusual thing. It's an unusual thing to take the whip away in these circumstances from people who might have only rebelled a handful of times. I mean, famously, of course, Jeremy Corbyn rebelled 500 times against the whip with Tony Blair.

9:31Lewis Goodall:And he didn't lose the whip. So who knows? Maybe Rachel Maskell will be leader of the Labour Party in five years' time. So who knows? But the point is, why didn't Blair do that? Blair didn't care about these people. It was coming from... He was in a position of supreme political strength. And not just because he had a big majority, just like Keir Starmer did, but because Blair had a real political project. And I think that part of the... And more money, to be fair. And a lot more money underneath him to back up the stuff that he needed to do. Of course, of course. The wider circumstances worked better.

9:58Lewis Goodall:But nonetheless, he had a sense of political projects. and his project was bigger than being an internal project. And one of the reasons I think this is basically a sign of political weakness is because ultimately one of the reasons this has happened is because Starmerism, for want of a better expression, the Starmer project has largely always been an internal Labour Party thing. It has always been about the purification against the left. That's how it was born. That's basically how they expected it to be. So when their backs are against the wall, the pressure valve for number 10 and for Starmer himself is, let's smash the left.

10:30Lewis Goodall:and that sends out a signal and I think that is a good part of what we're seeing here. Except you're hearing from loyalist MPs now and I've you know had messages from quite a few saying I mean as they were 100 % back this because actually the people around were making it a nightmare for them they were making it a nightmare for surrounding MPs and if you've got people who are kind of constantly tugging at your sleeve saying oh god I know you don't really believe that I know you don't really want to see this happening, do you? It's kind of very destabilising to the people who are actually trying to get on with the bigger project, which is whatever government looks like, and getting bills through.

11:12Lewis Goodall:But these weren't manifesto commitments. If there'd been manifesto commitments, it would be different. Ultimately, our system is... I mean, I agree, you need party coherence, and that's fair enough. But this is going over and above that than what we've seen before, because ultimately, you know, MPs are elected to exercise their judgement. They're not there, as they are in other systems, to always, under all circumstances, take the whip. And that is an important part. There is a balance, but I don't think that the people we're seeing here, I mean, some of them are a little, I mean, clearly, a couple of them in particular, I think it's fair to say, enjoy the limelight, as MPs often do.

11:42Lewis Goodall:I think it's a question of proportion. Like I say, I don't really... But it's not just the limelight. It's when you are actually manoeuvring big groups of other MPs into your orbit. But a majority of the PLP didn't want it. I mean, you know, they would argue, I think they would say, that they allowed those... You could see it a different way, which is these people were braver, they went out there, they forced the government to do what actually a majority of the PLP wanted. So you can see it either way, can't you? You can either see it as self-indulgence or you can see it as them taking the bullets...

12:11Lewis Goodall:Yeah, but I don't think anyone... As them taking the bullets for people who didn't have the guts to do it. Nobody's got to July and thought, oh, we've had a really great legislative year, have they? They really have. That's not down to those four people. That's down to government whips being cack-handed with it and a lack of direction from the centre.

12:24Jon Sopel:But comparing it to the Blair years, it is different when jeremy corbyn was a backbencher blair was the prime minister and there was skinner and there were a few others who were part of the awkward squad you knew where their opposition was they weren't organizing in the way publicly of whatsapp groups because there weren't whatsapp groups then and it is the public tuition fees iraq no one lost the whip over that no no but they they didn't lose but it didn't feel like you had the same kind of level of organisation that you've got now. I think the organisation is key on this. They just think it's more public than it was.

13:00Jon Sopel:More public and less coded. I think that you get people on now and they kind of know that if they're going to get clicks and they're going to get attention, you've got to really go out there and not just give a coded criticism of what the Prime Minister is doing.

