In short
Podcast Summary: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 121
Overview In this episode of *The Rest Is Politics*, hosts Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart discuss the current political landscape, focusing on three main topics:
- The state of the UK-US relationship amid President Biden's recent visit.
- The ongoing crisis in Sudan.
- The political future of Suella Braverman, a prominent UK politician.
Key Themes and Discussions
- The UK-US Special Relationship
- Biden's Visit to Belfast and Ireland: Campbell and Stewart reflect on President Biden's visit to Belfast for the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, which they perceive as having been overshadowed by his more celebratory reception in the Republic of Ireland.
- Political Symbolism: Biden's decision to focus on the Republic rather than Northern Ireland is seen as a snub to the UK, particularly to Prime Minister Rishi Sunak. The hosts discuss how this reflects the current UK-US dynamics.
- Soft Power: The hosts emphasize the concept of soft power and how the US's influence is waning globally, partially due to its political decisions and relationships.
- Chaos in Sudan
- Current Situation: The hosts provide a detailed overview of the political turmoil in Sudan, highlighting the conflict between military factions and the humanitarian impact of the violence.
- Historical Context: They discuss the previous civil war and the split between Sudan and South Sudan, noting the outside influences from countries like Egypt, UAE, and Russia.
- International Response: The episode critiques the lack of robust international support, particularly from Western nations, in addressing the crisis, contrasting it with past interventions.
- The Political Future of Suella Braverman
- Braverman's Position: The discussion turns to Suella Braverman, the UK Home Secretary, and speculation about her potential departure from the government.
- Political Dynamics: The hosts analyze her role in the Conservative Party and how her controversial stance on immigration and other issues may lead to her being sidelined as Sunak consolidates power.
- Party Relations: They suggest that Braverman's increasing discontent with the government narrative could make her a liability, especially as Sunak's leadership stabilizes.
Key Takeaways
- Biden's Diplomacy: The episode underscores the importance of managing the UK-US relationship carefully, particularly in the context of Biden's perceived favoritism towards Ireland.
- International Aid: There is a strong critique of the international community's failure to respond effectively to crises like that in Sudan, with calls for renewed focus on humanitarian aid and political engagement.
- Political Instability: The potential fall of Braverman indicates the shifting power dynamics within the Conservative Party, highlighting broader themes of loyalty and leadership challenges.
Closing Thoughts The episode concludes with a reflective tone on the role of leadership and public service, particularly in challenging times. The hosts express a sense of urgency regarding the need for coherent international policy and domestic political stability to address pressing global and national issues.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Transcript
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1:20Welcome to therestuspolitics with me, Roy Stewart. And me, Anastakambo. And we are... we're together, unusually, and we're in Belfast. In Belfast, yeah, which is the 25th anniversary good Friday green. We're doing a live event for the 25th anniversary celebrations. And you are surrounded by the great and the good. It's pretty extraordinary. I came in on the, through the police security to get into see me and I found my name sort of slotted in between Shree Blair and Senator Mitchell and all these kind of people. So, it clearly wasn't done alphabetically. No, it was pretty odd. I don't know quite how the whole thing works.
1:57Anyway, here we are. And it's pretty amazing. It's a moment where Belfast is, I suppose, a moment of economic optimism, but political uncertainty. Economy going gangbusters really seems to be benefiting from having, I don't know, it's become quite political thing to say, but anyway, in a sense, the best of both worlds in relation to its trading with the European Union and with the United Kingdom. The economy growing some maths faster than anywhere else in the United Kingdom. Others as fast as London. I think it's going to look extraordinary, like, 6 % growth this year, which is the sort of figures that you get in Southeast Asia, not in Britain, usually.
2:35I think you'll also see them predicted in the Republic of Ireland this year. Amazing. So, in today's podcast, we're going to talk about soft power in the context of Joe Biden's visit to Belfast and then the Republic of Ireland. We do a little bit of what Broin and I are doing here in Belfast. We're then going to talk about the terrible situation developing in Sudan, where two very, very powerful well armed guys are tearing lumps off each other. And we're then going to close with a bit on the fascinating developments in the Franco -German relationship. So what did you make of Joe Biden's visit to North and South?
3:09Well, very interesting. One thing is we were slightly selfishly hoping to catch him here in Belfast because back a few months ago, the assumption was that he would be here with everybody else with Bill Clinton and everybody for the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Grim. Instead of which, he decided to come a few days earlier and spend very the whole time in Northern Ireland and instead head to the Republic where he's had an extraordinary rapture as welcome. I mean, 27 ,000 people lining the streets to see him very much being celebrated almost at the kind of scale at which a sort of Kennedy would be celebrated.
3:45But oddly, he hasn't decided to associate himself that directly with probably the most dramatic and extraordinary achievement of the last 25 years, which is the Good Friday Grim. And he said some why he decided to lean into the Republic of Ireland and not focus just come three days later with everybody else and do the events here. Yeah, I think in terms of the actual date of the anniversary of the agreement, he was closer to that than this event that we're at. We're about a week after the actual anniversary. Look, I think there's all sorts of kind of theories doing the rounds and I don't know these things are often very, very fraught and all sorts of rumors fly around as to why such a position was taken, why such a visit happened in the way that it did.
