231. Labour's struggle for economic vision and Haiti on the brink

27 Mar 2024 · 56 min

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Podcast Episode Summary: *The Rest Is Politics* - Episode 231: Labour's Struggle for Economic Vision and Haiti on the Brink

Episode Overview In this episode of *The Rest Is Politics*, hosts Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart discuss two significant topics: the Labour Party's economic vision presented by Rachel Reeves and the current crisis in Haiti. The conversation explores the intricacies of political communication, Labour's potential strategies, and the dire situation in Haiti amidst gang violence and political instability.

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Key Topics Discussed

  1. Labour's Economic Vision
  2. Rachel Reeves' Speech:
  3. Reeves delivered a prominent speech at the Mace lecture, a notable platform for outlining economic policy, historically associated with significant political figures.
  4. The reception of the speech was mixed, with Campbell finding it "underwhelming" while Stewart offered a more positive interpretation.
  • Comparisons to Historical Speeches:
  • The hosts compared Reeves' speech to notable addresses by Tony Blair, George Osborne, and Rishi Sunak.
  • Blair's 1995 speech marked a significant shift in Labour's economic focus, which Reeves seemed to lack in her delivery.
  • Main Themes of Reeves' Speech:
  • Stability: Emphasized the need for consistent economic policy and a stable Chancellor.
  • Investment: Advocated for a surge in public investment to stimulate growth.
  • Reform: Identified planning reform and public services as critical areas needing attention.
  • Critique of Content:
  • Stewart noted that while stability is necessary, it is insufficient for economic growth.
  • Both hosts discussed the challenges of funding public investment without increasing taxes or incurring debt.

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  1. The Situation in Haiti
  2. Historical Context:
  3. Haiti's tumultuous history includes colonialism, dictatorships (Papa Doc and Baby Doc Duvalier), and repeated international interventions.
  4. Recent events include the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021, leading to a power vacuum and rampant gang violence.
  • Current Crisis:
  • The rise of gangs, specifically the G9 coalition led by Jimmy "Barbecue" Chérizier, has resulted in lawlessness and violence.
  • The country faces a humanitarian crisis, with schools and hospitals shutting down, and the police force is vastly outnumbered and under-resourced.
  • International Response:
  • The international community has struggled to formulate a coherent strategy to assist Haiti, given the history of ineffective interventions and aid dependency.

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  1. Cultural War Politics in the UK
  2. Media Focus on Non-Issues:
  3. Campbell and Stewart critiqued the media's fixation on trivial matters, such as controversies surrounding the England football shirt's design, overshadowing pressing issues like child poverty.
  • Political Reactions:
  • Politicians, including Keir Starmer, were drawn into the cultural war narrative, diverting attention from more serious discussions about social welfare and governance.

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Conclusion In this episode, Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart navigate the complexities of Labour's economic strategy and the dire circumstances in Haiti. The discussion highlights the challenges of effective political communication and the need for substantial policy changes to address pressing social issues and crises.

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Key Takeaways

  • Rachel Reeves' economic vision is seen as lacking in clarity compared to historical speeches from previous Labour leaders.
  • Haiti is entrenched in a cycle of violence and instability, with gang dominance posing a significant threat to national recovery.
  • The media's focus on trivial controversies detracts from critical discussions in British politics, emphasizing the need for a shift in narrative towards substantive issues.

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Recommendations for Further Listening

  • For deeper insights into political strategies and their impacts, refer to previous episodes featuring discussions on leadership and governance.

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Transcript

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0:00Thanks for listening to The Restless Politics. Sign up to The Restless Politics plus to enjoy ad -free listening and receive a weekly newsletter. Join our members' chat room again early access to live show tickets. Just go to TheRestlessPolities .com. That's TheRestlessPolities .com. I'm Chris Hadfield, astronaut and citizen of Planet Earth. Join me on a journey into the systems that power the world. No politics, just real conversations with real people shaping the future of energy. Listen wherever you get your podcasts.

