159. Is NATO Prepared for a Russian Attack?

21 May 2026 · 53 min · 20 chapters

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In short

NATO readiness for a possible Russian attack on the Baltic border, including “hybrid/grey zone” sabotage, Article 4/5 uncertainty, and whether the US will reliably defend Estonia and other allies. The episode is recorded in Tallinn, Estonia, during a security conference and around the “Spring Storm” military exercise near the Russian border.

Guests and backgrounds

  1. Shane Harris: staff writer at The Atlantic; US national security reporter; co-author/author background includes Russian spy coverage (journalist).
  2. Sean Walker: journalist at The Guardian; author of The Illegals on Russian spies; UK-focused reporting on intelligence.
  3. David Kapler: former US intelligence analyst; Assistant Secretary General of NATO in charge of intelligence and security (run-up to Russia’s 2022 invasion).
  4. Tomas Ilves: Estonian foreign minister (later president, 2006–2016); US-educated; long-time observer of international relations.

Key claims and notable examples

  • Conference mood: “frostiness/freeze” between US and Europe; US answers about defending the Baltics were seen as non-committal (Tom DeNano avoided “yes” to direct Article 5 questions).
  • Working-level intelligence cooperation still functions, but Europeans worry about political leadership handling sensitive intelligence; CIA seen as steadier than other US intelligence leadership.
  • Military example: Spring Storm exercise with French and British troops; sensor devices hidden in trees to detect possible border incursions; phones put on airplane mode to avoid Russian mobile networks.
  • NATO intelligence example: NATO’s Joint Intelligence and Security Division integrates 85 services across 32 allies; during 2022 Ukraine invasion, nations interpreted shared intelligence differently due to cultural risk thresholds.
  • Estonia example: Finland-style conscription/reservist readiness (rapid mobilization) and a growing home guard; public debate about how alarmist to be.
  • Ilves warns Europe “didn’t learn” from 1989–91; Russia’s “Greater Russia” ideology and potential post-Ukraine escalation are central concerns.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

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On the Front Line of the Russian Threat

1:12 to 2:45

Gordon shares insights from his visit to Estonia and military exercises.

“And it's all a sign really that Estonia, the Baltic states are on the front line from the Russian threat.”

Interviews with Journalists at the Conference

2:45 to 3:32

Gordon introduces his discussions with journalists Shane Harris and Sean Walker.

“invasion or of sabotage, the so-called hybrid or grey zone warfare that's going on?”

State of US-European Relations at the Conference

5:10 to 9:46

Shane and Sean discuss the mood regarding US and European relations.

“Everything you want for summer is at Nordstrom Rack stores now.”

Concerns Within the Intelligence Community

9:46 to 14:01

Exploring the mood and dynamics within intelligence agencies amidst tensions.

“you know, policy monologues and nobody has real disagreements.”

Tensions in Intelligence and Politics

14:01 to 15:01

Explore the disconnect between operational intelligence and political decisions.

“You hear that from the Brits and from the others.”

Military Exercises and NATO Cooperation

15:01 to 16:00

Insights from a recent military exercise and the state of NATO relationships.

“And, you know, we've seen, you know, mass firings at the FBI and the counterintelligence field, which are punitive.”

Challenges of Article 5 and Russian Aggression

16:00 to 18:00

Discussion on NATO's readiness and the implications of a potential Russian incursion.

“Maybe you knew better because it was a long, long way away, a very long coach ride back in which we were eating nuts and crisps most of the way to try and sustain ourselves.”

Escalation Scenarios and Nuclear Concerns

18:00 to 19:20

Exploration of escalation risks and nuclear war fears in the context of Russia.

“Because it's that feeling that the Russians could try and test things.”

Conference Insights and Personal Experiences

19:20 to 20:20

Personal anecdotes from a conference highlighting networking challenges.

“I think when Trump talks about not wanting to start a war with Russia, he has different calculations and different ideas in mind, right?”

Intelligence Sharing in NATO

20:20 to 22:30

Understanding how intelligence sharing works within NATO from an insider's perspective.

“Any current recommendations of favorite spy books, films?”
Show all 20 chapters

Cultural Differences in Intelligence Approaches

22:30 to 28:00

Discussion on how different nations handle intelligence and its implications for decision-making.

“And it is a very interesting idea for NATO because it's the only joint division, the joint military and civilian, and joint intelligence and security.”

Diverging Perspectives on Russian Threats

28:00 to 29:30

Explore varying interpretations of Russian threats among NATO allies.

“Ask to come and visit and be briefed in a way that's going to make sense within your system so that I understand when the nations come together, what must we say?”

Trust and Security in the Transatlantic Alliance

29:30 to 32:30

Discuss the importance of trust and shared understanding in NATO.

“see the world and see the threat in the same way.”

The Role of AI in Intelligence Decision Making

32:30 to 34:47

Learn about the impact of AI on intelligence and decision-making processes.

“So it is a bit painful to hear the questioning.”

Estonia's Perspective on Russian Aggression

37:01 to 42:06

Understand Estonia's views on the Russian threat and regional security.

“Your summer starts now with Memorial Day deals at the Home Depot.”

Understanding the Russian Perspective on Estonia

42:06 to 43:06

Explores the socio-economic dynamics between Russia and Estonia and public sentiment.

“and then the stunning visual picture of two fortresses.”

Decoding Putin's Mind and Historical Context

43:06 to 44:29

Discusses insights into Putin's motivations and historical actions that shape current politics.

“And, uh, that's why we end up getting a lot of, there are a lot of other border towns.”