13:13Lewis Goodall:We criticised, I mean I think rightly when Boris Johnson expelled 30 Tory MPs from the Conservative Party because they voted against his version of Brexit I think we all probably thought that was a bad thing. What's the difference? Because these people have been persistently organising. Those people were persistently organising in those years, John, in the Brexit years. Like, they were way worse than these people. I mean, they, you know, and actually, arguably, Johnson had more justification because Brexit was the centrepiece of the point of that government and they were stopping that from happening.

13:41Lewis Goodall:So I think it's one or the other. Either Johnson was right and Starmer's right or they're both wrong.

13:46Jon Sopel:I mean, I just think that, you know, it's like the old joke about the American who's in his car and he stops the Irishman in South Ireland and says, how do I get to wherever? and the Irishman says, well, I wouldn't have started from here. And, you know, Keir Starmer is starting now. He's in this position today where he's lost a lot of authority and he's thinking, what can I do to shore it up? That's not entirely right, that parallel there, because don't forget a lot of the MPs that lost the whip then lost the whip because they refused to let Johnson entertain the idea of a no-deal Brexit and they also refused to take Parliament out of the equation.

14:20One of them was Dominic Grieve. the former Attorney General, who heard Boris Johnson's plans for proroguing Parliament and said, I cannot stand here as a constituency MP and allow our role, Parliament's role, to be absolutely eroded by the executive. I think it's a very, very different circumstance to what Starmer's saying, which is like, this is what you stood for when I was elected and we're going to get this stuff done. But he didn't stand it.

14:46Lewis Goodall:I mean, Johnson was elected as leader of the Conservative Party, quote, get Brexit done. I mean, no, no, no, that came before. Remember, Get Brexit Done was in December of 2019 and this was in September. But what I'm saying is, I mean, I think a lot of those MPs ended up actually getting voted out because they voted against the programme motion for the withdrawal bill. Right. Like so for those Labour MPs, they would probably say, I think they would. They would say that for them, Dominic Grieve found, you know, parliamentary sovereignty as important goes to his core. For them, welfare goes to their core.

15:16Lewis Goodall:And I don't really see why one would be substantially different. It goes down to what you most value and cherish in your politics as an individual MP.

15:24Jon Sopel:So the question surely has to be, will this make any difference? Will this make any difference come the autumn? Because the success or failure will be not whether we think his authority is weakened or strengthened. It's whether people are going to rebel openly in the way that, you know, over special educational needs or whatever it happens to be or fiscal measures that Rachel Rees will have. Well, I guess the next step is what happens to the four that have gone. There were questions about whether Brian Leishman, one of them, who's the MP up in Scotland, Grangemouth, would he join the SNP? You know, will Rachel Maskell join Zara Sultana and Jeremy Corbyn?

15:56That's what this summer could look like. It could be quite an interesting sort of, you know, reshuffle away from cabinet.

16:01Lewis Goodall:Well, that's what I mean. You know, if you've got a problem where your coalition is splintering, is it a good idea to further legitimise that and push them in that direction? I don't think so personally, but I can see why those around Starmer think it might be, because that is their reflex instinct and they actually think it strengthens them. I personally think over time it weakens them, but we'll see.

16:20Jon Sopel:We'll be back after the break with the latest on the Afghan data leak. And Lewis has been in court this morning.

16:35Evening, by his remorse.

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17:36Lewis Goodall:This is The News Agents.

17:40Jon Sopel:Well, Lewis has just come back from court, which is something we've known that he's been in and out of court. Lewis Goodall Casey. Yeah, exactly. Or the defendant. Yeah. That's a nice suit. It is a nice suit. I'll just do this. What do you call a Lewis Goodall in a suit? A defendant. You've been doing this for the last two years, and we obviously haven't been able to say that you've been coming in and out of court because it's all been absolutely secret until now. I've seen that the Intelligence and Security Committee are flexing muscles and saying, what the hell? Why haven't we been informed about all of this?

18:13Jon Sopel:Are you going to hand over these papers?