0:56Rules and restrictions apply.

1:04Welcome to TheRestless Politics with me, Roy Stewart and me, Alistair Campbell. And we're going to kick off Roy talking about Labour on the back of Rachel Reeves doing a pretty big speech on the economy last week. I think we have to cover perhaps the most ludicrously, largely covered non -story of recent history. The flag on the back of the England football shirt. And maybe a little bit as well about how the media have dealt with Kate and her illness or certainly the build up to her illness, the announcement of her illness. Big foreign stuff this week, not least the Middle East, the United Nations Security Council resolution.

1:43But we're going to focus more on Haiti where there's some pretty horrific stuff going on, which we haven't really had time to talk about. And then maybe we get time a bit of Senegal and also Ireland, where both those countries have now got very young new leaders. Let's start with Labour, Roy. What do you think? What do you make of Rachel Reeves' speech? Well, so Rachel Reeves gave this lecture called The Mace lecture and it's become a real institution in British policymaking, I guess. It traditionally was held at what used to be called the CAS business school and I think now called the Bays Business School.

2:21And previous people giving the lecture include Tony Blair, Michael Heseltine, Nigel Lawson, George O 'Horn, etc. And it's really seen as the big moment to lay out a grand economic vision. So if you're in a Martin Wolf from the Financial Times, who's going to be writing a column about it this coming week or other commentators, they look at this as being the big moment where Labour will define what its economic policy is. And I was very interested in a number of ways. I mean, I watched the speech, read the speech, and I also thought it was interesting to compare it to the speech that Tony Blair made in 1995 that George O 'Horn gave in 2010 and that Rishi Sunak gave three years ago to get a bit of a sense of who our new chancellor's likely to be.

3:06So Rachel Reeves just sort of bit a background. She was a Bank of England economist. Her sister is also a member of Parliament, quite interesting the way that Parliament sometimes becomes a kind of family business. She is very much seen as a safe pair of hands and a lot of the speech was about stability and reassurance. Let me maybe hand over to you. I mean, I was honestly pretty under well and I thought it was a real missed opportunity. But I guess in terms of disagreeing agreeably, I'm going to hand over to you to maybe make the positive case for the speech. First of all, before I do that, what were the comparisons you felt with Tony Blair and Lawson and Sunak and some of the others that you saw?

3:48Well, I think that the first thing is that it just didn't really get off the ground properly. I mean, you'll remember obviously very well Tony Blair's giving the speech in May 1995 because it was very dramatic. It was the moment leading in, so of course, this is Blair leading opposition going into the 97 election. And he used the speech to mark a very, very dramatic shift from John Smith. So the way it was reported at least independent at the time, for example, is that it was a shift from Labour's focus under John Smith on full employment to Tony Blair embracing a focus on low inflation. And it also had some pretty radical things and including hinting at autonomy for the Bank of England.

4:27So when you came in in 1997, that was your great surprise. You announced them independent Bank of England. And again, with George Osborne and Rishi Sunak, they are much clearer speeches. Whatever you think of the content and the policy, they started with clearer opening lines. They had pretty clear structures. So George Osborne launched his with, I believe that in the end, all elections are about a choice between the future and the past. So pretty clear opening statement. She really sort of rambles into her speech. She starts by thanking people, then she says, you know, this is about how to appreciate how the change confronting policymakers have changed over time and how important respects they've stayed the same.

5:12So one of the things that defines her speech is a Matthew Paris wrote a pretty, pretty brutal article in Times about this. She's endlessly saying one thing and then undercutting it in the next sentence. So her style is, you know, stability was a necessary, but it's not a sufficient condition. Challenges have changed over time. They've stayed the same. We need to balance between energy transition and economic constraints. AI can leave to improvements, but they can also lead to disruptions. I'm hearing all men told. Yes, although interesting exactly, which is your friend, Macron's great phrase, but with Macron, he navigates the center ground by making much more radical statements on either side.