The Dilemma of NATO and American Commitment

44:29 to 45:49

Analyzes concerns over NATO's preparedness and the reliability of American support.

“There's a book that just came out of the reactions to that speech.”

Reflections on US Values and European Stability

45:49 to 49:58

Reflects on the perception of US values in Europe and the consequences for global stability.

“What's your feeling at the moment about how worried people here are about America's willingness to defend Europe effectively if the Russians do do something?”

Intelligence Challenges for Liberal Democracies

49:58 to 51:28

Discusses the unique challenges faced by Estonia regarding national security and freedom.

“And besides, we'll make a lot of money with Russia.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:03For exclusive interviews, bonus episodes, ad-free listening, early access to series, first look at live show tickets, a weekly newsletter, and discounted books, join the Declassified Club at therestisclassified.com.

0:24What does the threat from Russia look like if you're on its borders? and our Western spies and governments agreed on how to confront it. Well, welcome to The Rest is Classified. I'm Gordon Carrera. This time there's no David McCloskey. That's because I'm actually in Estonia, one of the Baltic states in its capital, Tallinn. I'm here for a security conference at which officials, spy chiefs, other types, are all meeting to try and look at some of the threats, particularly from Russia, some of the issues around Ukraine, but also the NATO alliance, how it's getting on, what the relationships with the Americans are like.

1:01I've been here actually chairing a panel with some of the spy chiefs from the region. I'd love to tell you more about that, but I'm afraid that really is classified because it was an off-the-record panel. But I've spent a couple of days here also going down to close to the Russian border for a military exercise called Spring Storm, watching Estonian defence forces work with French troops who were there in some camouflage vehicles and some British troops who were camped in the woods in some, I think, less glamorous conditions than the French, strangely enough, using some sensor devices which were hidden in trees and which could detect using video imagery, but also seismic activity, whether, for instance, Russian troops might at one point go over the border.

1:48all part of this exercise. And it's all a sign really that Estonia, the Baltic states are on the front line from the Russian threat. I mean, very, very close. While we were going to this exercise at one point, we went just a couple of miles from the Russian border and were told to put our phones on airplane mode. The reason being that otherwise they might switch to a Russian mobile phone network. I'm not entirely sure whether we were told not to do that because they might spy on us or whether it was because we'd rack up a huge mobile bill. But anyway, way. That's what we were told to do. There are also, I think, some pictures circulating of me clambering out of a French kind of tank armoured reconnaissance vehicle, not very elegantly.

2:28If you see those, they are not AI generated. I'm afraid they really were me. But this, we thought, might be a chance on the podcast to give you a bit of a sense of how the security and intelligence situation feels if you're in the Baltic States, if you're on the border with Russia. How worried are people here about that possible threat of maybe a Russian invasion or of sabotage, the so-called hybrid or grey zone warfare that's going on? So I've been speaking to a few of the people who are here at this conference, trying to give a flavour really of some of the things that are getting discussed.

3:02It's a bit different what we normally do, so you might hear a bit of background noise and a little bit of chaos, but that's the feel of what things alike here. So I hope you don't mind too much. Two people I sat down with first were two journalists, two quite good friends of mine, I have to admit. Shane Harris from the Atlantic magazine in the United States and Sean Walker from the Guardian newspaper in the UK, also written a very good book called The Illegals on Russian Spies, just to talk a bit about what we were learning from the conference. This episode is brought to you by HP. In intelligence work, it's rarely the obvious problem that causes failure.

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4:22To see how HP helps businesses work securely and productively, visit hp.com forward slash classified. The rest Disclassified listeners also benefit from 10 % off HP Business Technology with code T-R-I-C-10. Study and play. Come together on a Windows 11 PC. And for a limited time, college students get the best of both worlds. Get the Unreal College Deal. Everything you need to study and play with select Windows 11 PCs. Eligible students get a year of Microsoft 365 Premium and a year of Xbox Game Pass Ultimate with a custom color Xbox wireless controller. Learn more at windows.com slash student offer.

5:05While supplies last, ends June 30th. Terms at aka.ms slash college PC. So good, so good, so good. Everything you want for summer is at Nordstrom Rack stores now. And up to 60 % off. Stock up and save on the brands you love like Vince, Sam Edelman, Frame, and Free People. Join the Nordiclub to unlock exclusive discounts, shop new arrivals first, and more. Plus, buy online and pick up at your favorite rack store for free. Great brands, great prices. That's why you rack. Okay, I am sat with two distinguished veteran correspondents who cover not just these conferences, but the world of national security, Russia, intelligence, and also I have to admit, two friends of mine.

5:55Shane Harris, now staff writer at The Atlantic magazine in the US, and Sean Walker, who is from The Guardian, also author of a very good book on illegals, one of my favorite topics, deep cover Russian spies. Both of you, thanks for joining us. Shane, what's your view of the mood of this conference? It's a little bit like from the opening session onwards. There's an edginess between the US and Europe, isn't there? Yeah, I think so. I mean, it's like this conference when I came last year was sort of like this feeling of, you know, the US and Europe, are we breaking up? And this year it's kind of like, hmm, it feels like we're breaking up.

6:30Like you feel there's a frostiness even that was there last year. And this year just feels like it's more settled into like a freeze. you know the Americans only sent one person as far as I'm aware of really to speak on any panels he's undersecretary of state people were mispronouncing his name no one had really ever heard of him he didn't know people who were answering asking his questions who yeah you know in defense you should know yeah he got quite a tough time he did he did because he wanted to beat up on him right because I mean these are sort of questions that people are asking you know you know where are the Americans what's the role but it's interesting it was sort of it felt like to me, people here just have resigned to the fact that the United States, and Tom DeNano is his name, by the way, and in his defense, he did keep saying the United States is not leaving Europe, we're not leaving NATO.