18:14Lewis Goodall:Tell us about court this morning. Yeah, so there's a couple of developments on this story. And it feels as if, basically, in a way, the different parts of the British state, which normally would have been aware of anything like this, are sort of waking up to implications of what's happened. Let's start with the Intelligence Committee first. Now, the Intelligence and Security Committee, for people who don't know, This is a very, very powerful body within Parliament. It's made up of members of the House of Lords and members of the House of Commons. Their security cleared. Their job is to scrutinise the work of the intelligence services and matters relating to classified material.

Read the full transcript

18:47Lewis Goodall:Under various bits of legislation which govern the way it operates, it would normally always be informed of something like this, a super injunction being applied in a way that it has been applied, and this huge operation to resettle people from Afghanistan, as we've been reporting on all week. Now, the Intelligence and Security Committee were not informed of all of this. Indeed, I was at a court hearing when the judge involved actually asked why the Intelligence and Security Committee had not been involved, because at least that would have been some parliamentary scrutiny. They hear stuff that's more classified than this all the time, is my understanding.

19:25Lewis Goodall:At least that would have been some limited parliamentary scrutiny. and the government lawyer at the time said well there are questions about the sensitivity relating to these matters and informing certain politicians on this now there's a question therefore as to whether the government broke the law in not informing them and the intelligence and security has been meeting today in some anger and they've issued a statement about all of this and they said following correspondence on tuesday from mod ministers regarding a lot of data relating to the Afghan Relocations and Assistant Policy, applicants in February 2022, the committee has today written to require, under the statutory powers the committee has, that defence intelligence and joint intelligence organisation assessments must be provided to us immediately, together with any other intelligence assessments referred to in the case.

20:15Lewis Goodall:The reason this matters, remember, people who've listened to our episodes on this will know, this entire case rests on that first assessment made at the beginning by the ministry of defense that if their status set got into the hands of the taliban it would represent a lethal threat to those involved we now know the government has turned around and said actually we're not sure it is such a lethal threat so what the committee want to see is that initial defense assessment that we have never seen and i've spoken to a source on the committee who is skeptical about that initial assessment. Who knows whether it even exists in the way the government has suggested it has.

20:51Lewis Goodall:Because remember, so much of this, even in court, is taken on face value on what the government says. So this is a very serious charge, because if the government has misled the court about that initial assessment, it is contempt of court. I'm very serious. Just on that, the government could have broken the law. What's the sanction? Well, there could potentially be contempt of court sanctions for those involved. And officials now john obviously the question is as with all of this stuff if anyone is ever going to be held accountable because so far i'm not sure anyone will be but nonetheless there is some form right people might already be getting echoes a government comes along with an assessment about intelligence that turns out to be not quite right not quite right or not quite as billed although at least we saw that assessment the point of the matter is the fact of the matter is is that you know parliamentarians who as i say we've been saying all week they've been denied the right to scrutinise this stuff.

21:43Lewis Goodall:They're waking up to that fact and starting to ask some very serious questions about what has gone on. I mean, if the point of a super injunction is that you can't even mention it because you risk being sent to prison, then presumably the punitive sort of sanction of that is enough to stop people from leaking it. So it makes no sense for them not to tell the chair of the body that's literally called the Intelligence Committee And just to your point, it's not that the whole committee expects to know. It's not that every member expects to know, but the chair and somebody that I was talking to said, look, if this was in the US, if there was a moment at which the chairs hadn't been told about this, it would have been blue murder, frankly, that the difference between the respect for these bodies here and in the US is massive.

22:33and I think you can both believe that the injunction was the right thing to do as actually many still in the security community do but still prefer to be informed of it and by not informing those people I guess you risk creating a backlash of people who are even more suspicious that they've missed out on something that wasn't right in the first place anyway

23:00Lewis Goodall:Well, I mean, just to go back to the centrality of this assessment, I mean, this is something the judge himself in the case and in his judgment this week has expressed concern about. So Justice Chamberlain presided over the case, said he discharged the super injunction that the MOD needed. And when he did so, said the Ministry of Defence must explain more about the basis of the secret intelligence. He noted that the MOD's original assessments in 2023 were very different from its recent review, which he said could only be put down in parts to the passage of time. He said an examination of the way the initial assessments in this case were prepared and whether the courts were or are generally right to record such weight to assessments of this kind is a matter for consideration.