5:52So his technique actually is to really offend people on the right and then offend people on the left. So, you know, classic move will be to say France needs to apologize for its colonial history. It's disgusting what we've done in Algeria and that will offend everyone on the right. And then he'll say, on Mem Tau, you know, we need to recognize that there's a real problem with immigration and the undercutting of the French Republic and that will then offend everyone on the left. So he manages to do it while sounding radical. You know, again, Osborne, whatever we thought about him, if you read his speech, he sets out eight benchmarks and then he really digs into them.

6:26So he's got, you know, four or five indicators on each benchmark on which he wants to be judged. She, on the other hand, sort of, it's more of a kind of, it feels like a kind of essay. There's a lot of name dropping, so she'll put in names like Pollyani and Bernard Williams and Danny Roddrick, but these names sort of drop in and out and she sounds like she's sort of commentating on British economic policy over the last 40 years, but it's very difficult to get a sense of what she's really doing. Anyway, every year. Okay, I think you're being harsh and I thought Matthew Paris's judgment was way over the top and I'll come into, I'll come into why I think that might be.

7:07What I'll tell you, first of all, it's interesting you mentioned Tony's speech. I can't believe it was back in 1995. It's interesting. You've sort of seen some of the coverage from the time and read the speech and seen it as a big shift. I'm not sure it was seen as such a big shift at the time. And also, I can remember from that time we put a lot of work into that speech, but actually it didn't really land as a big thing at the time. The bigger economic sort of framing stuff, I think came a little bit later. So for example, as you say, there was a drop of a hint about Gratio autonomy for the bank, but it wasn't really until after we won the election that that thing was rolled out and people fully grasp what we were trying to say.

7:47What I'll tell you the first thing that I liked about Rachel Reece's speech is that I thought it was a series piece of work. What you say, you know, you thought she was being like a commentator, I actually quite enjoyed some of her historical analysis. I was pretty pissed off that the advanced briefing was all about how she was going to sort of, you know, pack thatcher. And I thought, what is this about? And in fact, it's quite a repudiation of thatcherism. And it's a very specific repudiation of Lawson's approach where she talks about him being wrong in theory and wrong in practice. She's slightly critical of new labor, says that we got lots right, but lots wrong.

8:26Very critical of Osborne and Cameron, both through austerity and then the kind of all the instability that has flown from in recent years. And so I thought that analysis was actually quite interesting. And then I think in terms of you talked about reassurance, I think it is still in that phase where labor are hitting the reassurance message, hard run, hard run, harder, but I did think she was beginning to lay down some quite interesting lines of change. So her big message at the top, and you know, let's be honest, Rory, George Osborne, saying elections are a battle between the future and the past.

9:00It's not the most insightful in particular for an echolobby's lecture. Absolutely. But then he goes on to yeah, Ben Schmuck's. It's just that it was at least the first time. I mean, she doesn't really have a first line. If I'm going to again sort of push this a little bit further, I think the problem may be that because Kierstammer's isn't a sort of magical charismatic communicator, and she really isn't either. I mean, that is a, you know, she doesn't seem awfully confident on stage. She doesn't dominate it in any way. It's a bit different from what you had maybe with Blair and Brown, where you've got Tony Blair being charismatic and Claire on policy.

9:41And then you can have the slightly more door style of the chance that behind. Yeah, although Gordon was also a great orator. I mean, they're both of them can make a big speech. What is doing the last couple of weeks? He's been incredibly, I mean, Gordon Brown's been incredibly funny too. So I guess the issue here may be that she's sort of reinforcing the slightly underpowered style. I mean, I was looking for something, a beginning at least, the line, something that one could remember. Let me give you my best guess as to what it was meant to be is where she said, my argument today is this, a new model of economic management is needed.

