146. Putin vs. Prigozhin, the power of Lebedev, and the battle for Southeast Asia

28 Jun 2023 · 53 min

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Podcast Summary: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 146

Episode Title

Putin vs. Prigozhin, the power of Lebedev, and the battle for Southeast Asia

Hosts

  • Alastair Campbell
  • Rory Stewart

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Episode Overview In this episode, Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart delve into significant current affairs, particularly focusing on the recent events surrounding Vladimir Putin and the Wagner Group led by Yevgeny Prigozhin. They also explore the political landscape in Southeast Asia, the influence of oligarchs in British politics, and the challenges facing the British economy.

Key Topics Discussed

  1. The Wagner Group and Putin's Power
  2. Recent Mutiny: Discussion centers on the recent Wagner Group mutiny, where Prigozhin's forces advanced towards Moscow but later retreated after negotiations facilitated by Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko.
  3. Implications for Putin:
  4. Analysts suggest this event could signify a turning point in Putin's leadership.
  5. Alistair and Rory debate whether this weakens Putin or if it was a calculated move to maintain power.
  1. Boris Johnson's Foreign Policy Decisions
  2. Relationship with Russia: They discuss Boris Johnson's ties with Russian oligarch Alexander Lebedev, including controversial decisions made during Johnson's premiership.
  3. MI6 Warnings Ignored: Both hosts remark on how MI6 advised against appointing Lebedev to the House of Lords due to his connections with the Kremlin, yet Johnson proceeded.
  1. The British Economy
  2. Rishi Sunak's Challenges:
  3. Current inflation rates and their impact on the cost of living.
  4. The struggle between managing inflation and stimulating economic growth, with rising interest rates complicating the situation.
  5. Sunak's five economic priorities are examined, revealing failures in achieving these goals.
  1. Southeast Asia's Political Climate
  2. Authoritarian Trends: The hosts discuss the authoritarian nature of several Southeast Asian nations, particularly Cambodia under Hun Sen, and how many countries in the region are experiencing a decline in democratic practices despite economic growth.
  3. US and China Influence: The role of China in the region is highlighted, especially in how it affects the political landscape and economic opportunities for countries like Indonesia and Vietnam.
  1. Guatemala's Political Activism
  2. The episode concludes on a more hopeful note with news from Guatemala, where indigenous women activists are successfully gaining representation in politics, showcasing grassroots activism.

Key Takeaways

  • Putin's Leadership: The Wagner Group's mutiny has raised questions about the stability of Putin's regime.
  • Boris Johnson's Legacy: Johnson's flirtation with the Russian oligarchy reflects broader issues in British politics regarding foreign influence and integrity.
  • Economic Struggles: Rising inflation and economic mismanagement continue to impact public confidence in the Conservative government.
  • Southeast Asia Dynamics: The region's rapid economic changes are juxtaposed with rising authoritarianism, complicating democratic aspirations.
  • Grassroots Movements: Positive developments in Guatemala suggest potential for political change through grassroots activism.

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Additional Information

  • Podcast Subscription: Listeners can join The Rest Is Politics Plus for exclusive content and ad-free listening.
  • Live Events: Announcement of a live show at the Royal Albert Hall on December 14.

Contact Information

  • Twitter: [@RestIsPolitics](https://twitter.com/RestIsPolitics)
  • Instagram: [@restispolitics](https://instagram.com/restispolitics)

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This episode of *The Rest Is Politics* provides insightful commentary on pressing global affairs, demonstrating the interconnectedness of politics, economy, and social movements.

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Transcript

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0:00Thanks for listening to The Rest Is Politics. Sign up to The Rest Is Politics plus to enjoy ad -free listening and receive a weekly newsletter. Join our members' chat room again early access to live show tickets. Just go to TheRestisPolities .com. That's TheRestisPolities .com.

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1:20Welcome to TheRestisPolitics with Mi -Royce Stuart and Mi -Alice Campbell. And Alice a lot to get through today. We're going to begin of course with Russia Ukraine because we're right in the aftermath of this mutiny by the Wagner group. Then we're going to talk about Boris Johnson's relationship with Russia and in particular with a man called Lord Lebedev. Then we're going to talk about interest rates and what's happening in the British economy. And then we're going to talk a little bit about Southeast Asia and what's happening in Southeast Asia. A region we haven't studied much but where would you like to begin?

1:54Well let's start with you're a Wagner man and I'm a Wagner man. Yes it's a funny one that I mean obviously the German composer is called Wagner. But for some reason a lot of the Russian analysts that I talked to call it Wagner. So I'll need to get to the bottom of this. Well it's probably because they've named it. Is it not named after Wagner? Well there's a lot of it that nobody will say. So neither it's founder nor its owner is prepared to say what it's named after. Why it's called that? It might just be a set of letters if I have nothing to do with the great somewhat right wing musician. Now yeah well you said when we did the emergency podcast at the weekend you said some equators you said this could turn out to be sort of fizzle out in no time.

2:39I think we were talking days or it could become a major turning point in the whole conflict. I mean at the moment it looks like fizzle out but at the same time listening to people like Alex Younger the head of former head of MI6 and listening to Secretary of State Tony Blinken yesterday and other analysts they seem to be thinking it's like if not a turning point quite a big moment in the decline of puter. It's unbelievable isn't it? So just to remind listeners very quickly what happens since our emergency podcast. So pregotiant got quite a long way or at least his people got a surprisingly long way up the road towards Moscow.