23:43Lewis Goodall:Mark Stevens, a media lawyer, has said that is judicial language for I'm very concerned that the court and the court system has been abused by the government.

23:52Jon Sopel:It's so interesting, isn't it? It's the way decision making works in government. And, you know, on this podcast, we said our job, I can remember on sort of day one, our job is to pull a curtain back on how the decision making is made, you know, in all these areas of power in our public life. and what we are seeing is a curtain being pulled back where you can just imagine a minister telling to a civil servant or whatever civil servant, look, make this, we need a report, we need to make this look as dire as possible and then Labour comes into power, wants to get rid of the super injunction, we need a report that makes it look like it's not as bad.

24:28I don't understand that. I just want to go back to your last line. The idea that the courts have been abused by the government because I thought we'd understood that the person who suggested the super injunction was the judge himself.

24:42Lewis Goodall:Indeed so. But on the basis of, I think, what the main judge in the case is suggesting is that the government may have misled him and misled his court as well about the nature of the initial defence assessment. There is, I mean, you've mentioned the kind of, the spectre of the 45 minutes and the dodgy dossier. There is another spectre that comes up. I don't know if this is too strong. I'm just sort of trying it out now. But there was absolute uproar when Boris Johnson prorogued Parliament, right? And I remember we were all in the Labour Party conference. I think one Keir Starmer was actually on the stage when Lady Hale came back with her decision that it had been unlawful and that the prorogation could not go ahead.

25:23I mean, it was only the beginning of the prorogation she stopped it being extended. But it does seem to point to the same kind of clash, essentially, which is the executive trying to stop the legislature from doing their job through a very heavy-handed use of the judiciary, right? And the judiciary at that time of the prorogation came out and said, you can't do this. At this time, the judiciary is being used as the tool by which they could. Now, you know, I have to say in the fullness, a lot of the people I've spoken to did not have a problem with that super injunction. You know, as I said, I think more and more it is dividing down party lines.

26:02It is dividing down people who think that nothing is a greater priority in public life than intelligence, national security and all the rest of it. And I think maybe there is a sort of there is a leaning from the conservative side towards that. And there's a lean towards transparency from the Labour side. But I think that whole sense of whether the executive is putting things in place that have never, ever been tried before, because it then takes Parliament out of the question completely, is a bit like prorogation.

26:32Lewis Goodall:I think there are real parallels with that. And the judiciary reacting very badly to the idea that they are being used. I think the point about this is, is this, in this case, even the judge who obviously sat through all of the closed material and sessions as well, in a way we didn't. ultimately he has to take on face value the assessments that he's given and the things the government say about those assessments. So he has to take those things on face value. So what I think he is saying there, and I think what the Intelligence and Security Committee are saying, is that it is important for these assessments to be seen in full and to actually confirm that they exist.

27:14Lewis Goodall:Because if they don't exist or they don't exist in the way as billed, That is a very serious thing for the government to have misled the court about. And therefore, the whole basis of the super injunction, which has been the basis for Parliament being denied its right to know about what was going on, falls away. The other place that we're starting to hear a real disquiet is from the people who are actually doing the government financial calculations. The National Audit Office is another body which is now coming forward and saying, I think we should have known about this. because the money that you're spending, whether it's on relocation, whether it's, you know, on future court cases, on sort of class actions, is something that will come out of affect government coffers.

27:55This is taxpayer money. And actually, why wasn't the National Audit Office involved in discussions of quite what this would mean for the British state? I mean, you know, we speak every other week on this podcast about the minuscule amount of financial headroom that the Chancellor has, you know, to do things with. And the fact that whatever the sum ends up being, at the moment, I think it's 400 million. But if that doubles...

28:23Lewis Goodall:It's 400 million so far and another 400 million. Exactly. So there you've got, you're just south of a billion, right? At some point, somebody who's doing the government maths probably needs to know about this too.

