546. The French Revolution: The Monarchy Falls (Part 3)

10 Mar 2025 · 1 h

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The Rest Is History: Episode 546 - The French Revolution: The Monarchy Falls (Part 3)

Overview In this episode of *The Rest Is History*, Tom Holland and Dominic Sandbrook delve into the pivotal moments of the French Revolution, focusing on the dramatic events of September 1792. The episode covers the abolition of the French monarchy and the emergence of the National Convention amidst external threats and internal chaos.

Key Themes and Events

  • Abolition of the Monarchy: On September 21, 1792, the National Convention abolished the French monarchy, marking a seismic shift in French and European history.
  • The National Convention: The most democratic assembly to date, tasked with reimagining France amidst the backdrop of war and civil unrest.
  • Internal Rivalries: The Convention was fraught with tension among key figures like Danton, Marat, and Robespierre, each vying for power and influence.
  • Imminent Threats: The threat posed by the Prussian army under Duke of Brunswick loomed large, creating a sense of urgency and fear in revolutionary Paris.
  • September Massacres: As voting took place for new representatives, the streets were filled with the bodies of those killed during the September Massacres, showcasing the violence that had engulfed the revolution.

Episode Highlights

Setting the Scene

  • Atmosphere in Paris: As the Prussians advanced, the streets were alive with patriotic fervor, yet littered with the aftermath of violence.
  • Voting and Intimidation: The electoral process for the National Convention was marked by public voting, which led to intimidation against royalist or moderate voters.

The National Convention's Meeting

  • First Session (September 21, 1792): Amidst the chaotic atmosphere, the Convention unanimously voted to abolish the monarchy, heralding a new era ("Year One") for France.
  • Debate and Decisions: There was a significant debate on how to move forward, with some voices pushing for immediate action against the monarchy without a referendum.

Military Context

  • Battle of Valmy: The French army, under General Kellerman, faced the Prussians. Despite being outnumbered, the French managed to halt the Prussian advance, boosting morale among revolutionaries.
  • Significance of Victory: The Battle of Valmy marked a psychological turning point, reinforcing the belief that the Republic could defend itself and spread revolutionary ideals.

Political Factions in the Convention

  • Girondins vs. Montagnards: The episode explores the ideological split within the Convention, with the Girondins advocating for moderation, while the Montagnards (led by Danton and Robespierre) pushed for radical measures.
  • Emerging Tensions: The Girondins attempted to consolidate power against their rivals, with accusations of treachery being thrown about.

Key Takeaways

  • Radicalization of Politics: The episode highlights how the revolutionary fervor led to the radicalization of political parties, where dissent equated to treason.
  • The Role of Violence: Violence is depicted as both a tool and a consequence of revolutionary fervor, with factions justifying acts of brutality as necessary for the Republic's survival.
  • Symbolism of the King: The fate of Louis XVI (referred to as Louis Capet) symbolizes the struggle between monarchy and republican ideals, culminating in discussions about his trial and potential execution.

Conclusion As the episode concludes, the groundwork is laid for the crucial moments that follow in the revolution, particularly the impending trial of Louis XVI. The episode encapsulates the tension, ideological battles, and dramatic shifts that characterized this turbulent period in history.

For those intrigued by the complexities of the French Revolution, this episode serves as a captivating exploration of the forces that shaped modern democracy and the legacy of radical political change.

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Transcript

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0:10Citizens, the National Convention trusting in your courage, hereby accepts your oaths of loyalty. The liberty of your homeland will be the reward for your efforts. And while you defend your liberty with the force of your arms, the National Convention will defend it by the force of the laws. The monarchy is hereby abolished. So that Dominic was yet another person shouting loudly. one of many in our ongoing history of the French Revolution. And it was specifically Jérôme Pétillon, who was president of the National Convention on the 21st of September 1792. And obviously, the abolition of the French monarchy after centuries and centuries and centuries.

1:03I mean, this is a seismic moment, isn't it, in the history of France, but also of Europe. It's a massive moment, Tom. And I think the only voice that really is appropriate to the moment is the one you did there. I mean, because I detected more than a hint of our old friend, Jeremy Corbyn. Is that right? Yes, because I think that Jeremy Corbyn, he would definitely be on the side of abolishing the monarchy had he been in the French Revolution. I think he probably regrets that he wasn't part of the French Revolution. I imagine that is. Well, he's always got cable streets, hasn't he? So, yes, this is a massive moment in French and European history, isn't it?

1:37because the French monarchy, I guess, one of the oldest in Europe. If you take it back to Clovis, who we talked about just before Christmas, didn't we? So, yeah, I mean, that's the end of that story. Yes, it is. So it sends shockwaves across Europe. We will be talking about what it means. And of course, we'll be talking about what it means for Louis XVI. And we'll get to his story in our final episode. Nothing good. Nothing good. But before we get to the moment when they actually do abolish the monarchy, we should set the scene a little bit, Tom. We love setting the scene on this podcast. Well, we did in the previous episode.

2:08We set it in the context of the role of women, didn't we? But shall we go back to the lads? What are the lads up to? Let's set it in the context of Prussians and cannons. Oh, Prussians. So the situation in Paris, people will remember from the last episode, but one, Paris is preparing for an attack. There are church bells ringing. There are cannons on the River Seine that are calling people to prepare for war. The streets are packed with volunteers who are streaming towards the gates of the city to the front. people are pulling down the grills of churches they're digging up their coffins to use as lead for musket shots there are everyday contingents of troops marching through the national assembly singing patriotic songs and shouting slogans and stuff so it's all excitement jeremy corbyn would actually have loved it but it's not a sandbrook vibe is it not really a sandbrook vibe i would say um although slightly more sandbrookian somewhere out there yes the the doer defenders of reaction yes the woods and valleys to the east are the my people are the prussians the duke of brunswick the real hero of this story so on the 20th of september so that's the day before the reading that you began with the new national convention meets for the first time now some listeners if they've made it all the way through the series may be like i've lost track of all the different assemblies and whatnot so if you remember there had been the stormy the tuileries in august and since then france has been in political limbo and they have basically summoned yet another semi-constituent assembly this one has unlimited powers to remake the nation and it is by far the most democratic yet So all men over the age of 21, except for servants, can vote.