3:21Up the M4. Up the M4 that's it. Looked as though the National Guard which was these interior ministry troops that were meant to be defending Putin were not really intervening. They were falling back. There was footage of Moscow apparently being prepared for defense against their attack and then suddenly that evening an announcement came that the president of Belarus had negotiated with Progoshin, not negotiated with a man that runs the the Wagnavarga group and that Progoshin had decided that in the interests of peace and stability he was going to turn his troops around. He was going to go into what seems to be exile probably in Belarus and the whole thing was over.

4:02There's been some great descriptions by Steve Rosenberg who's been going through Steve Rosenberg's is Alistair's hero who's a great musician but also the long -term BBC cars wonder Moscow. He's been going through the Russian newspapers and there's been some extraordinary reporting there because as you can imagine they are basically saying this is insane. This is the most terrible humiliation to the state except for the most loyal Kremlin newspaper which of course saying this shows the incredible genius of Vladimir Putin has stock will rise in the world because he alone managed to bring this thing to an end.

4:35What's your sense about how Putin comes out of this? I don't think anybody comes out of it terribly well neither Progoshin who did he sort of Bonnie Prince Charlie up as far as Darby and then turned around and but also I think it does weaken Putin. I as you know I'm being pretty regular contact with the opposition or the exiled opposition in Belarus and I was talking to them yesterday and again today and they actually think that because Lukashenko you have to remember is pretty much the only one left president of Belarus. President of Belarus he's the only one left over whom if you're like Putin has complete control so Lukashenko is trying to sort of present himself as the sort of you know the mediator in this but actually what his opposition is saying is that this was Putin basically ordering him to be the person that they could say was doing this so that Putin didn't have to look like he was operating on a par with somebody like like Progoshin.

5:31They believe that Progoshin will not be able to stay in Belarus. That Lukashenko doesn't want him there that he could cause just as much trouble for him as he's been doing for Putin. Things that he'll do some kind of deal with him probably financial to get him out of the country and get him to Africa and also that they do think that this is weakened both Putin and Lukashenko. That big thing now is they've still been trying to get Lukashenko indicted by the international criminal court and partly over some of the sort of you know using getting children in there and all that stuff. So the truth is I don't think any of us know including Steve Rosenberg.

6:12I think a hero overstates it but he's a very very good journalist. I'll tell you the thing that I would strongly recommend if you don't already people should follow Gary Kasparov. Gary Kasparov, the former great chess grandmaster who I know quite well I interviewed him from my winners book and I've interviewed him a couple of times since for different places and he's the guy who coined the phrase mafia state and he is basically saying anything that comes out of the Kremlin now is almost certainly on the truth and he also says that essentially he basically says that there's nothing that can emerge in the immediate aftermath of Putin that actually the West can or should treat with.

6:52In a sense I guess suggesting there has to be collapse before people can actually start to rebuild and when you talk you've raised this issue of Belarus which we should maybe talk about a more length on another occasion because it's fascinating. So Lukashenko has been in since 1994 and it is the last great autocracy on the edge of democratic Europe in this bizarre union with Russia. Lukashenko looked as though he was in trouble a few months ago but actually clamped down. He has been involved in these extraordinary moves of trying to shove refugees across the border to disrupt the Polish border and I might connect with it I was briefly up to be the British ambassador to Belarus.

7:38Yeah in the mid -2000s and I was fascinated by this possibility. Well we used to empower that. Well we were supposed to say. Yeah yeah yeah I wouldn't have. Well you're ambassador. Exactly that's right exactly it's 2005. So I was I'm very excited by the idea because at that time people were very optimistic and people thought could be an incredible job you'd go into Belarus is 2005 and you'd be past of the movement to get the last dictatorship on the edge of Europe. You know moving towards democracy potentially joining the European Union and all this kind of thing and here we are of course almost 20 years.

8:13He's still like. And what's more do you remember when we've talked about this before we talked about the guy I can't remember his name now but the guy who was where the Belarusians essentially hijacked a plane and got that guy who'd been a kind of you know big critic of the regime. He's now out there on social media the whole time basically as a spokesman further regime. So no Lukashenko is a strong man on one level but what these guys are saying he's utterly dependent on Putin and therefore do whatever Putin tells him whether that is providing Belarus's military infrastructure to help with the bombing campaign the illegal deportation of the Ukrainian children or being the middleman in these talks with with progozion.

8:55Just out of inventory why didn't you go to Belarus? In the end I was persuaded to go to Afghanistan instead. So I want to have to set up the charity in Afghanistan. I think your book walking across Belarus would have been less of an international bestseller. A lot of potatoes. I think maybe one conclusion we can take from this is a reminder of the fact that the Russian state is still stronger than some people believe that ultimately progozion must have calculated a bit like your friend Bonnie Prince Charlie on at Darby but actually there was no way of making it to the capital city. Yeah and that must have been but was that obvious to him from the word go which should have been 25 ,000 soldiers marching up against half a million in Tyra Ministry of Transportation.

9:41And I finally only five that were actually there went out the time of the turnaround. That's like a Bernalier away turnout. You know when we're playing when we're playing Preston Lothedla but it's not exactly how it is a big size of growing people but you're not going to take on the Russian army. So this is also a reminder of the challenge that the Ukrainians are going to face in their counteroffensive. So this has been much much talked about for many months now and what we've seen is Zelensky traveling around the world acquiring aircraft and tanks and many other things and the whole idea and this is something we'll be talking to General David Patreas about on leading very soon.

10:17Is to put together this huge all arms offensive to try to drive through but couple of things one is that the breaking of the dam by the Russians has meant that they don't need to worry so much about a lot of their flank which is now flooded with worship so they can concentrate up on the northern edge of that flank. The second thing is that there isn't still much air power on the side of the Ukrainians and it's very difficult to think of a historical example of a nation being able to advance against a very very well prepared defensive line like this. This is not like the Germans turning against the Russians in the early 1940s.