4:30But my hunch is that he was always wanting, at some stage in his presidency, in this term of his presidency, to have a big visit to Ireland, to the Republic of Ireland, that he was very, very keen to come to the UK, particularly if the institutions were back up and running. And I imagine that if they had been up and running, he'd have done a big speech at Stormont and the Assembly would have been packed a bit like the door was in Dublin. And the sense I get from some of the Americans is that they feel that Biden liked Clinton before him and like other presidents kind of put the hours in, got in the parties to see them and really tried to sort of put what he would have at Lea Vrij he had to get the Windsor deal.
5:18Rischy Sunez Windsor deal replacing Boris Johnson's direction protocol over the line. And the pictures of his arrival were, they were kind of stunning. Because I mean, I've been involved in quite a few presidential visits. The preparation that goes into these visits is ludicrous. Every single minute is prepared. And they know where he's going to be. They know how it's going to look. They know who's going to be there. So I think to have him arrive at Belfast Airport, walk down the steps, have the car, the beast in the way of Rischy Sunez, that really bizarre meeting in a cafe, what looked like a cafe, might not be a cafe, it's probably a hotel, but it looked like there was sort of cafe.
6:00Yeah, and again, for for for listeners who haven't been following this very closely, there was a sense in which Rischy Sunez was there to receive him. It's the United Kingdom. He's the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, receiving the President of the United States when he lands in the United Kingdom. Big deal. Big deal. And you would have thought was going to be a big photo opportunity, but actually what Biden did has come down the steps. As you say, the car site you got on the way, did a very, very brief greeting of Rischy Sunez and then wandered off to talk to the Lord left hand and then spend most of his time flirting with the US ambassador, who he clearly thinks is terrific.
6:33Well, she's an old friend. An old friend. Yeah. And then he did a speech at Ulstie University, which was a pretty good speech, but I was a little bit surprised that Rischy Sunez wasn't at that. Now, no Prime Minister's been pretty busy, they've got stuff to do, but I also find it a bit strange that Rischy Sunez is not that involved in these proceedings, because yes, Biden has a role as President, and we've seen the fact that Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton are here, the Americans have taken the peace process very, very seriously. But at the moment, the actual institutions in Northern Ireland are stuck.
7:08The Windsor Framework has not got the backing of the people that need to back it to get it up and running. And it seems to me that I just feel there must be a missed opportunity. I wonder whether there isn't something going on in the conversations between Rischy Sunez and the American administration where they're both deciding to slightly hold back from a big, big push until the institutions are up and running again. How are they going to get them up and running? How are they going to get them up and running? Unless Jeffrey Dunnellson and the Union has decided that they're going to get them up and running.
7:36And I don't see where that's coming from. And I was at dinner at Hillsborough Castle. It was a really nice event. I'm interrupting you, but just again for listening to you on concentrating, when we say the institutions aren't up and running. What's happened is that Rischy Sunez got through this thing called the Windsor Framework, which is a very, very detail, quite creative way of trying to deal with the incredible mess that was caused by Brexit in terms of Northern Ireland's trade with the United Kingdom and Europe. But what didn't come out of it, which people was hoping, was the DUP re -entering the Sormont Parliament and having a proper functioning devolved parliamentary government here in Northern Ireland.
8:16Northern Ireland is still basically being run from London because these institutions are not functioning yet, and that's the thing that we're all constantly doing. And of course the last elections, Sunefain did better. And this is the DUP, you may have to face the reality of a first minister who is Sunefain, Shullo Neil. And again to remind people, the convention from over the last 25 years was always that the First Minister was a unionist and the number two was somebody from the Republican Nationalist community, so that's a big change. Right back in the day, the agreement was that they'd be equals, okay?
8:52And it was actually the unionist that got that changed. I think it was in Tandruz. They got that changed, whichever party did best in the elections would be the first and the second would be the deputy. And of course, Sunefain would be the First Minister. So I get why psychological that's extraordinary, difficult. But I do honestly think, I know people probably think I'm obsessed with Brexit, but the extent to which the Brexit is and the right -wing media were pretty vile about Biden. You know, this was, and he hates the English people were saying, this is just a pathetic snub. Why isn't he going to the coronation?
9:28He had people like Andrew Neal, I think he was saying, oh, this is all about American politics and getting the Irish vote and all this sort of stuff. And the fact is, he does wear his Irishness on his sleeve, no doubt about that. But I think there was something else going on there. The optics for me were of him being greeted by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom looking very defensive, very sheepish, not reclear what he was there for it looked like, whereas the minute Biden got to Ireland, you had this sense of not just from Biden, but from the public and from the politicians, energy and vibrancy.
10:00And I'm afraid, I think a lot of that comes from the fact that they feel very, very secure inside the European Union and they feel pretty secure inside their own political skins. Yeah, I mean, I think you're right, it was a very odd insecure reaction from Britain. It is also true that they had something to complain about, which is what we touched on at the beginning of this pod. Biden was not making a real effort as he should have done as against and as a guest in somebody else's country. You have to manage that. The special relationship has to be managed. 100 % but when you take it one less seriously, 100 % but when you're a guest in somebody else's country and near the present United States, getting the optics right, with somebody else's Prime Minister when he landing, it's pretty incumbent on you as the guest and he was and as you say, this was a very careful range visit and it was on the verge of being pretty rude.