28:36Jon Sopel:The extraordinary thing is that years and years ago, when I was Paris correspondent, it came to light that there was this thing called les fonds secrets which dated from the second world war where a bank of france van would drive around government departments and deliver 500 franc notes to the minister in that department to do with as he saw fit there was no accountability and it was only ended in the early 2000s when i was in paris and it dated from the second world war and the resistance and the idea that we had to be able to do things in a clandestine way and it carried on. You would think that in 2025...

29:14Jon Sopel:Weird that they didn't shut that one down, isn't it? Weird that those French ministers were... Of course they were, for entertaining and doing whatever, and paying for mistresses, the whole bloody nine yards. It was so corrupt. The idea that in Britain today there is still hundreds of millions of pounds being spent... Unaccounted for. Unaccounted for. I guess the government will say, we accounted for it, we just didn't tell you. Tell you where it was being spent. And up to a point, we can't tell everyone everything because that is not a super injunction.

29:39Lewis Goodall:Well, I mean, and that's just the cost of resettlement, which, by the way, 800 million is, I think, basically going to be the lowest estimate. I think, you know, it's very likely that it runs into the billions in the end. And part of that cost, that's just the resettlement cost. Part of the other cost, which is now being, is starting to gear up, you've already referred to it, Emily, is the compensation. Yeah, the class actions. The class actions. I mean, we sat in court with a law firm we talked about the other day, Bearings. They've got over 600 cases already just ready to go. So I was talking to a source yesterday and they were saying the way to think about this, this is going to be by far and away.

30:13Lewis Goodall:Let's just think about the compensation by far and away. The biggest and most expensive data breach the British government will ever, ever paid for. Why is that? Well, obviously, there's a number is 18 ,000. But the way they put it to me to think about it is usually when a data breach happens and the government has to pay some compensation, it's often quite like minor data. It might be your email address, maybe your telephone number, more serious, maybe even your address, quite serious. But this is all right-to-life stuff. They said the way to think about it is the closest thing that it comes to would be if there was a data breach, which has very occasionally happened, on a witness protection programme.

30:46Lewis Goodall:And this has happened to 18 ,000 people plus their dependents. So just think about how expensive that might end up being. They're assuming that there aren't going to be 18 ,000 petitioners on this class action, not least because half of them now are out of Amazon. Rachel Reeves Blackhole could be about to get a whole lot bigger. The data set is out there and there will be law firms who may be able to obtain the data set and literally use it to go through the contact details. It will be like this really dark, sinister, horrendous version of PPI or something. It's kind of like so comprehensive. There will be people ringing them up and going, has your data been stolen or lost?

31:27Lewis Goodall:And the government have literally set up a website where you can check for yourself. So it is this weird thing. I mean, this source was talking to me saying that the Ministry of Defence is thinking, you know, could easily be 250 million pounds plus, if not way more. So this is just starting. The financial consequences of this, which you might say a second order by comparison to rights, life and everything. But nonetheless, the financial consequence of this are only just starting to unravel and unroll. We'll be back in just a moment.

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32:59Lewis Goodall:This is The News Agents.

33:04Jon Sopel:Before we go, the government has announced today that 16 and 17 year olds will be able to vote in time for the next general election, a change of the law. No longer 18 is the voting age. it's come down to 16 starmer says if you're old enough to go out to work then people who are 16 and 17 years old and are old enough to pay taxes they're old enough to vote as well contrary tories are saying if you're too young to go to war or get married or even stand in elections then you're too young to vote and it is a kind of really interesting mismatch isn't it because I always thought it was absurd the idea that you could die for your country but not be able to vote for the government that sends you to war to die for your country.

33:51Jon Sopel:But now we've got a situation where 16 you can vote but you've still got to be older before you can join the armed forces. Yeah I think what it really speaks to is what each party thinks it will do to their voter base and clearly Labour believes that there are more people who would naturally vote Labour in the 16 to 18 group and the Tories are dead worried that nobody of that age would vote Tory. And so I think that's what you're seeing in the reaction. And ITV News has just come out with quite an interesting poll on the back of this announcement by Angela Rayner. We should say, you know, the Rayner announcement comes this morning almost entirely overshadowed by, you know, the suspension of the four MPs.