10:56The Russians have been hunkering down there's going to be layer after layer of defense, minefield after minefield. It's going to feel I'm afraid much more like trying to advance on the festival. You know when you said earlier that maybe we've underestimated the strength and power of the Russian state. Just as a counterpoint to that, do you get foreign affairs magazine or do you see foreign affairs magazine? I do see multi. I've even written for foreign affairs magazine. I'm a big fan of foreign affairs. Well I like foreign affairs magazine and they have this thing called I think it's from the archive and they posted this weekend a piece that came out right in the aftermath of the invasion and it was by a guy called Boris Bondareff who was a he'd been a diplomat in the Russian foreign ministry for 20 years.

11:43He was stationed in Geneva at the time of the invasion and he resigned and he wrote this piece and he's essentially defected. I think he still lives in Geneva. He tells us through how his wife came to visit him and had to go back and get their cat and it involved with extraordinary sort of you know trip to get back safely. One of the things that the really sort of big points that he made, he said that if I just read you a very short section from his piece, for me one of the invasion's central lessons had to do with something I'd witnessed over the preceding two decades. What happens when a government is slowly warped by its own propaganda?

12:18For years Russian diplomats were made to confront Washington and defend the country's meddling abroad with lies and non -secreters. We were taught to embrace bombastic rhetoric, to uncritically parrot to other states what the Kremlin said to us. But eventually this is the key point. The target audience for this propaganda was not just foreign countries, it was our own leadership. In cables and statements we were made to tell the Kremlin that we had sold the world on Russian greatness, we had demolished the West's arguments. We had to withhold any criticism about the president's dangerous plans.

12:51This performance took place even at the ministry's highest levels. He talked about how disappointed the foreign service was that Lavarov, Sergei Lavarov, the foreign minister who they respected at one point, just became the ultimate total yes man. I'm going to get myself in huge trouble doing this because I'm aware by doing this I seem again to be comparing Boris Johnson to Vladimir Putin. I'd like to put it on the record, I do not think Boris Johnson is Vladimir Putin. But there is something serious about this question about speaking truth to power and letting diplomats do it. This was something that I felt Boris Johnson was beginning to do to the foreign office.

13:27I remember this very strongly. I came in as the minister of states. I was number two beneath Boris Johnson when he was foreign secretary. It must be a horrible thing, Broly. To consider yourself to be beneath Boris Johnson, that's the lowest form of life. It's pretty good. It involves wandering down a corridor once a week to this enormous office which could have accommodated about 150 people looking out over St. James's Park. Boris Johnson sitting at one out of the table with a little note of the things he's trying to do this week. But one of the things that was so disturbing was that we were beginning to get reporting from our diplomats on the ground, which was saying every week, another win for global Britain, global Britain demonstrates its success.

14:09I eventually called in all the ambassadors from my region and said, please stop doing this. This is embarrassing. Why don't you talk about some of our weaknesses, some of our failures, talk about what the US is doing, what China is doing. Don't give the impression that Britain's running the whole continent. This got back to Boris Johnson and he called me in. It was the one time I'd actually seen him genuinely angry. He said to me,, Rory, I hear you're contradicting the instructions I'm giving to the ambassadors. So I said, look, I think it's very important. We have honest reporting and he said, Rory, you don't understand, I used to captain rugby teams.

14:48The way you win a rugby match is by telling the team that they're the best. You've got to boost them, get them are all going. And I said, this isn't a 75 minute rugby match. This has Britain's foreign policy. 18 minutes. It's already the rugby matches are 80 minutes. Oh, thank you. That's good. No, that's good. Incidentally, having been teased about my complete lack of understanding of the length for a helping match, I just want to point out to the audience for a second that Alistair showed us his dog who was making extraordinary noise in the back of the screen. And I can reveal for those of you who believe that his dog is a rock viola, it is not.

15:21It is in fact Alistair A. King Charles Spadial. Very good. Good Tory dog. I'm afraid. No. That's what they always, that was the way they were. The Civil War. It was always the standoff between the Cavaliers, had those Spaniards and the other lot, had the pubs. Get back to your story. Okay. So I think there is something serious here, which is that you have to allow your civil servants to dissent. And the creation of echo chambers is at the heart of everything that goes wrong government because the general tendency of government is optimism bias, you know, confirmation bias, everybody getting around a table, blowing smoke up the ass to the boss.

16:00And Boris Johnson was actually making this much much much much worse. Well, this other Boris, Boris Benderoff, he actually makes that very point. He said it was like living in an echo chamber and he said it was particularly bad after the attempted assassination of Skrypal in in Salisbury, where if you remember a British woman ended up being killed just for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. And he said that they were all basically the telegrams are all coming in from embassies around the world saying, you know, that we've persuaded the foreign ministry that the British have just, this is just a conspiracy theory.

16:35It's part of Russia, Fobia and so forth. He said, I saw data reports, for example, that mentioned Ukraine's non -existent biological weapons. I walked around our building, effectively a long corridor with private offices for each diplomat. And noticed that even my smart colleagues had Russian propaganda playing on their TVs all day. It was as if they were trying to indoctrinate themselves. And that is when the state, in a sense, the function of the state collapses if you don't have the ability, because how protected is Putin? I mean, Putin was, I've seen Putin's protection. I know how well protected he is, but it will be on a different level at the moment.

17:13The fact that he now has two planes flying out whenever he moves, one's the decoy and one's, one's him on it. The fact that he is, I would suspect, and we mentioned on Saturday, a lot of people have pointed out now that he looked genuinely quite scared, but he looked very, very tense at the weekend. And trying to tell the Russian people that this has been an act of strength to send pregozion back with the, with a tell between their legs. I think is nonsense. And, you know, I don't think the Ukrainians will be sort of feeling as chipper as they were when they first heard it, because it looked like it was going to be a big moment.