3:57Because we talked about that last time and you said that you weren't in favour of it. Yeah, I don't agree with this at all. I mean, I'm with the Duke of Brunswick on this. I think it's a dangerous innovation. Failed experiment. Yes, exactly. So it's a very complicated electoral system, a series of electors and kind of almost like an electoral college. And then they choose the 749 deputies. but as you said tom the turnout is really poor so in some places it might be a fifth but generally it's probably one in ten and the reason for that i think is there's a war on so it's you know people got other things in their mind but it's also harvest time um so in the countryside people have definitely got other barrizes and they actually a lot of people are now completely confused they're probably even more confused than listeners to the podcast they have no idea what's going on they don't know who anybody is yeah well yes exactly and also on top of that um there's quite a lot of intimidation isn't there there is that's another aspect to it of course remember we did that episode about mad elections in britain where you know people people being carried on chairs and whatnot and like lots of throwing of cats well similarly in france for the national convention the voting is public and it is oral you vote you know you say who you want to vote for So if you want to vote in favour of a royalist party, you're basically standing up and saying, I am a reactionary traitor to La Patrie in front of all your fellow villagers.

5:25I mean, it's not... Who are like holding clubs and stuff and sort of leering... Dead cats at the ready. Yeah, leering at you in a sinister way. So clearly, a lot of people just don't want to turn out. So in Paris, the voting has coincided with the September massacres. That's what we began this little kind of mini-series with. So the atmosphere is very grim because as people are voting, There is the kind of stepping over corpses, right? The dull sound of hacking coming from inside the walls of the converted convent just down the road. So what is worse, the second round of voting is held at the Jacobin Club.

6:02So if you are a royalist or reactionary, this is not the ideal place to go and to sort of pin your colours to the mast. And that round of voting, the Jacobin Club, they've got a lot of kind of electors, But they start by agreeing that they'll purge all electors who are feuillants, who are moderates, or who are royalists. So 200 electors are kicked out. There's 800 left. And they vote for 24 deputies. And of those deputies, a lot of those are very big revolutionary names. So the top of the list, number one, their top choice for Paris is Robespierre. And then you've got people like Danton, Desmoulins, Santerre, the butcher, the sans-culottes who led the attack on the Tuileries.

6:42Marat for the first time this firebrand radical journalist he is going to have a seat in the convention so there will be a place for the most extreme the most violent the most paranoid revolutionary sentiments and there's a place isn't there for the worst man in the entire history of the French Revolution yeah the erstwhile Duke of Orleans the cousin of Louis XVI Philip Egalité I mean we've talked about this before this is Prince Harry calling himself Harry Diversity or something renaming himself just so and actually and no harry equity harry equity yeah while living in his palace yeah that's what he'd call himself yeah harry equity anyway so they everybody goes to the tuileries on the 20th of september to register and they do so in an atmosphere of apocalyptic dread because they know that 140 miles away the prussians are there and that their troops their francis troops have basically caught up with the prussians and the duke of brunswick just to remind people, has said that he is going to inflict a biblical fate on Paris.

7:47He has, yeah. A vengeance which will be forever remembered, or words to that effect. So yes. Now of these guys who've turned up to register, about half of them are lawyers. We've got a lot of lawyers who are members of Arrested History Club, so they will love all this. They will see this as a very good sign. There's also loads of doctors, loads of civil servants, loads of actors, journalists they're very young by and large about half of them are under 40 about a quarter of them are under 35 the younger they are the more committed and more militant they are by and large so you know these aren't a lot of them have got experience in kind of local governments and stuff but these aren't incredibly seasoned people they are excited and excitable i think it's fair to say kind of quite a student union vibe definitely i mean this is the birth of the student union really I think it probably is.

8:37Yeah. Motions, all that kind of stuff. Yeah, they love it. And they're there all night, you know, just endlessly arguing and showing off in that student union. And drinking. Exactly. Next day, 21st of September, they assemble at the riding school, the Manège, for their first proper session. And this is the bit that you started with, Jérôme Petillon, because they've come straight to the central question. Let's reboot France, and it must be a republic. There's an actor, of course, called Colot de Bois. He ends up on the Committee of Public Safety, Leif de Rome. He says, let's just abolish the monarchy right away.

9:14No referendums and all that stuff. Let's just go for it. Some of the deputies say, really? No, you wouldn't let the people have a say on this? Such a massive question. And then the Bishop of Blois. So this is an interesting thing because, again, it complicates the slightly sort of stereotypical sense of the French Revolution because it's a bishop, Henri Gregoire, who says, kings are in the moral world what monsters are in the physical world their courts are the workshops of crime and the lairs of tyrants in other words no referendum let's just get rid and they they vote and then of course as so often happens in these kind of scenarios very student union once people work out which way the wind is blowing they all pile in yeah they all pile in so they make the vote unanimous they all start shouting vive la nation they're all terribly excited the The world has started again.

10:04But Dominic, just to pick up one thing that is intriguing, and it's a kind of absence, is that there isn't a kind of formal proclamation of the Republic. There's no official decree kind of installing it. And I just mentioned that because in the next episode, when we come to the trial of the king, I think that is significant. And I think that that is something that frames what will happen with the trial and the execution of the king. because although it is a new beginning, although they've had the vote, it's kind of they know what they're getting rid of, but they don't yet know what they're establishing.

10:38Yeah, I think that's a very fair point, actually, that there is a sense of historical time beginning again, but they don't really know what they all want because I suppose, Tom, they don't all want the same thing, as we shall see in this episode. So if you enjoy political factionalism, this is definitely the Restless History episode for you. Anyway, one of the interesting things about the French Revolution that we've talked about so much is the way it faces two ways. On the one hand, they're looking back to the Roman Republic, as you have described so many times. And on the other hand, they're genuinely thinking this is not just a whole new chapter, but it's basically a new volume in world history.

11:12So they say from September the 20th, all state documents must bear the date, year one of the French Republic. So this is where we get the beginning of the sort of French revolutionary calendar, the numbering system, year one, year two, and so on and so forth. But of course, whether they actually get beyond year one is not in their hands. It depends on events out on the battlefield. So let us now, let us leave Paris. Turn the camera. And turn the camera. Exactly. You know how my mind works. So remember where we got to. The Prussians have been marching all the way west from the border. They've got to the Argonne Forest.