10:17So they're not setting up. No, can I just stop you on that? Sorry, you need to say my argument today is this a new model of economic management is needed. She's got a very kind of wordy pro -licks sort of and she's often choosing complicated words when she could choose some words. I mean, she's basically saying it's a time for a change, right? I think you'll be very, very harsh here. We always, if you go back to Tony Blair's speeches, they would virtually always be a library. You would say, my argument is this. And that is a way of, that is a way of saying to the media, this is the bit where you start to listen.

10:56You pay attention. Yeah. The other thing I think, I think the fact that, you know, fair play, you've been back through some of these speeches. I think the fact that her team and she, when they clearly did read up on a lot of these kind of, you know, former past speeches of the May's lecture, I did think her analysis of that tourism and of Lawson. I thought he was quite compelling. And you're right, the Matthew Paris said it was terrible. And I, my theory is that I'm probably very unfair to Matthew here. I think he absorbed the briefing that it was going to be a sort of peer -in -a -praise to thatcher with whom he worked very closely.

11:33And then, of course, it was anything but it was a repudiation of thatrism who wasn't even mentioned, but it was a repudiation of Lawsonism. But then, if I go to another commentator whose piece was overwhelmingly positive, was Will Hutton. Tell us a bit about Will Hutton because he was very, he wrote this book to need the state we're in, which was very important in defining the intellectual parameters of Blair, right? Yeah, Will's a very, very clever guy. He's background in, you know, in economics as more than politics. He's actually written a new book called This Time No Mistake, which I think is his way of saying we didn't listen closely enough to last time when you wrote the state we're in.

12:12But I enjoyed it. And I've, I know you've got an advanced copy as well, and I've read it and enjoyed it. And I've done a conversation with him for the audible version of the book, which is going to go at the top. And what I really enjoyed about it is that he too is absolutely scathing about thatcherism. He essentially blames Margaret Thatcher more for the state we're in to use that phrase than any other individual. And I think that goes to part of the speech that Rachel made, where she talked about Lawson sort of promoting this boom, which was then followed by, by recession. Look, I guess where you and I might agree, I actually thought it was a much more serious and thoughtful and interesting speech than you're giving credit for, because I think she was laying down some pretty clear parameters.

13:00There were some changes. And I think, I think Will Hutton and his, I think it was in the gallery, you know, the observery wrote a piece. He pointed to some of these. He basically says that this was the beginning of her setting out the parameters of what he calls a public -led investment surge. His big thing with Thatcher is that the investment when, you know, comparison with Norway, where we had the same sort of oil revenues and they turned it into this amazing, sovereign, well -fund. We sort of, you know, wasted it. And also that she is kind of challenging market fundamentalism. So the only real reference to Thatcher, or the only resonance with Thatcher, is where she talked about this being a kind of economic inflection point.

13:40So I actually think it was a more interesting and thoughtful speech. It was fascinating actually reading Will Hutton's piece. And it reminds me a little bit of the times when when I was trying to campaign on a particular issue often in foreign policy, I'd get unbelievably excited by some speech given by a British Prime Minister or an American president. Am I trying to write an article saying, you know, this person's been listening to me. They absolutely get it. And then often that I fear for Will may lead to disappointment when he realizes that she may not be quite going quite as far as he is.

14:15So here, let me be mean and turn around and say, okay, what is her economic policy, really? We've all read the speech. What does it come down to? How would you actually explain to a voter what she's actually going to do? So, okay, if you were asking me to say, well, what she's trying to say, she was trying to say that if we are going to grow the economy, which is Labour's number one mission, we have to focus on three things. Stability, and that is about things like, you know, keeping the chance room in place, not having this endless change of personnel, just having one single budget a year and not all these fiscal events.

14:51Secondly, investment, and that's about, you know, basically public surge of investment and that which hopefully then is bringing in more private sector investment and foreign direct investment and so forth. And then the third area is reform, and she's clearly putting an awful lot of the burden on that on planning reform, but also she says some interesting things in relation to climate as well. Where I think there was a gap, she mentioned the Brexit deal, having sort of taken 4 % out of the economy. She taught very vaguely about sort of closer relations, but I think actually if we are going to meet this growth mission, then there has to be something far bigger in relation to Europe.