17:48But at the same time, it suggested he's been very fundamentally weakened. Very good. Well, should we talk about your, your former boss then? The man, I can't believe that you actually had to work beneath Boris Johnson. It just feels anyway, or that must be very hard to do with. So last night, did you, did you watch the link I sent you? I did, I did. And it's an absolutely mesmerizing link. And we can get into the details of what it shows, but maybe tell listeners a little bit about what it was that she sent me and when they can actually see it, because I thought it was incredible watching. We're recording this on Monday.

18:21And the program goes out on Channel 4 tomorrow night Tuesday, but because I was aware of that, I asked them if they could send it to us, those that we could talk about it. So it's the story of the way that the Lebedevs, this is Alexander Lebedev, former KGB guy, and his son Evgeni, who owns newspapers in the UK and is sort of part of the London glitter party, how they cemented their positions in British political life, including when we were in power, I'd completely forgotten that it was Peter Mandelson, who was in charge of, I think, under Gordon Brown, when the, the standard went through for Lebedev, and he, in his line was, well, who else is going to take it over, we'd like to keep a standard, et cetera.

19:02But then when it gets really interesting is when you get to Boris Johnson being foreign secretary, then Boris Johnson being Prime Minister, and the utter obsession he has with getting Lebedev Jr. into the House of Lords. So let's, let's just take, take it back for a second. So Alexander Lebedev is a Russian who is the child of kind of intelligence here, parents in the Soviet Union, becomes a KGB officer, ends up as a Lieutenant Colonel in the embassy in London for years. So a senior person running Russian intelligence operations in London against the British, the late A .C .s, when he's really trying to get his head around, who is the sort of people you should be recruiting and targeting in Britain.

19:49Returns after the fall of the Soviet Union and becomes in sequence a successful banker, so takes over the national reserve bank, ends up taking a big state in Gazprom, big Russian gas company, which incidentally puts Shroeder, the German Chancellor onto its board, and then ends up with a third stake in Ereflot. And of course, he and Putin were contemporaries in the KGB. And there are very, very deep strong links between the former senior, or not senior even some mid -level and junior KGB officers, and the current ruling elite in Russia, because as we discussed yesterday, it's not really all about the oligarchs, in a sense Putin got on top of the oligarchs and the way that Boris Yeltsin didn't and replaced them with this security apparatus, including people with private armies.

20:42Well, he did, he is more accurate to say that he allowed the oligarchs to continue enjoying their oligarchism, but with the security structure making clear that he was in charge and they had to and that's how he became wealthy. And those that didn't play ball like Kodakovsky were sent off to Siberia, or Berazovsky was actually killed. So there's a very, very strong sense, and you talked about the Skripal Poisonings, where Sergei Skripal, who was, I think, a G .I .U. officer, was attacked with chemical weapons and sorcery. And then of course, you interviewed the widow of another Russian nation killed in a London hotel.

21:22Lavinenko, yeah. These, just a little plug there, you can listen to that on the rest as politics leading, but these are signals from Putin that people who were KGB officers and who have made a lot of money in Russia must tow the line when it matters. And this film is very, very strong on showing that when the rubber hit the road on Crimea, for example, in 2014, so when Putin invades Crimea, this family, the Lebedevs, come out and basically defend what Russia is doing in Crimea. At a time when the British government, the US government, the European Union, and everybody is saying, this is unbelievably dangerous.

22:01This is the first breaking of international borders since the Second World War. And if this is allowed to happen, who knows what else might happen? And of course, we know what else happens. It directly led to the invasions of Ukraine. And they're out there doing that. They're doing that partly because they've got business interests in Crimea. They own hotels in Crimea. But also, I suspect because he can only go so far in challenging Putin and the strategy of Putin. And then, as you say, I'm going to have back to you here, but the moment where it becomes very weird is the moment at which he decides to buy two of the leading newspapers in Britain, the evening standard and the independent and begins to sink incredible money, more than a hundred million pounds into a loss making ventures in order to control these newspapers and write off heads in these newspapers defending Putin's position in Crimea.

22:48And in the standard, in particular, relentlessly propagandizing on behalf of Boris Johnson, Wendland and Mayor and in subsequent stages of his career. But the story of Johnson's visit post the Scripall Poisoning. Do you remember? He was at a NATO summit. NATO had been sort of trying to agree a response as to how to react to this. Let's just declare what it was. It was the use of chemical weapons on British soil to kill a Russian citizen, which they failed to do, but they killed a British citizen. And Johnson goes from that meeting to a party hosted by the Lebedevs, described in considerable detail on this program being tracked by intelligence services of Italy because they were worried about what was happening this thing.

23:39Johnson having got rid of his special branch protection, which I've never heard of done before. I've never heard of a minister who is protected because they have to be protected because that is the system under which they operate. Prime Minister Foreign Secretary, one or two others are permanently protected around the clock. He ditches them. He goes off to this party. We still don't know what happened. His statement, I mean, we're used to Johnson's melee mount statements, but my God, the melee mount statement that he gives to this program. His statement is something like he doesn't, he's not aware of that.

24:13He doesn't recall. He doesn't recall of any government issues being discussed at the time. So just quickly on that one, I'll say, you remember the year before 2017, I've been invited to go along with Boris Johnson to stay with the Evkinye Lebedev in this villa. And it was an amazing for me. I had literally just been appointed as the minister of state in the foreign office. And one of the people who worked with the Evkinye Lebedev came up to me and said, Mr. Lebedev would like you to come to this lovely party in Italy. And this party was, I believe, a party that Piers Morgan has subsequently revealed Katie Price, famously with Boris Johnson there at the table, took a top off at the table.