10:48I've never seen a US presidential visit feeling quite like that. That is the big moment, the cameras are there. And I think one of the discomforts of it is that it's Biden trying to use the US status as a superpower to push and bully an influence and I think what's happened here in the background, which you were hinting at, is they basically said unless you get the institutions up and running, we're not going to come and do a great photo call for you. And he was slightly reinforcing that with the way that he arrived. So this is the US throwing its way to round. Look, this is what happens if you don't tend to that relationship incredibly carefully and normally what happens certainly in our lifetime when a British Prime Minister is with an American president.
11:32So that turned Reagan was a clear ideological personal political relationship. They were incredibly close. Tony and Clinton close. Actually, I think John Major with the first George Bush, good relationship. And Tony Blair wrote a thing recently pointing out that one of the tragedies of Brexit is that when something big is happening in the world, the American president can pick up the phone to whoever they want in the entire world and it matters who they pick it up to. And at the moment, it certainly wouldn't have been Johnson. It certainly wouldn't have been trust. And so that's the politics that they've been looking at.
12:11And they think we've become a bit of a basket case. Well, I think there is a bit of that. I mean, obviously I spend a lot of time at the US. I taught at Harvard, taught at Yale. And I'm very close to Democrats. And I remember even when Harry Clinton was running that the key parts of the fallen policy machine, this is back when Trump's coming in for the first time in 2016, were already saying our key relationship in Europe is with Germany. That's the big growing economy. That's the special relationship, not Britain. So that was already going on some years ago. It's also true that Biden enjoys playing up his arsonist and enjoys playing up his anti -Britishness.
12:48I remember when he was being... I don't think you projected yourself as anti -British. Well, I don't want to say anything to you in an anecdote. So when we were briefing him on Iraq back in the mid to late 2000s, when you'd go into the museum and one of my friends went into briefing and came out completely shocked because she'd gone in to try to explain the Sunnishire dimension in Iraq. And he then vice president working for Obama said, I completely understand the situation. They hate each other. I'm Irish. I hate the English. And that was his absolutely off the cuff normal comment back in the 2000s.
13:22Do you have absolute cast iron sauce? 100 cast iron sauce. And of course, I don't know if she's written it up. But when you tell the story to anyone who's close to Biden, they laugh. He makes those jokes all the time. That's his running joke. I mean, he's one of his favorite stories that he tells in campaign speeches is that his mother refused to stay... The British bed. Yeah, would seep on the floor rather than seep in a bed that the Queen had once been in. So he will have everything else aside, apart from US foreign policy, have really enjoyed being celebrated in the Republic. And it won't have been displeasing to him to seem as though he was a bit cold and offhand when he landed in Northern Ireland and was very, very warm and excited when he got to the Republic.
14:02Which I... Okay. And there's one... If you look through a particular lens through the British special relationship lens, you can say, well, that's very rude and that's very bad. But we have to accept, as those previous prime ministers have done, that we are the lesser power. My point is I think that that has been exacerbated by Brexit. So they just don't quite know what we're for. And I think that when he got here, he just decided... Yeah, he was kind of going through the motions. He went through the motions, then he got to Ireland and he found all his energy. And I just think the reaction of some of our media and some of our politicians just shows this incredible sort of...
14:42There's still locked in this world that we have to be treated like with a big power in the land. I'm afraid, you know, we've got to graph it. So that in that relationship, you can't mess with it. You have to tend it all the time. I'm with you. Although on the other hand, I guess getting the balance right on that and how far do you bend to the United States paradoxically? We're in an age where we'll move on to the end of this podcast where American power, soft power is waning all over the world. I mean, it's so striking. They're making no progress on Israel Palestine. Very little progress on conflict in Ethiopia, made no progress on the conflict in Yemen, haven't really got anywhere with the Iran nuclear deal.
15:26And Sudan is a real example of total inability of America to exercise global influence. That was a failure of soft power. When we said before, you know, planning the podcast, we said, we'll talk a little bit about soft power. I was thinking much more of, and we'll definitely come back to the stuff of America, but how relatively very small country like Ireland does seem to be emerging with a sense of its own identity and is developing a soft power that I think was fully on display in that visit. Oh, I think Ireland is a miracle in every way. And it was a miracle that seemed as it might have been totally thrown off balance in the 2008 financial crisis, where the Irish economic miracle looked like it had come completely off the rails.
16:09And now it seems to be back again. And it's extraordinary. The change from the 1950s to today makes it feel, I mean, I think this comparison with the Asian Tigers is a good one. It's a country that does often feel like Singapore, a place that has completely transformed its identity and its reputation. The same is, of course, the Nordic countries. I mean, I'm always very, very jealous of how Norway, Finland, Sweden, these countries manage to top every single international chart, ranging from the stuff that you love talking about, like education, but also things on happiness, human rights, democracy.
16:46There might be a little sort of right wing, far right boosting parties at the moment, which I think doesn't suggest major happiness to me all the time. And don't forget as well, Norway has got money that, you know, I mean, you could build quite a lot of economies on the Norwegian sovereign welfare fund. But it's of course, I mean, for someone like me who's passionate about the United Kingdom, this is, of course, exactly what the S &P, what Scottish Nationalists keep pointing to, they look at Ireland, they look at the Nordic countries, and they think, oh, maybe if we, if we separated, we too could build this wonderful brand and find this great identity in the world.