7:13But I think that there's a real understanding that the relationship has fundamentally changed. And I'm not sure that people are counting on that snapping back if a Democrat is elected in 28. Maybe it will, but it does feel like Europe has been planning for life after America for a while, and this conference kind of reflects that. Sean, what do you think? Yeah, I would agree. I mean, I think it's, you know, in this part of Europe, you have the, by the size of the countries and their location, they're naturally very cautious about saying anything publicly that would be sort of critical of the US.

7:45And I think last year there was still this, even though we'd had, you know, Hegseth coming to Brussels and we'd had Zelensky be humiliated in the White House, there was still this sense of like, oh, you know, looking at the positives, like actually Trump is just waking us all up and this is great and it's all going to be fine. And yet this year it feels a little bit different. I was talking a couple of hours ago to a Russian journalist who said it was fascinating to be in that room with Tom De Nano. And for one moment, it seemed like Russia wasn't the main enemy of everyone in the room. And there was this real frustration.

8:19I mean, the man was asked twice a very direct question. Would the US come to the defense of a Baltic state if it was invaded. And his answer did not include the word yes. Yeah, it was a more complicated answer, wasn't it? And there was this constant questioning, will you say explicitly Russia is a threat? And there seemed to be a moment where even that was difficult to say. Yeah. And I think he's like, look, I mean, somebody in his position knows that he's one bad quote away that gets tweeted from losing his job, right? And again, he did say that the United States is with NATO, but it did kind of feel half-hearted, right?

8:57And I think people in the room understood that and were pressing for more of an answer, knowing he probably wouldn't give it. And you're probably right that, yeah, he was worried about the headline tomorrow being Trump's undersecretary says US will fight Russia. And that's the last thing he needs. And then there was also a funny bit where there then was a row between the Europeans about whether, I think, wasn't it, Spain is spending enough on defense. And it turned into who are like the Spanish diplomat stood up and go, no, those figures are wrong. We're spending more on defense. And someone said, this is what NATO is like.

9:28You just don't normally see it, you know, on public display with, you know, everyone trying to work out what the Americans think and the Europeans arguing about defense spending. So it's a bit where, you know, it's out in the open a little bit more than it used to be. The kind of some of the tensions between different sides. And there's a general rule that like high level conference panels are just incredibly boring sets of, you know, policy monologues and nobody has real disagreements. And suddenly you're like, oh, this is, this is quite nice. This is interesting. Yeah. It's good for us journalists.

9:56I was just monitoring the panel where it was, you know, everybody was agreeing, you know, rah, rah, Ukraine, they're the future, et cetera. And there was one person who was like, nope, absolutely not. You're all mistaken. This is an idiotic way to think about it. And we had the prime minister of Albania who was on a panel yesterday. He was very spicy. Yeah. But it is interesting. I mean, like, you know, there's sort of a challenging of assumptions that goes along with some of that. And if you know, there's a little bit of even, I think some people on these panels, kind of use grown up words on this podcast, you look calling their bullshit, right?

10:27A little bit. And I think that was kind of what was going on yesterday with somebody trying to say that Spain wasn't pulling its weight. Now, I think the guy got his facts wrong and didn't quite get the figures right. But I mean, the thrust of it, right, was what was interesting. And you're watching these Europeans kind of like punch at each other right now too, which of course, you know, in the absence of the Americans, they're likely to do. Yeah. What about, I mean, we're interested in intelligence and the classified world on this podcast. What's your sense? We've obviously got to be a bit discreet about our sources, all being good journalists, about what the mood is within that world.

11:01I mean, we're talking about some of the political relationships and diplomatic relationships getting a bit more tetchy. Do you think that's also true at the working intelligence level? I would say at the working level, things still feel like they're largely working to people. But it's not as smooth as it used to be. I do think that there is hesitation and even suspicion on this part of some Europeans about sharing sensitive information with the Americans. Not for fear that their working level colleagues will misuse it, but that something goes up the chain to the White House or lands at the Hoover building.

11:38and somebody gets a hold of it who works there and they don't particularly like what he does with it. There's real concern about that. I mean, look, I think that if you talk to people in European intelligence services about the political leadership of the intelligence community, there's deep, deep anxiety about that. The CIA feels a little bit, I think, on more of a steady ground. I mean, John Ratcliffe, the CIA director, from people I talk to seems like someone they look at and they're like, this is a counterpart that we feel good working with. And they're, to be candid, glad that he's the one who's actually in charge and not the director of national intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, who is utterly marginalized.

12:16But there's no doubt that there are tensions here. And I think that there's a real desire on the part of some of these foreign services to get the Americans, particularly the CIA, to be very committed on Ukraine and to be aggressive. And I think that there's a feeling that the CIA is with Ukraine right now, even if the White House feels like they're not. Yeah. What's your sense, Sean? Yeah, I think on recent trips to Ukraine and talking to people in Kyiv, definitely there's a sense that with the exception of that very brief week back last spring, not much on the ground has really changed. that people are happy to work.