24:56It was a pretty unsuitable form of party. In appropriate for a British foreign secretary, one would say, I said to the person who approached me, I laughed. I said, come on, don't be ridiculous. I'm British foreign minister. I can't go to a party hosted by the son of a former KGB agent. It's completely ridiculous. And the response was, oh, don't worry, Boris Johnson, the foreign secretary is going to be there. Incredible. So the very, very least, there is something really weird. I mean, the deputy chair of the Italian Foreign Relations Committee on this documentary says, doesn't this guy get enough invitations to parties?

25:29I mean, is it really necessary? She said there are lots of ways to have fun. Yeah, if it's really necessary, is the foreign secretary to go to this castle with the son of a KGB agent? What's happening? I don't even remember the photograph of him at the airport. There's some tourist took a picture of him at the airport looking absolutely wrecked. I mean, like you guys used to look after one of your bullying events. I mean, I know you only did one. I know you only did one. But then we get into what I found. I think a lot of that story has already been told by much of the media. Where I think this thing got really interesting was that you had two former MI6 agents on screen, on camera, just they could barely contain their sense of shock, exasperation that they, the security services, having warned Johnson.

Read the full transcript

26:19To first of all, two MI6 guys went to CM to tell him face to face, we strongly recommend you do not try to put Lebedev into the House of Lords because of the families continuing connections with the top levels of the Putin regime. They even sent somebody to the palace to ask if the Queen might intervene. And the Queen apparently said that this would be, there's a risk that that would look like she was interfering in the political process. I mean, it is incredible. You had two members. You had David Clark who was on this committee, whole lack the House of Lords Appointments Commission, saying they had never known a situation where whatever objections were put forward, the word came back from Downey Street, this has to happen.

27:02And a little bit of ureury, I felt slightly sick. Well, the whole thing was complete, completely, but it's not. No, when I was watching, when I was watching Lebedev, I've seen it before, but watching in that context, the film of Lebedev taking his seat in the House of Lords. And being sworn in as Lord Lebedev of Siberia. Of Siberia. It's just an extraordinary provocation. They must have been laughing their heads off of that point. The Russians. It's completely astonishing. But can I just take it back one stage? I mean, why is it that, well, I suppose we sort of know, but it is two things. It's money and newspapers are at the key of this.

27:40And it's astonishing. The contacts and the power you get with money. When you look at those photographs of Lebedev throwing parties, you see J .K. Rowling there, you see Tony Blair there, you see Peter Madison there, you see George Osborne there, you see the editors, the major newspapers there, they're all there. And I cannot imagine why famous actors there. What on earth do they think they're doing? I mean, I go back to this question from the deputy chair of the Italian foreign ministry. There are other ways to have fun rather than going to parties hosted by by oligots. Well, maybe we can we'll perhaps do this in the Q &A because we did get quite a lot of questions about what we thought about Kierstarm, R &W, St.

28:22John others being at Murdoch's party this week, for example, which is then which is that I stopped going to even when I was running for the leadership, even when I was running going to the first. I stopped going to those quite a while back, but not while I was there, I'll be honest. But the reason they go is that it's considered incredibly important. And sorry, just to bring it back to me, I mean, I noticed this Lebedev's power in two ways. One of them was in a very sort of soft power way when I was the minister of the environment and effort, Dean with international conservation. He kept reaching out trying to invite me to go to events in Africa on conservation of big cats.

28:56I think it was about lions. And people from his office would come and say it's going to be amazing. It's going to be this great gathering in South African country with all these billionaires. And we're going to bring together an amazing new initiative to save the lion. So that was the approach when I was environment minister. Right. Then when I was running to be London mayor, of course, getting lovely messages saying, well, from you've got any Lebedev saying, you know, we got what's happening? It's just, well, we're going to have to sit down, Rory now, I think there's a lot to talk about. And again, the immense temptation, if I'm going to be honest, I'm running to be the independent candidate to be mayor of London.

29:28I want endorsement, be nice to have the evening standard coming out strongly in his favor. The temptation, which other politicians must have felt to the N .C. degree. Yeah. And so Boris is writing this. He needed the standard, or it was very, very helpful for him to become mayor of London to keep his path. And somewhere along the line, he made friends with this guy and he ultimately promised him, I guess, that he was going to make him a lord. But if you think about what we know about the way that Johnson conducts himself anyway, think about him then add on the context of his got rid of his bodyguards.

30:03Heaven knows what he got up to. One of the MI6 guys is interviews. Actually said that just the fact of doing it puts him in a vulnerable position, open to blackmail and the lies. I think it's horrifying. I'd love us to come back to this, though, because I think I'm still very, very troubled by this question of the influence of money, the influence of the media on our political system and the way and the way in which and the and the cross -party nature of it. Why is it that actors, novelists, politicians and particulates, politicians we have to worry about are sucked into this horrible, horrible world of feeling they have to go and turn up to these parties, make friends with these people.

30:42And of course the incredible influence that gives these people on directing policy. I, by the way, just before we go to the break, I am a little bit like you. I think I'm putting myself in the same camp here. I got an approach from Lebedev. I can't remember what year it was, but I got an approach. Would I go and have lunch with him? This is after I left number 10. And so I went to some sort of rather odd Japanese restaurant in London, Meta. And I have to be honest, I took a he sort of gave me the creeps. I think the a beard that is that well trimmed, I'm always going to be suspicious of. The only point of having a beard to me is you never need to shave.