17:21And you were pointed about American, so soft power, if you think about what soft power is, it's rooted in this idea that whether people are attracted to you and see the values that you have, and they see those values being lived out, and the big countries can, you know, they've got armies, they've got history, they've got all, it's America, China, they're right out there, but your sense is of American soft power declining. How much does that, do you think, got to do with the rise of China? And how much actually might you have to do with the fact that they maybe don't work as hard as soft power as they, as they did?
17:55Well, I think a lot of things have happened, haven't they? So, as you say, Jonai is just how a professor produced this extraordinary, I mean, you know, as one of the great masters of communication, I say you should be jealous of this word soft power, extraordinary, how he managed to get this concept across the world. I think I dreamt it in the bath before, I just didn't put that in there. I actually, I actually came up with have a break, have a kit cap, but I just never managed to get it out there. So, I think the United States had its glory days in the 90s, early 2000s, and fundamentally the Iraq war and the 2008 financial crisis broke it.
18:35It broke the vision of that US model of liberal democracy and open markets being the thing that the whole world wanted and you can feel it in Africa and you'll be able to hear in the background that a soft going on. There is the real soft power, Bill Clinton's voice speaking while we're here. I can't carry through the thing. I've just had a text message saying, your name is on a chair in the front row. And Bill Clinton's actually written a host speech thanking you and you won't be there. I know, I know, I know. It's pretty sure about that. On your podcast. But I think those things hit it very hard and you feel it in the Middle East and Africa, I mean, surveys, for example, of the Tunisians and people in North African and Middle East, suddenly you see them racing China and Russia above the United States very, very significantly and people increasingly excited by these authoritarian economic growth stories.
19:28So yes, we may be having a little spat here about the United States snubbing Britain. But all over the world increasingly people don't give a monkey's really what the United States think. Oh, I can give a monkey's. Well, classic example in Tanzania. So Tanzania, tiny little country. And what I went out there is the African Minister. The Tanzania and present megaphealy had refused to take a call from John Kerry. The US ambassador had gone in to see the Tanzania and protest and the Tanzania and present threw out the US ambassador. And the US had to come back three years later with a billion dollars worth of development assistance to try to get their way back into even Tanzania.
20:06And Tanzania is a pretty tiny place. The knowledge it's sometimes sponsors, which is very nice of them. I saw something on the earlier of the day, it was a quote from somebody that said it was an African, got a spokesman from an African government saying that the Chinese give us an airport, the Americans give us a lecture. So maybe there's a little bit of that going on. Yeah, absolutely. And of course, the moral authority of the United States, its ability to talk confidently about democracy and values has been shattered over the last 25 years. And that's why I think in a way we're at a wonderfully optimistic moment here in Belfast, but also it's a little bit sad because it's difficult to imagine a US senator doing again.
20:44What was done there? So just to explain if you can hear anything strange in the background here, outside our window, and we're not making any jokes about the day of the jackal, but literally we open the window and found 10 feet from us just below us, Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Tony Blair, Senator Mitchell, Bertie Hurn, all standing there and giving a speech which is still going on. So you're here in the, we've had Bill, Tony's going on at the moment. They're unveiling a bust of George Mitchell, enormous head. Yeah. George Mitchell who did a speech this morning that was mind -blowing for his, I mean, for a 90 year old man to deliver the speech with the energy.
21:25And it's quite interesting because he's been here a couple of days. He's actually not made a speech for three years because he's had leukemia. The vibe was a little bit, this is probably the last speech I'm going to make and probably the last visit to Northern Ireland as well and he got an incredible reaction. And he just told the story, he told the story from start to finish. You know, he actually at one point just listing the leaders of the parties and who their teams were and what they did and what the arguments were and he had just had some wonderful, wonderful. He said that, you know, when he was first asked by Bill Clinton to be, as it were, a special envoy and ended up chairing the talks, you know, we go on about politicians.
22:04This is real public service. So he gets sent here and he's flitting backwards and forwards and his wife is also outside watching the bust being unveiled. She felt pregnant. When he was 65. He was very old. He's getting on a bit because that's my age. Are you ready to have a baby? You baby? I have certainly not. I can't I mean, how the these old guys do that. I don't know. So his wife got was pregnant and so he went to see Clinton's national security adviser to say, look, you know, I've given a lot of time to this. There's been literally zero progress. So it's just, you know, I can't do anymore.
22:39I've got a new baby on the way. And it was his wife who said to him that we're having one child, but you've got a whole thousands of children over there who need this thing to work because you've got to keep going. And it was like, you know, there was barely a dry eye in the house. It was just, so I think when we talk about public service, there's a lot of it involved. How much did the US matter in this? Would it have been possible without the US? When we get on to talk about Sudan, I think all of these situations benefit from proper political support from the big powers. Where they don't become proxies.
23:16So you might say that a peace process might have made more difficult if you had China and America involved, but it might not. But I think that the American support, I think, was at times considerable. And I do think George Mitchell is rightly recognized for having just had the patience to, there's another wonderful thing he said, David Irvine, who, another of sadly, who's died since 1998, who was unionist on the loyalist side. And George was telling the story about when he first met David Irvine and he said, Senator Mitchell, there's one thing you need to understand about this place. Oh yeah, what's that?