12:56And I think perhaps because of the obvious levels of discretion in this, because it does happen behind closed doors, there's less of a worry than there is with other policy areas where you don't want to say anything publicly and you don't want to be seen to be helping. So I think those links are quite strong. But I guess there is also just this fear, as there is with the military side of stuff with NATO, that just the imbalance is so strong. Someone said to me recently that if you took all of NATO except the US, you still wouldn't have as good capacities as just the US on its own. So the idea of losing that is really worrying.

13:36And I guess it's a quieter conversation, but the conversation people are having here, starting to have, we noticed here, about we hope the transit lines is going to stay strong, what we need to think about what happens if it doesn't. I suspect that's also kind of just starting to happen as well. Yeah, it's interesting in the intelligence world because you definitely feel like people say, operationally, things are still strong, they're still going. You hear that from the Brits and from the others. But you also think to yourself, at some point, if the political level and the diplomatic level are diverging in how they see the world and what they want to do in the world, that's bound to eventually kind of feed back down into the working level.

14:17Yeah, I think so. And, you know, and it's worth pointing out, too, that you have, you know, in the DNI currently, although she doesn't talk about this, you know, Tulsi Gabbard, somebody who ran for president and ran for Congress, obviously, successfully committed to no foreign wars, no foreign interventions. Well, we're currently attacking Iran, a war with Iran. There's real tension there and disconnect as well. That's kind of like the flip side of it where, I mean, she's not with the program, perhaps. But I do think that, you know, you know, there's a I think that there is a kind of reluctance even at the working level to obviously to speak out.

14:53They don't speak out normally, but there's a real reluctance around saying the wrong thing and challenging people at the policy level right now. And, you know, we've seen, you know, mass firings at the FBI and the counterintelligence field, which are punitive. I mean, these are people who were involved in things like, you know, the Mar-a-Lago investigation, and those people are being fired. And so there is a real reluctance, and you hear people saying this, you know, to do that, speak truth to power, which is sort of the mantra of the intelligence community. And that's something that could be generationally damaging, particularly if you're firing people or they're quitting and getting out.

15:28and then let's say we do snap back to something more traditional with a democratic president or even another republican well all those people are gone and you know and if people i talk to say there's a real worry that even younger people in the intelligence community will start to think this is how it's always been where we are just sort of like subservient to political masters and have to keep in line with the policy rather than just saying what we think the truth is yeah there is that feeling that it's not going to go back is it quite to what it was i guess in the wider relationship, but maybe in that intelligence world.

15:59Sean, I should also say we went out to a military exercise, didn't we? We did. Shane, you missed this. I missed it. Maybe you knew better because it was a long, long way away, a very long coach ride back in which we were eating nuts and crisps most of the way to try and sustain ourselves. But I guess it was quite interesting, wasn't it, to see on the ground, the Brits were there, the French were there, all working together. So it feels like still at that level, the relationships are strong militarily and as we said, intelligence wise, but it does feel like something's changing, isn't it? That's the mood, I think.

16:31Yeah, I mean, I think the most interesting thing there was just the location. So we were what, like three miles away from the Russian border, you know, sort of suddenly you came to a kind of village car park behind the local shop and there's a whole load of kind of French heavy armored vehicles there and a bunch of French soldiers. So it was pretty interesting from that perspective. I guess one of the things I was trying to understand, because I'm not a military person, I've been trying to do some reporting on how these thoughts are changing about what would happen in a kind of Article 5 situation.

17:10And one political person here said to me that the whole point post-2022 was that these things happen automatically. So the forces are there, they're ready to move. If the incursion happens, it will happen without a kind of political phone call. But then the flip side of that, I was also just now talking to Carlo Marsala, who wrote this book about the future scenario of a possible Russian invasion. And he was like, well, yeah, that does happen. They have changed that, but it would just take one phone call to stop that happening. And what happens if Trump calls his commander and says, well, I've just been on the phone to Putin, and he says, this is just a limited thing, and we're not going to risk World War III.

17:57Then what happens? Then how does the… Yeah. Because it's that feeling that the Russians could try and test things. And if they're going to test… They're already testing things with sabotage operations, but they could try and test things in the Baltics. This is possibly where it could happen. What they all say here is that Russia doesn't have much by way of hardware across the border right now, right? Because it's all in Ukraine. It would require some kind of settlement in Ukraine. And until then, probably what's more likely is the kind of escalation of the sabotage. So the sabotage in Europe so far hasn't been aimed at killing people, like as in Ukraine, but maybe they could step that up.

18:32And then where's the line? What's the war? What's Article 4? What's Article 5? It's all quite foggy. And to the point about not starting World War III, this is what Trump literally talks about, when he berated Zelensky months ago in the Oval Office, he's saying, you're going to start World War III. I will say it was a fear that the Biden administration had too. I mean, Mark Milley literally walked around when he was chairman of the Joint Chiefs with index cards, on the top of which one of them was written, don't start World War III. What was a good reminder? Objective, don't get into a nuclear war with the Russians.

19:09And it was sort of based on a set of presumptions that the Russians would rush up the escalatory ladder, that they might use a tactical nuclear weapon. It seemed like those anxieties kind of ebbed over time. I think when Trump talks about not wanting to start a war with Russia, he has different calculations and different ideas in mind, right? Which is, you know, I think that he views Russia as almost like a pure power. And I don't think the US intelligence community views it that way. But, you know, he is seemingly like, you know, trying to obviously avoid escalation, but extract from this as well.