11:54that's 130 or so miles away from Paris. It's pouring with rain, very Agincourt scenes, Tom. There's only one man who can stop them. And that man is a guy called General Charles-Francois du Maurier. So listeners may remember, he's this kind of grizzled, ex-secret agent, ex-Seven Years' War veteran who was foreign minister under the Girondins. He got France into this mess in the first place. And basically, he's in charge of the Eastern Front. He really wanted to, he loves fighting Belgians. He loves attacking Belgium. That's his dream. He wants to liberate Belgium. But the convention has basically said, forget about Belgium.

12:35There's a load of Prussians advancing on Paris. Get to the Valley of the Marne and stop them. There's a lot of maneuvering and faffing around. Do you want to go into detail about that? Do you know what? I could, I could, but I won't. because I don't want to try the patience of our less military-minded listeners. How many divisions are there on both sides? Loads. Couldn't be loads. So to cut a very long story short, the two armies end up faffing around and manoeuvring, and basically they end up on the wrong side of each other. So the Prussians are nearest Paris, and Dumourier is behind them with his back against the Argonne Forest.

13:20Now, the Duke of Brunswick could just ignore Dumouriez. He could have just dashed on, couldn't eat to Paris. He could, but he doesn't want to do that because that would mean Dumouriez could cut his supply lines, basically cut him off from the German states. And his men are very muddy and it's pouring rain. They're knackered. They're short of food. They're ravaged by illness. It feels a little bit Henry V before Agincourt. And he says, right, what we'll do is we'll stop here. We'll turn. We'll finish off Dumouriez. and then we can secure our supply lines and then we can go on to Paris. Jumuray is massively outnumbered, but very good news for him.

13:57So on the 19th, the day before the National Convention, they meet to register. He is reinforced by a second French army under General Kellerman. Who has a German name. He has a German name, very confusing. Yeah, that is confusing. So these troops that they have, by the way, everybody always thinks this is a great victory for kind of people in red bonnets shouting about the revolution But it's not, is it? They're all basically royalist officers and seasoned veterans and so on. They are. They are. These are like regular troops. And they also have a brilliant kind of new cannon. They do indeed. They have a very exciting new cannon.

14:31We love military technology on this podcast. They have new lightweight cannons that were specially designed after the French had shamed themselves in the Seven Years' War. Against Britain. Exactly. They'd lost to everybody, hadn't they? It had been a kind of world war. They'd been fighting the Prussians or whatever. So on the 20th, so this is the day that the National Convention were registering. On the 20th, it's a misty, foggy morning. Kellerman, outside this windmill, outside the village of Valmy, he lines up his men on this ridge. And he's got his lovely lightweight cannons that he's very keen to show off.

15:04The Prussians start firing with their cannons. Kellerman fires back with his. There's hundreds of guns blazing away through the fog. Now, do you know who was fighting for the Prussians? I do. It was Goethe, the great German writer, greatest German writer. Germanist top writer, Goethe. He was fighting with his patron, who was Grand Duke Karl Augustus Sachs Weimar. Was he actually fighting? I always wondered about that because I thought he'd just kind of, you know, he'd gone in the train and was writing a poem. Well, this is the thing. I think there's no evidence. I think of him actually shooting anybody.

15:38I can't imagine him in a uniform. That seems very odd. He must have been wearing uniform, though. because as we will discover, he's exchanging banter with the lads of the, of the battalion and stuff. Goethe said, I mean, you expect great prose from a great writer. Don't you? Do you know what he said? The earth literally trembled. It was a clash of Titans. France, a land of contrast. Anyway, the earth is literally trembling. Goethe can't believe it. What scenes? This goes on for hours and hours and hours. And then the Prussians eventually say, okay, enough. We've definitely softened the French up now.

16:14And Brunswick sends his infantry advancing in these kind of long lines, blue uniforms. They're advancing up the hill. They're convinced that the French are about to collapse. But no, General Kellerman takes off his hat with his tricolor cockade and he lifts it up on his sword and he shouts, Vive la nation! And then the French will start singing the Saira, one of their revolutionary songs. But interestingly, not the Marseillaise, which apparently there's no evidence that they sang that. So that may be another pointer to the fact that these are not the kind of the radicals, the cutting edge revolutionaries as yet.

16:50Right, exactly. I think the revolutionaries would love to rewrite this. This is Saint-Colot singing the Marseillaise. And indeed they do in subsequent years, but that's not true at all. So they're blasting away. The Prussians keep coming. The Prussians can't believe the French are so full of vim and vigor. and then basically the Prussians waver and Brunswick says, call them back, call them, you know, enough. And the French, against all the odds and all expectations because they performed so abysmally at the beginning of the war, they have actually, they haven't quite won, but they have survived to fight another day.

17:25So it's kind of scraping a result in the final match of a group round in the World Cup. Kind of a bit like that. I think it is a bit like that, but after you've, it's the draw that you need that keeps you alive in the group, I think is what it is. But that's because it's come unexpectedly. It's fated as a great victory. It's fated as a great victory. Exactly. That's exactly what it is. The Prussians actually have killed more Frenchmen than the French have killed Prussians. But for the first time, the Prussians have been stopped. They haven't been able to dislodge the French. And the reactions of the two sides could not be more different.

17:56So the Prussians are absolutely gutted. They can't believe it. Doesn't Goethe, he makes a famous comment in a very grandiloquent way. saying that this is, what is it? Something like, gentlemen, you have witnessed the dawning of a new age. I felt you were gearing up to do him as Jeremy Corbyn there, which would have been a shame. So Goethe says, there's a wonderful scene. It's the great vanity of great writers. He says, they all sat alone around this fire. They're all really miserable. They couldn't meet each other's eye. And he says, everybody asked me what I thought about the events of the day as, and I quote, my little sayings had often interested or amused our little company.

18:35And I think, what an insufferable bore he must have been to all the other soldiers. So he said to everybody, from this place and from this day forth commences a new era in the world's history, and you can all say you are present at its birth. Now, so I'll tell you something. I don't believe he did say that. I think that's far too good to be true. And he writes this a considerable time afterwards. So I'm suspicious of Goethe here. I think he's playing fast and loose with the facts. because it's too good a line. That's what writers do, Dominic. It is what they do. Anyway, for the French, this is massive.

19:12So there's a peasant soldier who writes to his father and he says, we've been electrified with a new courage that will make despots tremble. Oh, liberty. Oh, equality. Oh, my country. What a wonderful transformation. It's like listening to Theo. I mean, if peasants are writing like that after the battle, then maybe Goethe is saying that kind of thing. Maybe, Tom. I mean, maybe they're all massive effusions. they all feel that this is titanic i don't know i just yeah no fair that's fair so lots of people say gosh this is a tremendous victory for the for the new republic for our revolutionary virtue and when of course when the news reaches the convention they're all waving their hats in the air and delighted and they say absolutely brilliant history has begun again it is a new chapter in the story of the human race and i've got a question which is that the news reaches paris after the monarchy has been abolished.