23:55He said, we're very reasonable people. But we will try 100 miles to receive an insult. And he said that he noticed that he started laughing. He thought that was very, very funny, but he said he'd lived around the room. Nobody else was laughing. Everyone's nodding seriously. Not really along to this. And that sort of sense of the divisions and the divides between people and Hillary Clinton, she was speaking on the same platform as George Mitchell. And she was saying that when she first came here with Bill, they literally were in that same room where we're doing our thing, Protestants on one side, Catholics on the other, and they were literally flitting between the two.
24:34It must have taken actually, in retrospect, quite a lot for the British government to really accept the central US role in Northern Ireland. I guess if you'd gone back to the late 60s, early 70s, Britain probably would have been a bit prickly and defensive. They would have thought this is part of the United Kingdom. It's nobody else's business coming in telling us what to do, which is what, obviously, many countries in Africa feel when the US turn up and try to get involved in these presses. I think it's a sense of a certain kind of openness and generosity on the British side too, to be so acceptance of the centrality of this.
25:06Because certainly my friends in the US who worked on George Mitchell's work here, and the people at Megano Sullivan who's had a centen out Harvard, it's one of the proudest moments of her career as working as a staffer on George Mitchell's work here in Northern Ireland. But they talk about it, of course, as though it's the South Sudan Peace Process, which must have, for some British people, been a little bit difficult to hear, given that it was an integral part of the United Kingdom. When you talk about soft power, I think that was an extraordinary display of soft power, the fact of Mitchell doing what he did.
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25:40The other guy I think was mentioned who, to Fair George Mitchell, did pay significant tribute to General De Shastler in the Canadian military guy who ultimately was part of the thing the whole way through and eventually oversaw the decommissioning of weapons. But I think that's what I'm finally a little bit sad about this thing, is that you're seeing all this positive good public service at a time when there's very little of it around. Well, the international community doesn't exist in the same way. So this was the glory days of the 90s when Canadian generals were popping up all over the world.
26:09My friend General Romeo De Laire was involved in the Rwandan genocide and wrote a very, very moving book called Shaking Hands with the Devil about his experience then. It was a period where Canada was very involved in Haiti, Australia and Canada were very involved in the East Timor piece process. I mean, all these things that you'll remember. And of course, most dramatically of all Bosnia, Kosovo, these extraordinary ends of wars. And it feels so, so different now. I mean, if you, maybe this is an opportunity to segue on to Sudan because that's the moment that should have been the 1990s moment.
26:46This has been the 1990s. What's happening in Sudan would have been the classic example of where you would expect the UN, the US Canada, Australia, Britain, Norway to be really leaning in and they're not. Well, as they applaud the end of Tony Blair, we're not the end of Tony Blair, the end of Tony Blair's comments, let's take a break and then we'll come back and talk about what's going on in Sudan.
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29:49The rest of the politics this week is sponsored by The New European again. And as listeners know, this is a paper very close to my heart as I'm one of the two editors at large. We have a new one, Matthew Donkona. Even for me, absolutely brilliant to see their cover story. I claim no credit because I've been here in Belfast. The headline read, Hate Mail, one newspaper century long quest to demonize migrants. And inside a truly splinetic, wonderful analysis by Liz Gerard, on the way the Daily Mail has, over the course of its history, methodically supported hard -right nationalism and help create the culture of fear and loathing for migrants in our country.
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31:57Welcome back to the rest of politics with me, Alistair Campbell. And with me, Rory Stewart. And I think we should update the ceremony for the George Mitchell statue unveiling is now being addressed by Chris Hilton Harris. That's it. And actually, I mean, I'm a bit bit envious of Chris. He's colleague of mine, joined in 2010, but he's managing to deliver a very long speech as far as I can see with Bill Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Tony Blair or Standing Behind him listening quietly. Given half a chance, I would have delivered like a three -hour cast -ra style. Would you, would you, would you, what would you, what he's going on quite a bit?
32:30I mean, I don't know what, what, what, whether he's explaining how he's going to get the storm on institutions up and running, and, and possibly might be, he's, he's, Ray Bidbrecht to hear, wasn't he? He was, he was a Brexeter, yeah, so he was a Brexeter, yeah. He's a Brexeter. He's chief work too. Right, okay. The latest episode of Leading, yep, David Miller Band. Yeah. I think we should give a shout out to that, but people seem to be liking these interviews. Are you enjoying them, Rory? I think it's probably one of the better things we do. Oh, okay. I think it is one of the better things we do.
32:58And I think, you don't know how to talk to other people. Exactly, exactly, exactly. Yeah, we, we, we don't have anything to say to each other, and to each other, no, no point in that at all. No, I think it's good because I think we're avoiding the confrontation, or we're giving people space to talk, which I'm not sure exists in conventional media, but maybe in the new world podcasting, we shouldn't be comparing ourselves to conventional media anymore. But I don't think David Miller Band would have been given an hour to really talk openly in the way that he did. No, the reason why it's not to just a lot of people find what he said, particularly about impunity.