19:41And, you know, and wants to be done with Ukraine the way I think he wants to be done with Iran. You feel that in this audience too. Yeah. so uh i hope you enjoy do you enjoy these conferences i mean my i'm not sure my liver always enjoys these conferences or my sleep patterns because i think you were here i could see you quite late last night i was up late yeah you were late to the night was i think you i think you had an early bed because i had to moderate at eight those starts so early you had an 8 30 breakfast panel to moderate whereas i i did last night but you know i come a day i come a day early and you're right i did not go with you on the bus with the chips down to the car park and whatever So I took myself to a very nice dinner.

20:18Well done. Thank you for joining us. Last question. Any current recommendations of favorite spy books, films? I'll give you one that's been off the air for a little bit, but I hope that it's going to get re-upped, is The Agency, which is the American version of The Bureau, which The Bureau is the best TV show about espionage, in my opinion. The Agency is really, really good. And I was told by a reliable source that the CIA offered to help them with technical advice. And the producer said, no, thank you. Interesting. Which is interesting to me. That's the Michael Fassbender one. Yeah, maybe. Say, we don't need your help.

20:53Yeah. Sean, anything from you? Yeah, I'm not quite espionage. It's a criminal record, which is a police drama that I've just been watching, which I quite enjoyed. Okay, very good. Very good. Well, thank you. I'd let you both go back to the conference, to hard work, networking, doing what journalists do. Maybe have a drink, drinking gin and tonics maybe later. Shane and Sean, thanks very much. Thank you. Cheers, thanks. I said there was no David on this podcast. That's kind of not true, though, because we've got a different David. I found another David who was an intelligence analyst. And even more to David McCloskey's annoyance, he was actually in the DIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency.

21:34His name is David Kapler. He was a US intelligence analyst, but then became Assistant Secretary General of NATO in charge of intelligence and security, including in the run-up to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, where he was quite involved in briefing people. So I sat down with him to get a bit of a sense of how intelligence sharing NATO and those relationships look from his perspective.

22:03David Katlow, tell me, how did you end up in charge of intelligence at NATO? Well, no one ends up in charge of intelligence. No, sorry, teasing you a little bit. So the position was created in 2016 as a decision of the Warsaw Summit, largely because leaders agreed that they needed military and civilian intelligence integration, and then they added a further complication of combining intelligence and security into one division. And it is a very interesting idea for NATO because it's the only joint division, the joint military and civilian, and joint intelligence and security. In the first go, I was preceded by a German diplomat, Arndt von Loringhoven, and then I was selected in the summer of 2019 to come in.

22:52And really with the thought that Arndt had been one of the two vice presidents of BND - The German intelligence. Yeah, sorry. Yeah, right. But was also a career diplomat prior to that, sat in the seat as the vice president that usually the Ministry of Foreign Affairs fills. And I think appropriate actually for that period of time because the challenge really was, how do you bring this thing together? How do you negotiate in fact with 20, what they had 27 allies I think, or 26 allies at that time. How do you get that done and how do you get these services to work in concert? I had had the majority of my career in intelligence, and so a bit different background and approach.

23:33And the thought at that time was, you need to make sure then that we actually transition this thing to a full operational function. So your background was as an analyst? Because we like analysts on this show. Well, who doesn't? As I said, the analyst is the apex predator of the intelligence community. Don't the intelligence collectors, the case officers, think they're the apex predators? Well, and you heard Daniel Markic try to say that. Yeah, the head of the European - Right, he was also head of the Croatian external service. I felt unconvincingly said it at the - So you think analysts are the top dog.

24:03Why? Why are they so important? Because, look, and I don't mean to diminish any other role in intelligence, because they're all critically important. Of course, yeah. But I think as a former analyst, I think a few things are true. First, you see across a tremendous amount of the work and of the content, depending on your topic, your seniority, your role at that particular time. And I think that does give you quite an interesting perch because eventually we do learn quite a bit, even as analysts, about the collection and about the management and about the resourcing. Because it's not just important to understand the facts and be able to put them in some coherent structure, but also a bit of, well, how did we get that?

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24:47Because that gets to the confidence potentially in the information. But I also think being an analyst sets you up. I mean, I was an enterprise mission manager within the US intelligence community for quite some time also. And I think the preparation as an analyst was quite good for that role as well, because analysts are taught how to think and how to think in a very particular structure and to have the rigor and the discipline when we think and when we analyze and when we advise. And of course, one of the most significant things that happened during your time was the run-up to the invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the full-scale invasion, which I guess was one of the most interesting examples we've had where intelligence and policy and decision-making met and in which different countries took quite different positions about how to deal with intelligence that I think primarily the US and UK were providing about Russia's plans to invade Ukraine.

25:41And you were, I guess, at the fulcrum of that. So that must have been quite interesting to see how intelligence got used and when people take it seriously and how they treat it. Yeah. I mean, look, it's a very interesting role, probably just about any time. But it's very rewarding to be there to be able to make a significant contribution at a key time in the alliance's history. I think three things really stand out to me. I think the first is that the performance of the Joint Intelligence and Security Division and the cooperation across those 85 intelligence services from the 32 allies could not have been better at a more important time.

26:26So I think that's one thing I'd say. I think the second thing I would say is, as came up in the panel last night, nations handle their intelligence in different ways. But the point I would make here is that nations also take widely different approaches in the way that intelligence contributes to national security decision-making. There's a model in the US and the UK that's very similar, apparently no small part because the UK trained us on how to use intelligence, But it can be deeply cultural. Some nations want stronger security services. Some nations wish them to be weaker. Some nations use them for research.