20:05Is there a feeling that this victory has been won because France is now a republic? Do you think there's something like that? Yeah, we've got rid of the king and the traitors. And immediately we start winning. Yeah, as soon as we took those blokes into the courtyards of various prisons and dispensed summary justice, and as soon as we locked the king up in the temple fortress, surprise, surprise, we start winning battles. You know, quadrat demonstrandum, the king was a traitor and was undermining the war efforts. And that is what happened with the first democracy when Athens establishes its democracy, having thrown out its tyrants.

20:40They immediately start winning battles and presumably people would have been aware of this. Maybe this is an ironclad law of history, Tom, or maybe it's just a coincidence. Anyway. Well, it is because they actually win the battle before the proclamation of the Republic, right? Yeah. Well, also they don't really win the battle. It's just a draw. So you would think that this would fill them all with great bonhomie, sense of harmony, come on, let's bury that ideological hatchet and work together for the common good, you would be wrong. Because actually, from the beginning, I know you wouldn't be wrong, Tom.

21:13I know you know that what's going to happen. The convention is riven by the most unbelievable faction fighting. So basically, there are three blocks. And maybe we don't need to spend an eternity discussing them, but a little bit of context. First of all, you have Brissot and the Girondin. So if you remember, these are not really a Parisian party. They're a party of the kind of big provincial cities like Bordeaux. Because that's where Girondin comes from, isn't it? It's the Northern Bank. Exactly. They're all hanging around having dinner with Madame Roland in her apartment and swapping witty aphorisms.

21:48And they've basically got about 150 deputies in the convention that will always support them. And they can call on some independents to give them a majority. then you have the great mass of people who are kind of in the middle they are called the they're called the marsh which seems a very you know it's not very i wouldn't want to be part of the marsh what's that centrist dads the cent oh right okay very good yeah well they're not really centrist dads are they because everybody's now on the left but um they are the marsh or the the plane people call them because they sit in the middle of the hall and they basically you know they can lean one way or the other but at this point they are generally swayed by the girondin and then you have the radicals on the far left they're called the mountain the montagna and they sit high up in the left of the hall hence the mountain there's about 200 of them 150 to 200 they're very parisian robespierre danton marat all the famous guys the ones that people have heard of um they They dominate the Jacobin club now because the Jean-Ordin don't bother turning up to it.

22:54And they also appeal to two groups. Very young deputies are much more likely to be Montagnard. They're likely to be kind of more impatient, more ambitious, more radical. And this is the first manifestation of a sense that runs right the way up to the present day, that the young are inclined to back more radical solutions on the left, right? I mean, this is the first manifestation of it. I think that's absolutely right. They also appeal to deputies, interestingly, who come from very isolated kind of places, who've basically been the one radical in their village, who therefore feel very embattled.

23:26And when they arrive in Paris, they are delighted to find friends. And their being embattled has made them more radical, I guess. That must be very exciting for them. Oh, yeah. I think there's a definite sense of excitement. and of the Montagnards basically now we think of them as being a party ruled by the triumvirate of Robespierre Danton and Marat I mean they really are the big three of the French Revolution aren't they the triumvirate you might almost say but they're not like a triumvirate they actually don't really get on with each other Robespierre hates Marat doesn't he Robespierre despises Marat won't have anything to do with him like refuses to have anything to do with him I think because Robespierre is so chilly and he's so worried about his wig and his kind of boniness.

24:09He's got great skin. Yeah. And Mara doesn't wear a wig, has terrible skin, awful, sits in baths. Right. Both Danton and Mara have terrible skin, don't they? Danton is too busy stuffing himself with... Chicken legs. Yeah. And also taking brown envelopes of cash. Mara is just shouting about killing everybody and being very over the top and stuff. So actually, they're all quite suspicious of each other, these three. They don't work together as a tight-knit unit. I guess the other question is, are these kind of ideological, political parties of the kind that we would recognize today? And the answer, again, I think no.

24:45The Montagnon and the Girondins to outside observers seem to have loads in common. You know, they're all Republicans. They all believe in the war, all of that stuff. There are two things, I think, that are really important, the differences. So one of them is the idea of the people. The Girondins, because they're kind of merchant class from Bordeaux and stuff. they basically think that people like them should be running the revolution you know people who go to literary salons and quote poetry to each other yeah whereas rob spear in the montagnard they think they're suspicious of that they are pure populists they're all about the common people the virtues of the street you know the people of paris know better yeah a poor urchin knows much better than you know it's that kind of it's rousseau isn't it It's very Rousseau.

25:30It's very Rousseau. It's almost very Christian, is it not? I'm surprised you didn't say that. Of course. But I mean, you know, this is what I think about everything in the French Revolution. That's true. Yes, that goes without saying. The other thing that's perhaps a little less Christian is the Montagnon are also much keener on violence. No, but you see, I think that is pretty Christian. Virtuous violence. Yeah. Crusades, inquisitions. Okay. Let's just assume you're thinking of everything. No, I don't think of everything because obviously you can have non-Christian violence. But I think the idea of violence being virtuous, that's where it's coming from.

26:03Yes. As you'd expect, because this is 18th century France and displays of violent virtue are everywhere. Yeah, fair enough. So obviously the most visible sign of virtuous violence has been the September massacres, which the Montagnards were all for. But the Girondins are actually a little bit conflicted about the September massacres. Robespierre thought all this was brilliant. He loved the attack on the Tuileries. He loved the September massacres. He thinks the fact that Girondins are being a bit squeamish shows that they are suspects, counter-revolutionary and all that kind of thing. Tom, I can see you're itching to say something.

26:36What is so interesting and fascinating about this is that you see for the first time the manifestation of political trends that just repeat and repeat and repeat. And surely what is happening with the Girondins and the Montagnards is the notion that people on the left can be outflanked to their left and therefore are always moving leftwards to try and avoid that. And so the radicals of one month can suddenly find themselves the reactionaries of the next month. And it means that there's an impetus always to go further and further, whether you are backing, you know, the people are always right, or whether you are saying virtue is manifest in violence.