33:29It's very, very interesting. We could do a little plug of an article he's just written, which he's been sending all of us. It's called the world beyond Ukraine, the survival of the west and the demands of the rest. That's kind of what we talked about. Now, should we talk about Sudan? Yeah, and it sort of comes out of it, doesn't it? It comes out of the middle of our reflections because, well, let me, if I can be cheeky and give my sort of one minute update on what's happening in Sudan, and then over to you. So Sudan was once the largest country, and the very largest countries in Africa, slightly smaller now since South Sudan succeeded.
34:06It's this huge territory south of Egypt and on the margins between North African and sub -Saharan Africa, country which had a strong tradition of a great intellectual class in Khartoum, a country with enormous oil wealth and some gold wealth, came to international attention, I suppose, with Darfur, so the horrors of the early 2000s where people remember maybe the Janger wheat militia, which were mostly ethnically Arab nomadic groups who were fighting groups who looked more traditionally African who were more settled in southern Sudan. And then the breakaway entirely of the world's newest countries, South Sudan, which was completely different from the North.
34:54So the North was Arab -dominated Muslim in identity, South Sudan very much traditional sub -Saharan African and Christian, credible proxy wars which everyone was involved in from these railies to the Libyans, to the Ugandans, to the CIA, and referendum was held, South Sudan separated off and very, very sadly after a great burst of optimism based on South Sudanese oil has collapsed into its own horrendous civil war. And South Sudan has been through a similar cycle, its president was indicted by the international court, criminal court. He was toppled in a amazing revolution led by young people and civilians, brought him down.
35:38There was a moment of optimism, but we have to say the US and the international community were pretty slow to take advantage of it to lower sanctions and braces of any government. And pretty soon it collapsed into a military government and the military government has now torn itself into two factions. One of which is essentially the commander of what used to be the Janger -Weed militia and the other half of which is the commander of the traditional armed forces, the Egyptians backing, the Second, the Saudis, UAE and the Russians backing the First. And it's on that that I'm standing over you. Well, it's yet another proxy essentially.
36:14And we were talking about the importance of in the context of here, Northern Ireland, of that international support. I'm afraid if the big powers turn away, I'm not saying that they turn away and that they will be tracking it, be very interested, you have all the ambassadors out there doing all the things they can, all the military days, on guys doing all the stuff that they can. But ultimately this feels like a situation that could spiral very, very quickly into something as catastrophic as we've seen there before. You probably know these characters better than I do, but essentially you've got the military guy who's effectively running the place and his deputy have now taken different sides, both pretty well stocked with all sorts of arms and they're killing each other.
36:57The deputy comes from the Darfur region of the South, so he's from a different ethnic group and he runs this rapid reaction force, which basically was the Janger -Weed militia. It was these mounted Arab pastoralists who conducted a lot of the atrocities and were then brought into the army. He also controls the government's gold reserves and he was sent off to fight in Yemen, paid for by UAE in Saudi, which is where his connections to UAE in Saudi came from, he used to travel openly to Russia. So as these two men, essentially the leader and the deputy have broken apart taking their own military units with them, they've kept those international relations too and underlying it is the fact that Sudan, like the whole chain of this whole territory called the Sahel that stretches all the way over from Chad, Niger and Mali, is an extreme victim of climate change.
37:53This desertification moving across the whole region has been a drought basically for six years, now stretching right the way across the Horn of Africa and very similar conflicts between pastoralists, people moving with their livestock and settled communities, happening across nine or ten different countries of which Sudan is now one. I'd have thought a particular interest to you with your charity hat on, I think I'm right thinking that among the dead, so far, have been three people who work for the World Food Program who was a result of halted their program there. That's heartbreaking. So what happens in those situations?
38:29Because this is again something we talked to David about. He's operating in some of the most dangerous and difficult parts of the world, his charity rescue. And they have to make decisions about whether they can effectively and safely do the things that they have to do. So how do you make those decisions? It's horrifying. We're having to think about it with Givdurekli which is he says the charity that I now run because we've got staff in Gomer in the Congo where the M23 militia have been on the edge of the city, but perhaps the most dramatic example that I had in my own life was our charity in Afghanistan, Tehquas Mountain, which I set up with my wife.
39:05We were having to make decisions in four or five days, I'm staying up all night trying to make these calls on which staff you needed to get out and which could remain with the Taliban taking over the country, with our staff screaming that they were going to be killed in their beds with 14 hour delays that the airport fence with people being shot in the crowds with no planes to put people on. And the question of do you keep operating? And Tehquas Mountain decided to keep operating, decided to keep going in Afghanistan. A lot of our staff were understandably felt utterly betrayed because they'd lost an opportunity to leave Afghanistan and move to a better life in Europe with the United States.
39:49We are now running again. We now have women back being educated. We're very proud of what we're doing on the ground, but it's incredibly difficult and going back in the day when the Taliban with the insurgency, we were having to make decisions. One of my key members of staff came to work one morning and found a hangar maid under his desk. He then went back to his guest house and found a man with suicide vest to try to talk his way in and blow out the whole guest house. And at what point do you decide this is too dangerous? Our staff are going to get killed and we're going to leave effectively abandoning all your recipients who are no longer going to receive any support.
40:25Or do you risk your life to continue delivering development assistance? And every time I've had to make this decision, going all the way back to Iraq where I was having to decide whether to evacuate people into the middle of gunfire in 2004. And I thought I'd made completely the wrong decision. I pushed my civilian staff out in vans and they were immediately attacked by shield militia with me watching from the roof. You have this kind of factual going in your head. Are you going to get your staff killed moving them out? Are you going to get them killed staying? And is what you're doing worth the risk?