27:04They're just yet another voice in that decision-making process. In some nations, military and civilian services might actually be prohibited from working with each other. It's not just that perhaps they don't want to, they may not. So to have a joint division where every ally contributes and the personnel participate from those allies, they do behave differently at NATO. And I think the final thing here, the big takeaway is the role of intelligence, especially at the strategic level there, was so interesting for me as a practitioner to observe in that I'd worked at the White House, I'd worked at the Pentagon, then at NATO, had a variety of roles over the course of my career.

27:52that one was the most demanding in terms of the need to do intelligence diplomacy. Ask for collection. Ask for information to be provided. Ask for different personnel. Ask to come and visit and be briefed in a way that's going to make sense within your system so that I understand when the nations come together, what must we say? There was this intelligence picture about what Russia was planning, and yet some people took it more seriously than others. I wonder if that was cultural, whether it was because it was the US and UK, and some countries are less trusting of the US and UK. But it was interesting, wasn't it, that some countries really didn't believe it was happening.

28:32We've heard that even here at this conference. People admit they missed that. Yeah, sure, Gordon. But I just would differ on the use of the word serious in this context. Disagreeing with the analytic view is not the same as being unserious. Yeah. So you can see the same pieces of intelligence make a different interpretation. Absolutely. You could either draw a different conclusion altogether, which would be based on a range of things, or I think more correctly in this case, different capitals have different risk thresholds and then correspondingly different levels of evidence and confidence for themselves in that picture before they're willing to take a political and military set of actions based on it.

29:19Let me just bring it up to date now. I mean, you're out of that role now, but there is this question about how far the NATO alliance, Western countries which form part of it, see the world and see the threat in the same way. And it does feel like there's a greater divergence maybe now than we've seen in the past. I mean, whether it's particularly from the US to some European allies who've been here at this conference. You can sense a difference in language and interpretation. Is that political? Is it intelligence-based? Does it cause strains for the intelligence world? It can, but I don't think in impactful terms it does.

29:58I would go back and I like to point to what's agreed. I mean, some other speakers here have made this point about judging by behavior rather than by rhetoric primarily. And I think, although now I'm about to raise rhetoric, take a look at how many summit communiques since 21, 22 timeframe, take a look at the NATO strategic concept. It is agreed among allies that Russia is the primary threat to the alliance. Some people seem less willing to say it than others. Okay, but it doesn't matter because they've said it in writing. Okay. And it's published. And that is the position of the alliance agreed by all 32.

30:37Now, the degree to which they believe that threat is proximate, the manner in which they believe it'll manifest the timing. Okay, that's going to vary. But reasonable men and women can have those differences if at the core they agree. And this, again, I've asked so many times, not just during this conference, but in how many meetings since 21, 22 of, okay, but isn't it true that they didn't all fully agree? Well, the rest is classified, but what I'd say is, hey, look, at the end of the day, they agreed enough to implement improved deterrence and defensive measures, and they have seen the threat enough together that they have taken coordinated political and military action in the years that followed.

31:25I mean, does it worry you as an American, though here to come here to Europe and to hear some of the language about the US or the questions which have come up in the conference. Is the US going to be there for Europe against the Russian threat? I mean, that is clearly something in people's minds. Well, sure it does. I mean, you hear my accent, right? Obviously, I'm American. So I believe that the United States It has many facets to its superpower sets of capabilities. And one of the most significant, in fact, is its friendships and alliances. I am hard pressed to see a real threat to the United States that the United States would choose to, or in some scenarios, could even go it alone.

32:14So I'm more in the camp that, no, I mean, a transatlanticist by default, having served those four years at NATO. But I have a deep belief that alliances and friendships are essential to national security and to common security. So it is a bit painful to hear the questioning. The thing that worries me the most though is that all of these things, whether you go back to where you began with the intelligence questions or you talk about policy, politics, military dynamics, they all hinge on trust. Trust takes a lot to sustain and it does take focused effort. It takes some curation. It takes constancy.

32:57It takes knowledge of each other, work with each other to even raise questions. Would this, would Article 5 hold? Would this occur? Would that occur? Does eat a bit at the very foundation that's so critical to the building of all of that trust and the security commitments to each other. So the thing that I worry about when I hear this and why, frankly, it's one of the reasons why I benefit so much of having now come to Europe so many times in recent months is to hear directly from Europeans about what their concerns are in this space. So I'm listening for things about, does trust still endure?

33:39Where do you think trust is under strain. If trust has been broken, if there's a negative feeling in the relationship, is it temporary? Does it rise to any significance? Does it actually matter? Is it political headwinds as opposed to deep - Yeah. Or again, to one of my other points, is it just rhetoric? Yeah. Because we're all professionals in our different disciplines. Yeah. We understand that relationships have been flow, personalities have a significant effect on these things, and a lot of us are apolitical institutionalists. So we tend to see this all the way through, but I feel that that's increasingly put to the test.

34:21Mm. And that to me is a signal that I've detected here and in some other forums lately that gives me a bit of pause. One last question. What do you think the biggest challenge is ahead for the intelligence community? Technology and AI is something that you're looking at at the moment and the way it's maybe going to speed up decision making or the pressure to make decisions or to provide analytic judgments. Yeah, and I'll have a paper coming out on this soon as well for ICDS. What we've centered on in our analysis is this concept called trusted autonomy and really to encourage nations. Now, written for an Estonian think tank.

34:58So a bit focused on Estonia, which is very digitized even in the national level within the government and a provision of public services. And so the point we've made to them is AI will certainly accelerate things, but you should not substitute AI for human judgment across the board. And bear in mind that the speed will also compress your ability, the latitude, the time that you have to deliberate, to check, to validate. And if you cognitively surrender to the AI, if you outsource too much to the AI, it will go faster, but you may make the wrong decision faster. So please pump the brakes a little bit, put the right guardrails on that system.