27:13If you start saying, oh, I'm not sure about that, then immediately you are a reactionary. And that is a trend that you see again and again and again throughout the history of 19th century socialism and right the way up to the present day. Absolutely. You're totally right. That sort of ratchet effect. And in fact, I was just thinking if somebody missed a couple of episodes of the series, if they'd skipped ahead, they'd be like, hold on, those people were on the far left two episodes ago. Now you're describing them as counter-revolutionary reactionaries because, as you say, the centre of gravity is always moving leftwards.

27:45What's on the Girondins' mind as well, by the way, is the fact that during the September massacres, there is some evidence that Robespierre and Marat had actually toyed with the idea of killing them too. So Robespierre, on the day the massacres had broken out, the 2nd of September, he had been giving a speech in the Commune, the sort of city council of Paris, in which he had said that the Girondins were secretations of the Prussians and perfidious intrigues working against French liberty. Now, anyone who's listened to the whole of this series will know how bonkers that is because the Girondins were the key people in getting France into the war in the first place.

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28:24But of course, at the time, everybody believes in this idea of the mask of patriotism, that the more patriotic you appear to be, the more likely it is that you are in fact a traitor. So the commune had issued a warrant for some of the Girondins' arrest, which was never carried out. But Brissot and Roland and these people, they know about this. And they say, my God, Robespierre wants to kill us. He wanted to kill us. And it's just luck that he didn't. And so they become convinced. Well, they are now convinced that basically it's kill or be killed. So in that sense, right from the moment the convention meets, which is 21st of September, it's not like a normal parliament that we would know today because there is no sense of pluralism.

29:10There's no sense that they're going to be having discussions and you win some, you lose some, all that kind of thing. No sense of a loyal opposition? None. So by definition, this is about virtue versus corruption. It's about the republic versus counter-revolution. To be a dissenter is to be a traitor. And so I think from the very first moment they take their seats, it is obvious there is absolutely going to be a showdown. and that whoever loses that will probably end up on the guillotine. And if you had to put your money on somebody at this point, September 1792, you would probably put it on the Gironde.

29:46They have a bit more of a majority. They have a bit more self-confidence. They control the presidency of the convention. And so right from the beginning with the September massacre so fresh in their minds, they say, right, let's settle this once and for all. Let's do this. and right away they go for the Montagnards' throats. Wow. Well, I think that is too much excitement for one half of an episode. So I think we should take a break here. And when we come back, we will see what the upshot of this Girondin attempt to take down the Montagnards actually is.

30:24Hello, welcome back. We left you at a moment of high drama. The Girondins are about to take on the Montagnard in the National Convention. Dominic, put people out of their misery. What happens? So they make their move, Tom, two days after the Battle of Valmy, 22nd of September. The convention's only really been up and running for a day and a bit. And a dozen speakers, one after the other, Girondin, get up and lay into the Montagnard. And their plan is to convince the convention the Montagnard are traitors, and they should be arrested and thrown out of the convention. They say they are anarchists, they are murderers, they are levelers, interestingly.

31:01Oh, right. A word that will be very familiar to people who know about 17th century England. But don't they also compare them to Caesar, Crassus and Pompey? They do. The first round of written ancient Rome. They do. They're very promiscuous with their historical analogies, I think it's fair to say. Because Briso says, on the one hand, he says they're the hydra of anarchy. They want to level everything. And on the other hand, he says, Robespierre, Mara and Danton are the new Crassus, Caesar and Pompey, exactly as you said. And Robespierre and Danton say, oh, this is absolute nonsense. You know, I don't even like him.

31:30I have no, we're not a Trump at all. Mara, he obviously is, he's making his debut effectively in frontline politics. Wow, what a way to do it. And he says, I'm not a traitor, but if you're accusing me of trying to set up a dictatorship, well, I'll be frank with you. I think a dictatorship would be brilliant. I'd love a dictatorship. He then says, he pulls a gun out of his pocket and he holds it to his own head. And he says, if you vote to condemn me, I will blow out my brains in front of you. Better than threatening to blow out the brains of Girondin, I suppose. I guess so. People are very impressed by this.

32:02They say, well, this obviously shows the Mara is a tremendous fellow. And the result of this is that they are not kicked out. So the Montagnuil have made a bit of a mistake here. I was about to say they've wounded but not killed their opponent. They've barely even wounded them. Yeah, I mean, if you're going to shoot at the king, you better kill him. Exactly. So it is clear from this point that this feud is only ever going to get worse. and a few weeks go by the girondin basically are sort of constantly niggling at the montaignard but never bringing them down also the girondin as time goes by they're actually beginning to lose a bit of support from the plane from the independent people because the independent people actually are a bit sick of this and also the girondin are quite corrupt and they're very overbearing and they're very kind of hungry for power and bossy got all their dinner parties They go to their dinner parties.

32:51High-flusion dinner parties. Exactly. Not inviting the normal people. Right. And if you're just a bog-standard deputy from provincial France, you're sick of being lectured by Brissot and having him slagging off the Montaner and stuff, you just become very impatient with all this. And I think that Jean don't know this. So towards the end of October, they decide to have another go, and this time they will just go for Robespierre, and they'll go for him personally. And they get a newspaper editor called Jean-Baptiste Louvet to stand up and accuse Robespierre of trying to make himself dictator, of having a personality cult.

33:23Now, again, they reach for a Roman parallel, interestingly. Of course they do. So, Louvet deliberately models his speech on Cicero unveiling the Catiline conspiracy. And, of course, that's the analogy that everybody knows. They've all grown up with it. They've all done it at school. How long will you abuse our patients, Robespierre? All of that stuff, exactly. And Louvet says, come on, France has a choice. There are only two parties and France must choose. There is the party of us, the Girondins, we're the party of philosophers. And on the other hand, there is the mountain, they're the party of murderers.

33:58Put it like that. Yeah, exactly. If I was facing attack from the Prussians and I had to choose one of those two parties to represent me, I definitely wouldn't choose the philosophers. But do you know who's there for this? Well, you do know because I know you've got the notes. But also I know this because I'm a big fan of his, is the great poet William Wordsworth. He's basically on his gap year, isn't he? Yeah, he is. He's on a holiday. Well, he's not on a holiday. He's graduated and doesn't know what to do with himself. So he's gone off to France, supposedly, to improve his knowledge of French.