31:17When you have a beard and yet you clear you all so shave every day or have yourself shaven, I think there's something a bit wrong. So I can't, I just didn't take the guy at all. It's the only time I ever met him. But I remember his opening gambit was something like, you know, everybody I meet in London tells me that if I'm to understand how British politics works, I have to speak to you kind of thing. Bullshit, flattery, bloody, bloody, bloody, even I was asking if my advice is to who I thought you should appoint as his next editor of the standard, his next editor of the independent. And I just thought, I don't know anything to do with this.

31:49So the next time I've got an invitation to one of his parties, I think I might have went to one of them. But no, not for me. I mean, I for me, I think it's there, but for the grace of God. I mean, in the end, I said no to the parties. In the end, I didn't go to Africa, in the end, I didn't meet him. And you didn't become London mayor. Right. Okay, time on that for a break.

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33:35As far as expectations go, why meet them when you can shatter them? What we choose to challenge, we challenge completely. We are professional grade. Visit GMC .com to learn more. It's the Smuckers Uncrustables podcast with your host Uncrustables. Okay, today's guest is rough around the edges. Please welcome crust. Thanks for having me. Today's topic. He's round with soft pillowy bread. Hey, filled with delicious PB &J. Are you talking about yourself? And you can take him anywhere. Why do you invite him? And we are out of time. Are you really cutting me off? Uncrustables are the best part of the sandwich.

34:40Sorry, crust. Moves make kind of lame songs. But they sound pretty sweet dear wallet. BNC bang. Brilliantly boring since 1865.

34:54Welcome back to the rest of the policies. I'm the honest Campbell. And with me, Rory Stewart. And you wanted to get us onto the economy, right? Well, I just think two things really. I think it's just interesting that having just spent this two part with John Major and the second part very much about his time as Prime Minister living through the horrors of the exchange rate mechanism day back all. And the sense of the country just thinking, you know what? Not sure these guys can manage the economy anymore. And I wonder if Rishi Srinak is in a similar place right now. He did seem just that he just had a sense of somebody desperately trying to pretend that he was powerful in the face of an economic storm that was coming his way.

35:33But he actually has very little power. Well, I think it's true, isn't it? I mean, I think the awful truth is that politicians have to try to take responsibility, have to project themselves as controlling things, but sometimes things that happen in the economy are not within their control. And he believed, and I think a lot of people inside the treasury believed that inflation would come down in Britain. In fact, there are a lot of big experts out projecting that, including I think Bank of England people. But it's turned out not to be true. Inflation has remained very, very stubbornly high in Britain.

36:05And of course, that is a big problem, big big problem for cost of living because it wages inevitably don't keep up. People find that all the goods they're buying are getting more and more expensive and they're totally squeezed. But the medicine, which you used to deal with that, which is to raise interest rates, then crushes the economy because it makes it much, much more difficult to borrow and drives up the cost of mortgages. So he's trying to do two things. He needs to bring inflation down and he needs economic growth. And at the moment, he doesn't look like he can have both because as he tries to bring inflation down, he's going to be hissing growth and inflicting a different form of pain on people in this case.

36:44Many people who don't have fixed rate mortgages, floating mortgages, may end up having to pay six thousand pounds more a year on average. Also, when he came out with his five priorities that he sort of has on the backdrop pretty much everywhere he speaks, the Tories were so bullish about the way things were going at that time that they said that they'd actually picked them because they felt they were easy to do. So if you go through them one by one, half inflation, well, there's been no fall and what's more core inflation is rising, grow the economy. We've got the forecast of the second lowest growth in the G7.

37:19Reduced debt. We're now more than 100 % of GDP. Cut waiting lists. NHS waiting list at record high and they're going to get even higher with yes and other stripe by the junior doctors with whom the government yet again just seemed not to be treating. And then stop the boats and we've had more than 10 ,000 small boat crossing so far this year. So heaven knows what's happening with these non -priorities. If this is what's happening with these so -called priorities. And the reason this is a big problem for the Conservative government is that those priorities pretty accurately reflect the priorities of the British public.

37:52It's not a bad list of five things that the public really want to happen. And his failure to deliver on them is devastating. But of course they're all connected. I mean, as I said, it is some that the debt, the inflation, the growth, yeah. I mean, I dug into this quite a lot when I was preparing for a question time, which we'll talk about in question time. But one of the things that I was I didn't really get this out because it didn't really come up. But looking at the whole thing about mortgages, if you look at the rates for mortgage boroughs in European countries, 3 .89 % Germany, 2 .61 % France, 3 .6, Netherlands, 3 .55 Ireland, that gap between them and us means that we are going to end up paying more on our mortgages.

38:37And the composite across Europe is in April for one to five year maturity was 3 .71%. So it's true that everybody is having to struggle with this. But we do seem to be hit hardest. And I'm afraid we're back to the elephant in the room since Brexit on five major metrics. Our recent economic forms have been won for real GDP growth per head investment, productivity, inflation and trade. We've been hit on all five of them and that is a fact that nobody seems to want to address. The other consequence of this is at some point we are likely to see the impact on house prices. As mortgages become more and more unaffordable, it's going to be more and more difficult for people to afford to buy a house.

39:17And prices are going to start falling. And that's going to really test one of the big questions in British politics. We keep hearing in British politics that people want more affordable houses, that house prices are crazy. But that of course is true for the 40 % that don't own houses. For the 60 % who own houses, it's going to be unbelievably painful to discover that the nest egg that they've built up is beginning to lose value. And they're going to have less to draw on when they retire. So it's really testing this question. Do people actually want lower house prices? And what's going to happen politically as those house prices come tumbling down?

39:55Well, especially as our housing debate in this country has been utterly fixated since Margaret Thatcher's day between these two twin poles of rising house prices and Thatcher selling off the council houses. And actually we've ended up in a position where social housing is a real challenge. And actually I'll just throw you a question, Roy, maybe to conclude this part of our discussion. It was a question that came up for the Q &A, which was directed at you, fair enough, you don't want to see building on a green bill, but where are we going to build the new homes that we need? I'd start in London.