35:48And I think that's not limited to intelligence applications. I think that's just good government. Well, the intelligence analysts will be pleased that they're not going to get replaced. No, I don't think they will. Thank you. Thank you very much for joining us. Sure. Thanks a lot. I've also been talking to someone else who's quite a senior figure here in Estonia and who's been very vocal at the conference. His name is Tomas Ilves. He was a foreign minister for Estonia and then its president for 10 years from 2006 to 2016. He's a real close observer of the relationships, the international relationships.

36:25He was educated himself and grew up in the United States before coming back to Estonia. So I wanted to hear what he thought about the security threats and the relationships. Ready to soundtrack your summer? With Red Bull Summer All Day Play, you choose a playlist that fits your summer vibe the best. Are you a festival fanatic, a deep end DJ, a road dog, or a trail mixer? Just add a song to your chosen playlist and put your summer on track. Red Bull Summer All Day Play. Red Bull gives you wings. Visit redbull.com slash bright summer ahead to learn more. See you this summer. Your summer starts now with Memorial Day deals at the Home Depot.

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38:15Do you feel, I mean, sitting here at this conference, talking to people, lots of people from other places in Europe, do you feel that message has got through or is it still a bit mixed? Oh, it's clearly, well, not necessarily from this conference, but because it's kind of a meeting of sort of common minds here. But certainly even now after 2022, uh it's not really quite reached everyone uh and the uh you still detect people and hear about that in various countries in europe they're just uh champing at the bit to get back into russia you know the eldorado of do deals and do deals right i mean what worries me about that is that we haven't learned the lessons of the, let's say, 89, 91, which we should because in 89, 91, everyone thought, okay, communism is over now.

39:19The default option is democracy. We should know by now that looking at Russia, looking at Yugoslavia, the default option is not democracy. And in fact, it can be quite terrible, as we see in Ukraine today, as we saw in Bosnia and Herzegovina 30 years ago. So the dangers are still quite real. I mean, the mood also is that maybe Russia has got quite bogged down in Ukraine. It's not going so well on the battlefield. Slightly more positive. But there's also worry about what comes next after that, isn't there, even if that's the case? If you put yourself in the position of the Russian leadership, you have several million men who have come back with PTSD.

40:06We know we read about horrible crimes being committed by people who have come back from Ukraine. And if I were a Russian leader, I'd go, well, I wouldn't want them in my country. Let's have another war. Or maybe we can get them to go elsewhere. On the other hand, there is this narrative of the politics are next. I don't see that as necessarily the option. I mean, why wouldn't you say Georgia's next or Kazakhstan is next? I mean, you can do that without testing NATO. I mean, we went down to see the exercise, the spring storm exercise. Clearly, it's about preparing for the possibility of a Russian invasion into Estonia.

40:50And I think people are trying to think how to talk about that. Because you don't want to sound too alarmist or that it's inevitable, but equally people want to deter it by saying we are prepared for such a possibility. There's a kind of fine balance, isn't there, in how to talk about the threat and how big it is? Well, I mean, here, having adopted from day one the Finnish model of a conscription army, we can get within a day 75 ,000 troops, all of whom, I mean, they're reservists and they have all trained and they continue to train because you have regular reserve exercises. And that is, as I said, that's what the Finns have been practicing for 75 years.

41:37So there is an awareness among people here that we have to be prepared. We also have a home guard, which has seen an explosion in membership, again, to be prepared. but the outside narratives of Narva's next are partially based on the appeal of alliteration and then the stunning visual picture of two fortresses. Now, countering that argument, of course, Narva's next, there is absolutely no irredentism or secessionism on the Russian side. It's about defending Russians. The salaries across the river are like$250 or euros a month. They're$1 ,500 on the Estonian side. If you're anyone who is a permanent resident of this country being a member of the EU, you can live and work anywhere in Europe except for the UK.

42:45Sorry. And of course, why would any person want to be part of a Russia where your father, brother, husband, or son can be taken off and probably would be taken off? Sent to Ukraine. Right. So there's, so that, I mean, that is, uh, but it looks nice on the map. Yeah. And, uh, that's why we end up getting a lot of, there are a lot of other border towns. Yeah. Uh, but no one says, you know, Vence Pills is next. Yeah. It doesn't sound as good. So much does depend on the mind of Putin. I mean, how much, did you ever meet him? I mean, did you ever encounter him? But not, not very, you must've observed him over many years as a foreign minister.

43:29I still do. It's the mystery of what goes on in his head. And I think, you know, we hear from the intelligence agencies, it's quite hard to get inside his head and what he's trying to do. But it is something that you can sense people are constantly trying to work out what is going on in that one man's head. Well, I mean, his sort of strange historical essay published in 2021, I think, is a pretty good indicator of his idea of, I mean, it's a really sort of ethnically based, revanchist, pan-Slavic idea. Greater Russia. Greater Russia.

44:15I was in Munich in 2007 when he gave his speech. In fact, there's a picture of me in the front row with Angela Merkel. Because that was his really aggressive speech where he really, for the first time. Yes, that was where he came out. There's a book that just came out of the reactions to that speech. My reaction, which I wrote about there, is like, oh, well, that's what we've been saying all along. Whereas people from the more Western parts of Europe were saying, oh my God, what has happened? Well, because they thought they could do business with it. I mean, you know, there was literally business, but also political, diplomatic business.