34:34This is what happens when you sort of make a big dramatic action. You are in danger of making this story, you know, the and finally, as opposed to the lead story, which it might otherwise have been. But the poll for ITV News suggests that 49 % of those they talk to don't think the voting age should be lowered. And only 18 % would definitely vote if the election were held tomorrow. So I think that's, I mean, I'm assuming this is a poll of 16 to 18 year olds. So 49 % of those who are asked don't actually want the vote. And in this polling, Labour does come out with the most support, 33%, but reform is next at 20%.

35:19And I think one of the unknowns at this point is where the reform, which, you know, in its earlier guises as UKIP or Brexit Party have definitely been the party of the of the older white man, is now managing to sort of spread its tentacles into different demographics, particularly the younger man.

35:43Jon Sopel:No, that poll is exactly where I kind of, one, two predictions. The turnout will be really low among 16 to 18 year olds. And there'll be a very large number of that small turnout who will vote reform because we've seen it elsewhere. We've seen the pattern in America. A very low number who vote reform. No, a very large number that vote reform. It will be a very low percentage of 16 to 18 year olds who vote. But of that low percentage, a large number will vote reform. Yeah, many more might vote Labour, but a large number nevertheless will vote reform. And we've seen that pattern in America in last November's election, where young people, young bro vote.

36:22Jon Sopel:We talked about it a lot. We're going to go to for Donald Trump. And that sure enough as hell happened. We saw it with the most recent German elections. We're alternative for Deutschland. We're polling very well among young people, too. It's probable the same thing will happen here, even though at the moment reform are saying we shouldn't be extending the franchise to 16 and 17 year olds. There's good news for one former party leader in this poll, going back to the ITV numbers, which is that Jeremy Corbyn comes out as most favoured amongst the young. He has very high approval ratings. And after him, the kind of figures that the young say they'd vote for, Greta Thunberg, 27 percent, the YouTuber Mr.

37:05Beast on 21 percent and, drumroll, Jeremy Clarkson on 17 percent. And so, yeah, it's really interesting, isn't it, that I think the young are probably more politically engaged than ever before. But it's politically engaged without all the kind of, you know, the stability that used to come from generations of 18 year olds. You know, people without houses, people without mortgages, people without people probably who are, you know, maybe two decades away from marriage or any kind of formal sort of family commitment. You might not be even thinking about marriage until you're close to 40 now. So that's 20 years of the vote without that being at all relevant to how you're living your life.

37:52Right.

37:52Jon Sopel:Look, we've talked about how in America, you know, do the Democrats need to have a celebrity candidate at the next presidential election who can rival the sort of luster that Donald Trump or someone like that brings? You know, with 16 year olds, it's going to be the latest TikTok trend or the latest YouTube influencer or whatever it happens to be. You could just see someone coming along. I think that polling of, you know, who are the people that young people would vote for kind of shows that it's great to widen the franchise, to have the largest number of people voting. But it comes with risks as well.

38:27Yeah. And I think the clearest thing it tells us is that the next election will be, you know, I would say now the TikTok election. But whatever comes after TikTok, you know, that everything is going to be fought in the medium of social media from now on. You aren't going to look up and see a party political broadcast that has any kind of sway at all. We will see you tomorrow. Bye bye. Bye for now.

38:48Jon Sopel:This is a Global Player original podcast.

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From the publisher

Last night the Prime Minister chucked four of his more rebellious MPs out of the parliamentary Labour Party. Technically, he 'removed the whip' which means that for now they cannot call themselves Labour MPs. Was he right to move against them? Does it make him stronger or weaker in his job? And what message does it send out about how Starmer wants to govern?

Later, why were key intelligence figures not informed of the Afghan data breach? And did the government mislead the courts over the severity of the situation?

The News Agents is brought to you by HSBC UK - https://www.hsbc.co.uk/

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