15:29But I think though, I think if you go through it, line by line through the speech, once you've got through all the sort of history and the rest of it, I think she is saying some quite interesting things about those three pillars. Stability, how you get it, investment, how you get it, reform, how you get it. Okay, let me push back on that. So, let's take them one by one. Absolutely on stability, and that's, you know, who's going to disagree with that? But that isn't really an economic policy. That's saying we're going to try not to change our primalists and chances, which would be a great help.

15:58But on its own, stability is not going to deliver growth. We've had stability before, and it didn't really deliver growth in other periods. But we've had instability, and it has been encountered a growth. She says herself, it's necessary, but it's not sufficient, and it's not really an economic policy. So, then the more interesting stuff is around investment. And the question there is where and as the money going to come from. So, she's completely right that investment would make a huge difference in Britain under invests, but that's the theme going back with all these chancellors. So, one of the weird things about reading all these speeches going back to the 1990s is they keep banging on about investment.

16:36So, Gordon Brown bangs on about investment, Tony Blair bangs on about investment. And George Osborne, a fentfully starts by saying, my major benchmark is getting investment up as a proportion of GDP, and the problem with Britain is we don't have enough investment. And she obviously is tempted by a sort of bi -dynamics. She likes the fact that in America, there's this extraordinary investment package happening. But the problem is there's no money. I mean, she can't borrow money. She can't put taxes up. I wonder if they might be a bit more borrowy. Well, she could borrow a little, but the room for borrowing is you're right.

17:10She's changed the fiscal rules a bit, but she's also having to deal with the fact that understandably, she's talking about the fact that the NHS has some trouble, education's in trouble, and Will Hutton would add. He wanted to hear more about child poverty. He wanted to hear more about education and training. He wanted more money for universities. He wanted more money for local authorities. So the problem is that Britain is simultaneously too big and too small, and has been in a real trouble since it's left the European Union. It just cannot do the kind of stuff the United States is able to do, and it isn't in the structures of the European Union.

17:47So where I would want to really lean in is if they want a big idea that could turn things around. It's not just about signaling, being close to the European Union, it's formally joining the customs union. I mean, actually being able to say we're now in the customs union, and at that point, I think the whole world would look at us differently. It would affect imports and exports, but just psychologically, symbolically, it would be a huge change. So for example, where she talks in the speech, she talks about a new British infrastructure council, which they've set up in shadow form. Now imagine if Labour and government, imagine if this wasn't an opposition leader, an opposition shadow chancellor making the speech, this is in government.

18:26That'd be quite an exciting thing to do. Likewise, I thought it was interesting that on the back of the speech, one of the first visas that Keir Starmer made on the back of it was in relation to this great British energy, which would be, again, would be a combination of public private, but it's basically, you know, this is a pretty big piece of public ownership that's happening. And so I think these are things which, on paper, in opposition, actually, you know, you can say, well, you know, people have been saying that for years, but actually, I think they're the beginnings of actual ideas for institutional change, which could make a difference once they're in government.

19:06And we'll have to see. We'll have to see. And remember, of course, that the Tories also, you know, Cameron and Osborne set up an issue for the Strutscher Commission. Sure. There's been a huge amount on a Michael Gove on local industrial strategies, which is where, where she's going. Her point is there been too many of them? Yes. And then, of course, she then says, on the one hand, there's too many of them, we need to be more centralized. And then she says, on the other hand, we need to decentralize and industrial strategies. It can't be run from the centre. So I think the truth is, if you were to, well, let's see how serious economists respond to this over the next.