44:53I mean, the hope was there and the hope didn't go away. I mean, the hope didn't go away even with the annexation of Crimea, which was a fundamental violation of the UN Charter, the prohibition on changing borders through aggression. But Angela Merkel, a year later and a year after the shootdown of MH17, killing 300 people, mainly Dutch people, she signed the Nord Stream 2 agreement. So, I mean, international law was trumped by business, business, business and money. I guess the other theme of this conference is whether there is a chance that Vladimir Putin might try and test NATO and whether he might see a window of opportunity because of Donald Trump, because of the questions about whether America really will stand by Article 5, the idea it will come to Europe's defence.

45:50Does it really see Russia as a threat? What are you taking away? What's your feeling at the moment about how worried people here are about America's willingness to defend Europe effectively if the Russians do do something? Well, I'd say it's two-tiered. People in government are worried about what this means, but given our dependence on a robust U.S. response, we less than other countries are willing to criticize the United States at this point. So I'm kind of an outlier. I mean, I can and do say what I want, but I know the government is actually kind of very quiet because they see the immediate reaction.

46:39I mean, Mertz speaks in a kindergarten and says something. And Trump gets angry and takes out 5 ,000 troops. So what's the benefit of speaking out, people think, or of being too vocal in criticizing America? For governments. Yeah. I mean, basically, in the case of Meloni, it took Trump belittling the Pope for her to get her back up. Uh, uh, so I think that, uh, in Europe countries tend to be, be low key, uh, these government, uh, uh, leaders tend to be low key and then, um, other people say what they want. Yeah. Yeah. I mean, that's definitely, there was definitely an interesting discussion here at the conference about how the Americans view Russia even, and how far they're willing to articulate it as a threat, which I think is interesting.

47:29Well, we say the Americans, I think it's actually the Trump administration. Administration. As soon as you talk to people who have been doing policy for years, they realize it quite well. You were educated in the US, weren't you? Is that right? You spent a lot of time there. That's why I have this accent. Does it feel odd to you where we are now? Oh, I mean, for me personally, it's actually very difficult in that as a child of refugees who grew up in the United States, I always thought of the United States as that city on the hill and the ultimate defender of the Enlightenment values that I studied so much in university.

48:22And so I had always respected the United States as like the one country that really stands for those fundamental values of freedom and rule of law.

48:40and now it's basically everything seems to be antithetical to what I have always cherished as a result of being the child of refugees and growing up in the United States, especially going to university, really emphasized the historical enlightenment roots of the United States. So I don't know where it's heading, but it certainly is not part of the consciousness of the leaders of the United States today. And I don't mean only Donald Trump, but I mean, when I read Vice President Vance or Secretary of State Rubio - Something's changed, isn't it? There's a deeper shift beyond just Donald Trump, I think.

49:25Yeah, which I think Europe is coming to terms with. And you can sense slowly and trying to work out how it deals with it. Well, what it needs to do is to get its act together. And there are, I mean, the problems of Europe today really stem from taking a holiday from all of history, beginning with 89, 91. And not spending enough on defense. Absolutely. Well, I mean, when the U.S., it was the U.S., it was George Herbert Walker Bush who said, you know, the peace dividend. So everyone said, oh, yeah, great. We don't have to spend any money on defense anymore. And besides, we'll make a lot of money with Russia.

50:03But in fact, it's not only spending money on defense. It's the failure of Europe to keep up with the technological revolution. Last question. I mean, what is the biggest intelligence challenge then, do you think, for Estonia right now? Well, I think it's one that faces everyone. Maybe it faces us more than others. Living in a liberal democratic society with freedom of speech and all the other fundamental rights and freedoms, how do you deal with these kinds of attacks that are ongoing? And that's a very different response from the way you can do it in an authoritarian country. country. In Estonia, especially because we have a Russian population that is, or Russian-speaking population that, that's even a bad term because everybody should speak Russian here, but anyway, a post-Soviet population that is overwhelmingly loyal to this country, but we always find kind of strange people who are willing to undertake tasks and do something.

51:15And we want to remain one of the most liberal countries in Europe, which we remain and continue to be. And at the same time, you have to balance that against national security. And that's a problem that all democracies face, but it is more acute here because of our proximity to Russia. You're on the front line. So that's what we deal with. So far, we've done rather well, but it's an ongoing challenge. Thomas Hilvers, thank you very much for talking to us. Great. Thank you. So there you go. I hope you've enjoyed this little insight into some of the discussions here in Estonia. For club members, members of the Declassified Club, we've got something even more special because I actually visited a former KGB listening post in a hotel here in Estonia, which has been preserved after the KGB fled at the end of the Cold War, where they've got all their listening equipment, which they used to spy and bug on hotel guests.

52:19And it's kind of fun. We do a little special tour of that for club members. So do sign up if you want to hear that. And we hope you've enjoyed this slightly unusual version of The Rest is Classified out on the road in the Baltics. If there's anywhere else you think we should go, I might even bring David along next time, uh do let us know get in touch with us the usual ways the rest is classified at goalhanger.com but otherwise see you next time

From the publisher

How worried are Baltic countries about the threat from Russia? Would the US protect its NATO allies from Putin? And what is happening on the Estonian border?

Last weekend, Gordon headed to the annual Lennart Meri security conference in Estonia to speak with experts from across the world about the security challenges the region is currently facing. Listen as he speaks with journalists, former presidents, and former NATO intelligence analysts about what is happening across the Baltics.

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