34:27But actually, he's having an affair with a woman in Orleans. Got her pregnant. But that would improve your French, though, surely. Yes, it would. Give us a bit of poetry, Tom. I know you love a bit of Wordsworth. When a dead pause ensued and no one stirred, in silence of all present from his seat, Louvet walked single through the avenue and took his station in the Tribune saying, I, Robespierre, accuse thee. Now that line is actually a bit confusing, isn't it? Because it makes it sound like Robespierre is claiming to be. I don't want to diss Wordsworth, one of our greatest ever poets. Wordsworth just lets himself down there with his lack of clarity.

35:03So this is in The Prelude, which he writes much later when he's become a counter-revolutionary and a massive reactionary. Shall I carry on? do we'd love that a bit more poetry okay i love it well is known the inglorious issue of that charge and how he who had launched the startling thunderbolt so that's luve the one bold man whose voice the attack had sounded was left without a follower to discharge his perilous duty and retired lamenting that heaven's best aid is wasted upon men who to themselves are false which is a long way of saying that luve's attack doesn't work and he doesn't get the support that he'd been expecting and it's all a bit of an embarrassment and a letdown it is an embarrassment exactly wordsworth in a very convoluted way is is quite right and actually rob spear completely wins the day so a week later rob spear he bides his time and then he makes his response and he says um i have encouraged violence he says but i did it because it was the only way to save the country and he says to everybody do you want to have a revolution without a revolution i mean we have to, you know, I did it and I was right to do it.

36:06Because people may remember when we talked about the guillotine that Robespierre was against capital punishment but he is now saying that the travails of the Republic are such that the real crime would not be to support the elimination of those who threaten France and the nation. And as we discussed in the September massacres episode, a majority clearly agree with that. They think we're at war, you know, we've always executed people, it's not like public executions and the public display of violence is a novelty, it's completely reasonable for us to use violent measures to preserve the Republic.

36:44And so Robespierre wins the day. He gets torrents of applause in the convention. Brissot and the Girondins are kind of fuming. They're sort of like cartoon characters, kind of clenching their fists with braid. You pesky Montagnard, kind of on the benches. And Brissot writes to Dumurier and he says, this is absolutely intolerable. He says, I spend all my time fighting these miserable anarchists, that's a direct quote, when I should be concentrating on the uprising of the entire planet. I mean, which is a bonkers thing to say, but... Quite Trotsky, isn't it? It's very Trotsky, but you can see why he's saying it, because we're now six weeks after the Battle of Valmy, and since then, Tom, there have been some unbelievably dramatic scenes on the battlefield.

37:27Has Dumarié managed to invade Belgium, which you said is a long-term kind of plan? Excitingly, yes. Oh, bless him. So for once, somebody in the story has actually got what he wanted. So basically, here's what's happened. I know you love military history, Tom. The Prussians have been hanging around outside Valmyre, pouring with rain after this kind of draw. And the Duke of Brunswick eventually says, right, listen, we don't want to be cut off from our supplies. We obviously don't want to get to Paris. Let's cut our losses, head back towards Germany for the winter. So in scenes of great sort of degradation and misery, which kind of Goethe writes about, he withdraws all the way back and he even goes all the way back across the river Rhine.

38:08Now that really matters because what that means is that the western bank of the Rhine is now completely undefended with German cities and towns on it. It is completely undefended from the French. So by late October, the French who are on their uppers a bit ago are now advancing on German cities, places like Mainz, Worms, Frankfurt. And out of these German cities, the prince bishops and the electors and all of these bigwigs are kind of fleeing as fast as they can with all their kind of Germanic books and whatever, marzipan on carts. So this is the point of what Briceau is saying to de Maurier, is that this is now an international revolution.

38:51Right. The world lies open before us because the French, by the way, in the long run, this will be a massive moment in European history because it's basically the birth of German identity and German nationalism. Because loads of people couldn't wait for the French Revolution to get to Germany. When the revolution does turn up, they say, oh, God, this is terrible. Well, these French people kind of living in our houses, looting all our stuff and bossing us around. And so you get the German identity, you can argue, to some degree, dates from this moment as a kind of political force. Anyway, the French don't just stop at the Rhine.

39:24They are advancing everywhere. So they invade the Swiss Federation. They're heading for Geneva. They invade Savoy and they take all the lands west of the Alps and they create a new department called Mont Blanc. They also seize the county of Nice. We always think of Nice as, I mean, most people think of it as French. It's actually been part of Savoy since 1388. And so all these kind of little medieval aberrations are being swallowed up by France and becoming part of France. So like Avignon as well had already gone. Yeah, Avignon, exactly. But above all, Belgium. So Dumourier had always dreamed of this.

40:01He beats a small Austrian army at a place called Jumap, which is just south of Mont on the 6th of November. And the Austrians have to pull back. He takes Monts. He's in Brussels by the 14th of November. by the end of November. I mean, this is the extraordinary thing, the seesaw momentum. He has taken Liege and Antwerp and he is heading towards the borders of the Dutch Republic. And Dominic, by this point, there is a lot of singing of the Marseilles. Loads, exactly. It accompanies the invasion, the victories, all kinds of things. I think this is the moment actually when you can say that patriotic revolutionary fervor is born really, born in victory.

40:39This is the point at which you have patriotic festivals across France, sort of fest feasts and bonfires and people singing things like they're singing the Marseillais in the streets. And again, it's a manifestation of the fact that now France is no longer a monarchy and is a republic. Suddenly they're winning. Yeah, absolutely. But here's the thing, right? They're not just winning. They're winning victories now. And because the Prussians and the Austrians had basically not bargained for this, overextended themselves, not properly prepared. The French are now winning victories that are really unprecedented in the last few generations, victories that eclipse even the victories of Louis XIV.

41:17And so deputies back in Paris are now beginning to ask themselves, well, where will we stop? Where would the revolution stop? Because of course, they've always thought of it. It's not just a French nationalist project, but a universalist one. Again, this is what Brissot is saying, that this is a global issue. He's the arbiter of the world exactly some people say well our borders our obvious borders are geographical the pyrenees the river rhine um the the channel the mediterranean so on but other people are saying well really i mean if we stand for liberty if we stand for these kind of um uh timeless it's you know eternal values why would we stop at some mountains why wouldn't we go beyond and have they not enrolled as french citizens people in foreign countries who are particularly enthusiastic patriastic for the revolutions.