40:27So the Mererv London has thousands of acres of Mererv London Transport for London land, which hasn't been adequately developed. You could be building and he should be building not private sector building. I mean, I think the most horrifying thing which was started under Boris Johnson, continued under Speak, can as mayor is this very, very ugly 9 -L most development. Many, many of those apartments, this is down on the edge of Battersea. Many of those apartments unoccupied, perfect spot to drive ahead with social housing. The Mererv London should be building hundreds of thousands of affordable Mererv London owned government housing to manage for the next 50 or 100 years.

41:04It would be a fantastic investment. Right, but if we're talking about leveling up, I mean, fair enough, we may need more homes in London, but we need there is a housing shortage for the next generation right around the country. There is, but it's most acute down in the southeast. I mean, West Cumbria in fact has some of the lowest house prices in the country. And I would really like to see a Merrill candidate, and they're just in the process of selecting conservative Merrill candidate, but it doesn't matter which party they come from, commit to building hundreds of thousands of state owned houses in London.

41:37Okay, let's go do, as you say, we very rarely talk about south East Asia, and we're back to our old friend, populism and authoritarianism. We've got election coming up in Cumbria. Who do you think is going to win that election, Rory? It's a very, very, very tough question. It could possibly be Honsei, who's now preparing his great son to take over. So give us a bit of a sense of your sense of Cambodian politics. And then maybe I'd love to step back and just set the bigger Southeast Asian picture. I was actually just going to start on that bigger picture, Freedom House, which stood a Tracks Democratic strength across the world.

42:14They have ranked four Southeast Asian countries, partly free, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Singapore. Six countries they define as not free, Brunei, Cambodia, Los Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam, and only one country is Timor as free. And Cambodia, it is hard to imagine anywhere more completely and totally authoritarian. Honsei has been around for 1998, has he been in power? The main opposition party, Candle Light Party, has been basically wiped out. They've been barred from the election. Apparently they didn't fill in their forms properly. It's the old Russian trick. So you're essentially going to have the CPP, Honsei's party, even though 10 other parties are registered, they're basically sort of parties that make you think there is some competition.

43:05But he's going to win and he's going to probably get every single seat in the assembly. And as you say, he wants his son, who in the manate, to take over, but he's basically going to go around the place saying he's not ready yet. I've probably need another couple of terms. And then he can take over. Then I can head over. The story of Southeast Asia really matters to the world because it is one of the most dynamic economic regions in the world. And it's there right on the cusp between China and the United States. It's had incredibly economic growth, lifted enormous numbers of people out of poverty.

43:39Many, many companies who are talking about de -risking away from China, looking at moving their manufacturing facilities to Indonesia or Vietnam. The question of India's relationships were completely fascinating now. But the political story is also tells that very odd story that we keep coming back to, the way the world's changed since the 1980s. So initially from the 1980s onwards, it looked very optimistic in Southeast Asia. So Philippines, you remember, Marcos went, emelled a Marcos with hundreds of shoes, and Corioquino came in, democracy came to Philippines, and then Suhaso fell in Indonesia, in 1998, after the financial crisis, Indonesia set off on a democratic path.

44:23But the outliers here were, as you say, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia. And then most tragically of course, which we talked about a bit, Myanmar, where in the 2014 onwards, the lady Al -Sang Suqi came back, people thought, okay, this is the great progress again towards democracy, and that has collapsed back into horrendous military dictatorship, a failed state, an ongoing insurrection, where the people are 3D printing weapons and attacking the military. And then we've talked to us about Thailand, which is still in a state of paralysis, still trying to work out where to go with this very odd relationship between the military, the king, and the ruling elites on the one hand.

45:03And this new opposition coming up, so it's broken apart the assumption that we all had in the 90s, that economic growth and prosperity went along with democracy. These are countries growing quickly, perhaps the most dynamic economic region of the world, and it's not really going down a democratic region. And the other point that we've sort of raised in different parts of the world, is this sense that these often very right -wing, quite brutal leaders, nonetheless able to build, as genuine, even though they might be rigging and fixing elections, but there also is a genuine sense of popularity for some of them, like Deterte and the Philippines, who is utterly brutal in this war on drugs, and just literally people go around sort of just topping people, and yet has a popularity.

45:47Now succeeded by Marcos's son, further named on mother. Yes, yeah, exactly. No, you're right. These brutal, brutal populism emerging, which you saw there. I also think there's a very interesting question of how China handles this relationship. I mean, China is immense in this region. So, you know, China's exports from Indonesia to China are about 24 % of all of Indonesia's exports. It supplies from China about 29 % of all its suppliers compared to about 6 % from the US to get a sense of the discrepancy. Perhaps most striking of all, Indonesia, which is meant to have the great navy in the region.

46:23I was just talking to an amazing guy called Arnavese that is a professor at Yale. He pointed out that the Indonesian navy has 10 or 11 frigates, half of which are left over from the Dutch, you know, decades old. China has had since 2007, 70, 70 destroyers near Indonesia, and that's see. So, yes, growing, yes prosperous, yes dynamic, but a very, very difficult relationship to China. The other really interesting thing that's been happening amidst the whole sort of global focus on Ukraine. I think in relation to Southeast Asia, the Americans have maybe slightly taken there after the ball because they've got so much else to focus on.