40:55If you look around Africa at the moment, I don't know what they're different in type. But I'll giriabakina façade chad, DRC gana, Ivorycos, Maritaine, and Mozambique Niger, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, and Yemen, all currently with some sort of terrorist insurgency going on. These are countries that are some of them desperately in need of support. At the centre often, not least Yemen, which we've talked about before, of another proxy war between bigger powers. And the help that they need can only really come through international political support alongside the support of organisations like David's, like yours, etc.
41:39And the heartbreaking thing is the political support isn't there. It makes it a lot harder for you guys to do. Completely heartbreaking. So take Britain, when I was the Minister for Africa, I had a bilateral budget of over four billion pounds a year for Africa. This year, the equivalent bit of the budget will be less than a billion. At the same time, the UK government will be spending well over three billion pounds on Ukraine and looking after Ukrainian refugees in Britain. So at a time when Africa's needs are at their most extreme, under the fourth year of drought and Somalia, these military governments are taking over right across the cell.
42:17We've cut our aid to the bone. And my Africa strategy, I mean, being quite self -centered here, but in 2016, was a large part of it was about the Sahel. It was about recognising that because of climate, these were the places that Britain needed to concentrate on. We put the structures in place, we were opening embassies, we were moving troops into that region, and we've basically given up, as have, and the French have been kicked out of these countries and the US have given up. The truth is that many of those countries that you mentioned in that long list have now been taken over by military governments backed by the Wagner Group, which is this very unpleasant Russian mercenary group.
42:56And this is the soft underbelly of NATO. This is NATO's son, flank, and when those countries go wrong, you will see a lot of migration coming across the Mediterranean into Europe because of our short -sightedness. Okay, well, on that happy note, poor, it's pretty grim note. Let's just talk maybe to close off today, the Franco -German situation. We talked about it very, very briefly on the Q &A last week, but I think there's something quite profound going on at the moment, and I can't quite put my finger on it. That relationship, there's always been tensions, but by and large, we were talking earlier about the US -UK relationship and the importance of that to both countries, and yes, it's more important to the UK than the US in many ways.
43:44Franco -German probably closer in terms of the needs of each other, but the sense that maybe Germany is a little bit more powerful and therefore the French may even need a bit more. Okay, Macron, we talked last week about his trip to China, where the criticism, I guess, if you had to boil it down, was that he was positioning himself. I don't think this is fair, but this is what happened, and sometimes you have to manage these situations, is that the criticism is that he positioned himself too much as Europe between the US and China, particularly when it came to Taiwan. And the Americans, some very, very evolving, but I heard one American said it to say, you know, is this guy speaking for himself?
44:31Is he speaking for France? Are he speaking for Europe? Because if he's speaking for Europe, we're not on the same page. Germany, meanwhile, Bearbock, the foreign minister, been in China this week, with a much tougher message, but then again, she also has a much tougher message than Shalts, her chancellor. And although Macron gets a lot of the stick in the European media for being the guy who's not fixing this relationship in the way that maybe it should be, because he has his flights of fancy, and he talks about European strategic autonomy, and there's also a sense, I think that Shalts is maybe not tending the relationship, as he should as well.
45:10And he's also got real problems, which are not getting that much tension in the UK, with these part of his coalition, the three Democrats who are being absolutely hammered in state elections, and I think they've got another two coming up quite soon. So they're having to take positions that aren't necessarily going to be fitting with what Macron's trying to do. And therefore, it seems to me that they're almost like in a standoff at a time when they need to be kind of getting together. Well, it's interesting how China seems to be the trigger point for us, because we were talking about Shalts' visit to China a few weeks ago, where again, he got in better trouble, seeming to cozy up too much to China, setting off there without the EU with him.
45:52But it's a sign, in a sense, of Europe's, has got an issue with China, because I think China is bringing into focus fundamental questions about what Europe wants to be in the world. Is it prepared to stand up for the human rights of the weaker people, Tibetans, democracy, and indeed stand against Chinese aggression towards Taiwan in the way that there is a total consensus across every part of the political divide in the United States? Or is it going to be pursuing its own economic interest? 50 % of the profits of the European automobile and luxury goods manufacturers now are made in China. 50 % of the growth of most European sales are in China at the moment.
46:39And therefore, there is a huge temptation for the Europeans to think, well, as the US is standing off against China, we have this amazing opportunity to cozy up to them and get fantastic economic benefits from doing so. But at the same time, I guess, they're feeling pretty yucky about it, and they're a little bit disturbed about what they're actually up to. And you can see these fractions, or these sort of fractures within Germany, within France, because there are opposition groups saying we shouldn't be doing this. And of course, the particular problem that Macron has, well, the two problems I foresee, one is that he, I mean, it was a pretty extraordinary achievement to get his second term and would it pretty well.
47:16Since when he's had these strikes that we've talked about before over a reform that seems fairly modest to us, but to the French is a really big deal about raising the pension age from 62 to 64. I think his other big problem is there's no sense of succession. And I do think that just as to some extent, Barack Obama's legacy has to be partly defined by the fact that Donald Trump became the American president. Likewise, I think that for all the good stuff that Macron's done and for all the credit he gets as being a pretty stellar political politician in many, many ways, if Marine Le Pen is the legacy, that is a very, very bad legacy.