42:05Like Tom Paine. Tom Paine would be the famous example. On the 19th of November, they vote France will assist anybody, anybody who wants to, and I quote, recover their liberty. And a month later, they agree that everywhere French armies go, they will take the revolution with them. So that means they will abolish feudalism. They will attack the privileges of the Catholic Church. They will institute a republican system. So it's a war on the monarchies of Europe. So this has never happened before in European history. You know, states have fought wars with each other, of course, and taken each other's territory.

42:37But the idea that you would go into somebody's country and completely rewire their system so that it looks like yours, ideologically reboot them. This, to a lot of people, is profoundly, profoundly shocking. So Cromwell hadn't done that? No. I mean, there'd be no sense of, like, let's export the English Revolution. Exactly. And what is more, I mean, I think this is very French. They decide that they will make everybody else pay for this. so there's a guy called uh pierre jacques combo who's a protestant merchant from nîmes and he says listen um there's an obvious way to to fund the this when we occupy a given country they should be so grateful for their liberty that they should pay us a tax to pay for their own occupation and the convention this is it this is an absolutely absolutely great idea now you might think this sounds very over the top and hubristic but they i think really believe in this briso is standing there on the convention so november 1792 and he is saying we will liberate naples we will liberate spain we will liberate poland we will be in berlin probably this time next year we can go all the way to moscow you know it's like they're basically drunk on their own rhetoric his friend verneo remember we had him talking about the um there's a great quote from him he's a great orator talking about the declaration of war in the first place he now says this will actually be the last war this will be the end of history men have died he says but they have died so that no men will ever die again i swear to you in the name of the universal fraternity which you are creating that each battle will be a step towards peace humanity and happiness for all mankind so i think If that's what they're bringing, it's fair enough to get people to pay for it.

44:27Very good. I mean, the thing is, nobody has ever talked like this in European history before. You know, when France was fighting its wars in Italy in the early 16th century, nobody said this is the war to end all wars. This will bring a new age of happiness. They just said, brilliant, let's pile into Milan and loot and pillage. You know, did Henry V say this in the Hundred Years' War? Did Edward III? Of course they didn't. But the dream of a universal peace is, of course, I mean, we know where that's coming from. We do indeed. But of course, there is, among other things, there's a very obvious problem that they have, which is it's a problem left over from before the Republic.

45:05And it's that they have still in their midst, not just any old traitor, but the traitor of traitors, you know, a rallying point for counter-revolution. The erstwhile king. It is the erstwhile king. is Louis Capet. Well, so that is what they call him, Louis Capet, because the man who is elected king of the Franks at the end of the 10th century is Hugh Capet. So that's where the name of the Capetians comes from. It's not actually his name. And in the next episode where we look at the trial and execution of the king, we'll explore why they call him Louis Capet and not Louis Bourbon. But I I just intrude with that.

45:48But they call him Louis Capet. That never occurred to me before. Obviously, that isn't really his name. No, it's not his name. And he and Louis objects very strongly to being called Capet. But we will explore this tomorrow. That's tantalising. Tom, if I wasn't already a member of the Restless History Club, I'd sign up now because I'd have to wait. So just the last sort of five minutes or so before Theo explodes with rage that we're going on too long. Where has Louis been all this time? He's been in the temple in this medieval keep. he's been with mario antoinette his sister elizabeth and his two children um they've been reading loads of books they're basically living like a middle-class english family during covid in lockdown so louis and mario antoinette have been homeschooling the children they've been teaching them to recite kind of great reams of racine and corneille and stuff great french dramatists uh louis loves his geography so they've been coloring in a map of the new departments of France and tracing and doing all this stuff.

46:46It's actually quite sweet. They play badminton in the garden. And at night, Louis, this will please you, Tom, he reads passages of Roman history to them. But presumably not the establishment of the Republic. No, I don't think so. But apparently he reads passages that somehow mirror their own predicament. So people who've been locked up, but are very noble and long suffering and all this kind of thing. They are quite tightly restricted. Marion Soinette's not allowed to sew in case she's sewing a code. Louis is not allowed to shave because people are aware that he might kill himself. And the guards, it's very like the Romanovs in 1918, the guards were always kind of scribbling graffiti on the wall that shows a fat man being hanged or guillotined or something.

47:26So that's a bit ominous for Louis. Now, the convention, you might say, why do they have to take any proceedings against him at all? Because he's just a citizen now. This is the point of Louis Capet. He's just like anyone else. But of course, there are two reasons. One is if they really think he's been betraying them to foreign enemies, they really ought to punish him. And number two, they know there are loads of royalists in France. They can't leave such an obvious focus for counter-revolutionary rebellion alive. And the Saint-Coulotte on the streets of Paris still blame him, remember, for the fighting at the Tuileries and the Swiss Guards and all of that sort of business.

48:05So they have a huge discussion about whether constitutionally they are allowed to put him on trial. Because under the old constitution, if the king transgressed, it laid down what you do and you remove him from office. But once you do that, it's done. So can they punish him further? And basically, they get a constitutional lawyer, a guy from Toulouse called Jean-Baptiste Maillet. And he says Louis is clearly guilty of terrible crimes. and the law of nature overrides the constitution the constitution actually was given by the nation and if the nation gives the constitution the nation has the right to withdraw it and the law of nature demands that um that louis is punished and this is a crucial moment isn't it in the history of what will happen over the next year the idea that if you follow nature then you can't do anything wrong no matter where it leads there again very rousseau very rousseau so they have a sort of debate about how this will work a few people a very small group of kind of what you i suppose you would say people on the right of the convention on the right of the girondin group say i just think we should leave him alone let's not do this at all but most people say we should probably have a trial there are some montagnard whoever who say a trial is mad we should just kill him straight away.

49:31He doesn't even deserve a trial. And the most famous one of those, a character who we should now introduce, is a young man, the youngest deputy in the whole convention. He's only 25 years old and he stands up to make his maiden speech in November. So this guy is called Louis Antoine Saint-Just. He's from a small town in Picardy. He's basically a massive Robespierre fan. He's been sending him fan mail since 1789. And I kind of think about san just that here's the point at which russo and romanticism kind of meet he's got long lank hair he's got an earring he's very pale he's never seen smiling or laughing he's shelly with political power yes i guess he is i guess was it shelly who was pursued by his classmates around eton yes the shelly hunt the shelly hunt yeah that i would have loved to have seen that with san just because i hate san just he wrote an enormous poem didn't he about his sexual frustration surprise surprise he did and he prides himself he basically loves rob spierne he prides himself on being more even more virtuous more emotionless more logical rationalist yeah than rob spierne that rationalism and virtue are to be equated yes and again this is the birth of something that over the course of the 19th century will actually become quite chilling it's the kind of thing dostoevsky was obsessed by yeah san just is the founding paradigm of the terrorists that you get in dostoevsky's novels he absolutely is again he loves the idea the very word terror it's a very san just word but his rationalism his kind of icy rationalism is the icy rationalism of somebody who is throbbing with suppressed emotion isn't he i mean basically he's an incel he is a total he is a man who just needs to go for a walk meet some girls Hang out with Danton.