47:08So, for example, they're not being as aggressive as they have been in the past about human rights in that region. And the other thing that's happening is that within central Asia, in particular the well -known Starns, Moscow is losing influence there and China is moving in there as well. And there was a very interesting, was it last month or the month before it, middle of May, I think it was. There was this China Central Asia Summit where Xi Jinping met with the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, all the stands essentially, and was sort of wrapping them into the Silk Road and the whole, you know, Belt Initiative.

47:50So, they are on the move in so many ways. And I think that this is a very interesting example of where the big picture message is, oh well, China's very supportive or quite supportive of Putin. Meanwhile, they are seeing the weakening of Putin in the Starns. And we saw that by the way in relation to our previous discussion about Belarus because the Kazakhs did not want to be involved in the deal to try and resolve the dispute between the Russians and the Vagregree. And Nora apparently did the Iranians and that's why it was left at Lukashenko. Sorry, back to Cambodia. No, no, well, I think just to conclude, if you care about the world, you need to think about Southeast Asia, 700 million people, very dynamic economies, going to benefit enormously from companies trying to move away from China.

48:37Big question about where Indian influence is going to go. And of course, Indonesia largest Muslim population in the world as well. So there's so much that we haven't covered there and we need to think about as these places get more and more powerful and don't underestimate the Philippines economically. It's a place that was always traditionally written off in the 70s and 80s, written off because it had incredible investment in education and English language, but never really seemed to be performing. But finally, all that investment seems to be paying off. The Philippines economy is going going gangbusters.

49:13Yeah. The other thing that we've talked a lot about corruption in relation to to Putin and people that, according to global witness, and this is some years ago now, who kind of track corruption around the world. Hun Sen and his family, they were reckoned to be, you know, up in the billion dollar class, which is not, you know, it's not about going when you're on a pretty small salary, even though you've been there since 1998. Well, it's just to be invested wisely. That's the, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. He's probably got premium box, probably lucky on the premium box. Yeah. He's also a big supporter of Donald Trump.

49:47Hun Sen. Right. Yeah. So there we are. Good. Okay. Well, let's try to finish with one upbeat thing because we don't want to finish on the world's Donald Trump. Well, let's go Guatemala. Go on. Is that going to cheer us up? What it might do? There was an election there at the weekend. Yep. And we haven't got all the results yet. But one thing that was very interesting in the campaign was a lot of indigenous women activists who clearly had read the best -selling book, but what can I do? And anyone who's listening to this podcast is not yet bought, but what can I do? Please, but what can I do? Well, actually, I've got to say they've advertised that I've plugged it and you've plugged it kindly on my behalf.

50:25Anybody who has listened to this podcast and hasn't bought it yet is never going to buy it. I see a speed plug so much. But no, but they essentially what's happened there is that a group of women who have felt that they've not been listened to and not respected, I mean, the political process there, you've got 44 % of the population are indigenous and yet they have about under, you know, single figures in terms of representation in the Congress. So is a group of women who just decided, you know what, we're going to get out there and we're going to do it and start it out on their local councils and then have built up and now we've actually, you know, started to win representation at a higher level.

51:05So I just wanted to say that's maybe a happier note on which to end. The maybe next week we can come back and reveal what the final result was because they're still trying to work it out. Yeah, amazing. I mean, I just caught a New York Times article on this, which talking about the fact that a lot of the leading candidates have been excluded from the election, which was seen as another kind of worrying sign that what, man, for sure, like a lot of Central America is going the wrong direction on democracy. Well, the whole thing about getting rid of candidates is, you know, it's a very, very, common thing.

51:35And just maybe to wrap on this, we talked a few weeks ago about the Greek election and our friend Tim Bale, who's a bit of a elections geek, he pointed out at the time that there was this thing in Greece called the winners bonus and the reason why the Greek Prime Minister went for a second election was because he felt that on the second time round, he would get this winners bonus and so it has turned out. So what's the winners, Ben? Sorry, I don't understand. What's the winners? So basically, there is a thing called bonus seats. It's a system of reinforced proportional representation. So for example, if the first party gets 25 % the bonus is 20 seats.

52:17So it's a PR system where the higher up you are, then you will get these additional seats. I get it, I get it, I get it. The idea is to give a bit more. But the ones who don't reach the threshold are knocked out. So it's a sort of mixed system where you don't end up with quite such potentially kind of compromised coalition governments. You give a bit more power to the one that comes first. Correct. So the parties which don't reach a, I think it's a 3 % threshold, they kind of just, they get left out. But that means that there is more space then for the parties that do better to get more seats under a bonus system.

52:54And that is why he went for a second election. Right. And Tim, Tim's a supporter of this, so he remains neutral on this. He just thought this is something we should know. I don't know if he's a supporter. He's just somebody who likes us to be factually accurate when we're talking about foreign elections. Very good. Well, thank you, Tim, very much for that. And a final shout out, Alistair, because I'm looking for something to finish on cheerily, to an amazing image that I can see behind you of what seems to be a tree of the day on a canvas. And finally your bookcase, it's like a winter tree landscape reflected in a canal with with a window reflecting on it.

53:25Rory, because we've got the builders in at the moment. Yeah. That is actually the wrong way around. It's, it's a, you've got to imagine it sideways. Okay. I'll tell you what I'll do. I'll take a picture of it. Yeah. And we can put it in the show. It's a picture of a tree on Hampstead Heath. Lovely. It's pretty nice. Yeah. If you only got it for a present a few years ago. All right. Well, on that, I think we're going to call it to an end. Thank you very much. Oh, best. Speak to you soon. Bye -bye.

From the publisher

Is this the beginning of the end for Vladimir Putin? Did Boris Johnson overrule MI6 during his time as Prime Minister? Will Sunak be able to control inflation?

Rory and Alastair answer these questions, plus look at the situation in Cambodia, political activism in Guatemala, Rory's time in the Foreign Office, and much more.

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