47:56And I heard something very, very interesting from somebody who lives in Wurtson, Paris, and who operates in the political world, who was describing a visit recently to a pretty swanky restaurant near the French national assembly and having lunch with the politician and in Wurts, Marine Le Pen. And what she said was that it was really interesting because she was expecting some kind of reaction that Le Pen would attract a kind of level of hostility and a sense of hostility that would be marked. And she said she just walked in, very nicely dressed, kind of a lovely handbag and sat down with these five pretty youthful, very smart parliamentary assistants and had lunch and nobody would be back to night there.
48:43There's Marine. There's even me saying there's Marine. She's completely defined herself as Marine without the Le Pen, which still carries the baggage of her father Jean -Marie Le Pen. The worry I would have if I was a... I'm sorry. I'm going to be boring here, but again for American and other listeners, it's American and other listeners, but people will be very, very aware that what she represents is the far -right nationalist element in French politics. And that was very explicit on her father when it was a much more obviously offensively far -right nationalist party, deeply, deeply anti -immigration and anti -smitic.
49:27Anti -smitic. Often it's been anti -EU taking big loans from the Russians who've clearly been using this party to mix stuff up. And she's been trying to give it more of an acceptable face and came second to Macron the last elections. And as you say, difficult to see who's going to be able to beat her next time round because there's no other big political figures emerging. And Macron is not succeeding in creating a clear deputy. There's no Gordon Brown to his Tony Blair. No. The other thing I say about French politics, Macron being a very good example of this, they do have a greater capacity for breaking molds and new forces and new parties emerging.
50:08They've all basically changed their names in the last few years, including Macron. But I think that without that sense at the moment, I guess what I'm saying about the thing in the restaurant that really stuck with me is the sense of the idea of the normalization of Marine Le Pen. The idea that she's actually a legitimate political figure who you can see standing up there on the world stage a bit like, look at Maloney and Italy, Maloney, I think not as probably not as hard -right as Le Pen, certainly not as hard -right as John Marine Le Pen, but very, very much on the right. But did the same thing, a sense of normalization, a sense of getting rid of the worst elements of the party and its baggage, surrounding herself with some fairly young, attractive -looking people who don't go around saying terrible things about Jews or the Germans, but actually just sort of talk about how terrible the government is and how we need housing and of jobs and a fair deal.
51:02Nevertheless, the subliminal dog whistle, which is their perpetually benefiting from the sense that a lot of their supporters like, yeah, well, we know where you really are. We know where your sympathy is really like. Interesting also, something I sometimes think with Suella Brevenman too, how women are often part of the rebranding of right -wing projects and giving legitimacy or acceptability to some of these movements. Am I meditating a bit of a selling in Bravenman shares within the conservative fold? Am I just, is that wishful thinking? I just noticed, was it Greg Hans the Chairman being pressed at the weekend on how her policies on immigration are not going down terribly well, she's not seen as effective, and he was actually put on the spot about whether she shouldn't be sort of moved on or moved out.
51:49And I just wondered whether that was coming from someone. I think they dearly love to get rid of her. I think she's seen as profoundly disloyal, profoundly disruptive. She took to Rishi Sina, come on, conservative party. Oh, because she is frequently out there saying things that aren't government policy, I mean, she's not clearing them with the grid, she's deliberately getting out there and doing things against the grid that was established in 1997. How dare they do this? And deliberately appealing to factions, the Daily Mail, and putting out stories that number 10 is not keen to put out. So they would really like to get rid of her.
52:25Well, you think she's seen as a lot of people? 100 % and he brought her in at a period where it seemed as though the ERG, so this right -wing brexitier faction, the conservative party felt like it was very strong and she was their standard bearer and he couldn't afford to leave her out. But I think as he showed with the winds of framework that the ERG was losing its teeth and that that part of the party is less of a threat to him than he maybe thought they were. He may begin to feel that he can flex his muscles more and she's definitely, I mean, he's somebody who I was talking to a conservative minister yesterday on the phone, who said one of the things that one doesn't understand about Sina, this guy was a minister under Cameron, under May, under Johnson and actually even under trust.
53:12And he's... Right, well, we've got workshops with ways. I'm going to push it too far. But he said to me that this is the first time that he's really felt there's a well -run number 10 better than it was under David Cameron. He said, I mean, obviously better than it was under this trust of Boris Johnson, which is complete catastrophic chaos. But Rishi Sunak is running things better than anybody's seen internally, just the way the number 10 works than people have seen since 2010. Actually, one of the people I met going into the event earlier this one was Simon Cases here. Very good. Yep. Cabinet Secretary, because he used to work in the Northern Ireland.
53:52Did he forgive how rude we are all about Simon Cases all the time? I basically said, look Simon, I mean, Rory goes on about your whole time, I do my best to try and do no. Well look, I think the demise of Swella Bravaman is a very, very good place to end this week's, the rest is politics. Very good. Thank you very much.
From the publisher
Is the Special Relationship between the UK and the US falling apart? How can the world come to Sudan's aid? And is Suella Braverman finally on her last legs?
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