51:24Yeah, exactly. Danton will show him a good time. Anyway, of course, that relationship doesn't end terribly well, does it? No. And Danton. Perhaps not coincidentally. So Sanchu gets up and he says, there was no need for a trial. Because the point he says is that Louis is not guilty because of anything he's done. He's guilty. And this really brings out your point. This absolutely anticipates so much of the revolutionary stuff of the 19th and 20th centuries. Sanchu says he's guilty because of what he is and what he has been. A virtuous republic cannot allow somebody who has been a king to live. And I quote, no one can reign innocently.

51:57Every king is a rebel and a usurper. So there's no middle ground. This man must reign or die. He must die to assure the repose of the people. Right. And Dominic, that is the crucial, crucial line that opens up, I think, the proper understanding of the trial and execution of the king. Because, you know, there is no foundational moment for the republic. There is no proclamation. And that is because the king still lives. So therefore, the death of the king becomes the kind of the baptism of the Republic. And I think that that is why Saint-Just's speech is so memorable and so significant. Yeah, I think that's a really good point, Tom.

52:37Because it is one of the two or three most famous speeches of the entire revolution. It makes Saint-Just's name. And it also, as you say, seems to serve as a kind of departure point, as a punctuation point in kind of France's constitutional journey. Anyway, the funny thing about this speech is actually it doesn't work because they decide they will have a trial. So while they're making the plans for the trial, just before we get into that, just as they're finalizing the plans for the trial, there is a really, really important development. Monsieur Roland, the husband of Madame Roland, the interior minister who's a Girondin, on the 20th of November is taken into the Tuileries Palace by a locksmith called Gamins.

53:13Gamma was the guy who had taught the king all about his locks. And Gamma says to Monsieur Roland, no one knows this, but I'm going to show you something. And he takes him and he shows him a secret iron safe hidden behind the paneling. Roland opens it and it's full of confidential papers and documents. And he now makes a terrible mistake, a mistake that I think will kill him. He takes the papers out and he goes through them himself in secret. it he doesn't share them with anybody and then he goes to the convention he says well i've made an amazing discovery i have found all these confidential documents and they i can let me tell you there's some pretty interesting things in them that uh will incriminate some of you and you will you won't be laughing then and lots of deputies are really shocked and frightened and outraged at this especially the montagnard they're like what are these documents how do we know that you haven't forged them.

54:09Doctored them. Exactly. They're absolutely furious. So all this will come back to really haunt Roland and the Girondins. But in the meantime, the documents prove two things. First of all, they prove now beyond any possible doubt that Louis was conspiring against the revolution. He was in touch with the Austrians. He was writing to counter-revolutionary groups. He was doing all of this kind of stuff. Because his signatures are all over these papers. His fate is sealed from this point. He is done, I think. The second thing, the documents also prove beyond any possible doubt that all that stuff about the mask of patriotism, which we've discussed as though it's so paranoid and such a mad conspiracy theory, is indeed quite accurate.

54:52Because one of the great heroes of the early revolution, Mirabeau, another man with terrible skin, by the way, there's loads of letters from him showing that he was conspiring against the revolution, taking loads of money from the courts. And, you know, his reputation is shredded. They go and take his ashes out of the Pantheon. They take his bust out of the Jacobin Club. They're like, well, this proves the point. Can't trust anyone. Can't trust anybody. So a few days after this, the 1st of December, the convention votes, first of all, anyone who calls for the return of the monarchy, anyone who makes any, and I quote, infringement on the sovereignty of the people, which is very satisfyingly vague if you are a big fan of revolutionary terror.

55:36will face punishment by death. And two days later, they vote that this man, Louis Capet, we can discuss his name next time, will be brought before the National Convention to answer for his crimes. And Rob Speier gets up at the tribunal and he says, remember, your task is not to pass a sentence for and against a man. It is to defend the safety of the public and to take an act of national providence. I pronounce this fatal truth with regret. But Louis must die because the homeland must live. Amazing stuff. So, Dominic and everyone, the scene is set. Louis will be brought to trial. Will he be convicted?

56:20If he is convicted, what will his fate be? There is only one way to find out, and that is to tune in to the next episode. If you simply can't wait, then you can go to the restishistory.com and sign up there. but either way we are approaching the climax of this particular stage of our series on the french revolution so we'll see you very soon bye-bye au revoir

From the publisher

“From this place and from this day forth commences a new era in the world’s history, and you can all say you were present at its birth!”

By September 1792, the Prussians, under the leadership of the formidable Duke of Brunswick, were closing in on revolutionary Paris. There, the streets roiled with the clanging of church bells, thousands of volunteers, patriotic songs and slogans, and of course; the dead bodies of all those killed during the September Massacres. It was against this feverish backdrop that on the 20th, the new National Convention - the most democratic of the assemblies yet, with unlimited powers to remake the nation - met at the famous Riding School. And though it was riven by internal rivalries under the contentious three headed triumvirate of Danton, Marat and Robespierre, remake the nation it did. Voting to abolish the monarchy once and for all, the Convention declared the institution of a new world and a new beginning for France, with all state documents from that day forth bearing the immortal words, ‘Year One’. But, with their Prussian enemies baying at the gates, would revolutionary France survive to see more than one year? A great military reckoning was approaching, which would decide the fate of the new Republic and perhaps, universal liberty. As the armies of France and Prussia met for what would prove to be one of the most ideologically significant battles of all time, political tensions were mounting in Paris…

Join Dominic and Tom for this crucial, tremulous episode of the French Revolution. With Prussia closing in, bodies littering the streets, and the revolutionary leaders hungry for each other's blood, would the Revolution survive?

EXCLUSIVE NordVPN Deal ➼ https://nordvpn.com/restishistory Try it risk-free now with a 30-day money-back guarantee!
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