19:43Well, I think it's pretty nice because I think Wilhutton is clearly on one side. Matthew Paris is clearly on another. But my sense talking to big grown -up serious macro economists is that there is no new plan for growth here. They understand that need growth. And the most, the biggest case you can make for them is planning reform. And that's what people are going to be looking at hardest. Yeah. In the reform section, maybe we should close on this before moving on to the ridiculous flag. The reform of planning system, that is one of those things that I think they are signaling very, very hard because they've already worked out how hard it is going to be to do.

20:20And that's why they have to be clear that they have, if they get a majority, they've got a man they've some pretty difficult changes to make there. And she describes the planning system, it's quite a dramatic thing to say, the single greatest obstacle to our economic success. But then she was also talking about planning of reform of public services, with the labor market, of the way we do government. And again, these are easier things to say in opposition. But I think if you take them at face value, there is the beginnings of quite a major plan of reform. And that's what's going to be needed. So I actually think I'm not beginning to claim that it was speech that we'll be talking about in 30, 40, 50 years time.

21:02But I think it was a more serious and thoughtful speech than you're giving it credit for. Very good. Okay, tell us about the flags. Oh, Rory, this story has you mentioned child poverty a minute ago, okay. So last week we had some absolutely horrific figures on child poverty. It's soared in this country. And the round tree trust put out statement and there was official Department of Work and Pensions figures showing a huge rise in child poverty, which you would have thought might have been a pretty important debating point and something for the media to chew over. But we seem to have a sort of news blackout on child poverty in this country.

21:43Meanwhile, a story about a sort of it's not even a flag, it's like a sort of little fashion thing on the back of the English. Not even on the front of the shirt, it's on the back of the England shirt, where the red of the flag of St George has been sort of made into a kind of mushy, bluey, ready thing. And you've had Rishi Sunak comment on it and say it's wrong, Kirstama comment on it, Ed Davy comment on it, reform, needless to say comment on it. And they all saying the same thing. They're all saying this is bad and they should stick to the flag of St George. It's not even on the front of the shirt.

22:19And here's the other thing Rory that just absolutely does your head. A soldier, somebody who serves in the military, you know, for king and country and all that, posted a picture of the Union flag on the back of his uniform, which is coloured carkey, Nigel Farage, the logo of his, one of his many parties down the years, has been a purple Union flag when we didn't beat it in the Olympics in 2012. Just take us back to the beginning. So for people like me that don't know anything about this, what actually was this thing supposed to look like on the back of the shirt? Well, it's a cross. It's a cross.

22:57It's a very small cross. And it's just on the neck of the England shirt. The real scandal, by the way, is the cost of these bloody shirts. But anyway, so Nike is a massive global private company, which sells a lot of football shirts. And they probably can't believe their luck that they do a minor tweak to the shirt. And the tweak does what it changes the colour. It goes from red and white to something else, is that what happens? Rather than being the flag of St George or the red bit of the flag of St George, it goes to red blue. That's it. That's it. That's it. That's it. That's it. That's it.

23:29That's it. That's it. And it's not even, it's about the size of your thumb. Okay. It's so not a big deal. It's beyond belief. And yeah, it has had more coverage than the child poverty statistics. Probably had more coverage for the days that it was running than Gaza. But it's so fascinating. So we've got Keir Starmer, Labour leader called for England's new kit for the Urias to be scrapped, following the decision to swap in a multicolored St George's Cross. Starmer said, we just need to be proud of it. I think they should reconsider, not even sure they can explain probably. Now, you're a real football fan.

24:02So I guess these politicians think they're appealing to people in Britain who really care about football. But even you as a real football fan don't really understand what they're all banging on about. Well, I sort of understand it, but they're only banging on about it because they're falling victim. To this cultural war nonsense. Now, on the right, you know, we've talked about Trump and Biden. And I always say that one of the things I really like about Joe Biden is he doesn't let Trump inside his head. Trump's not controlling Joe Biden's mind. I think that this sort of right -wing cultural stuff, I think is too much inside the minds of both Tory and Labour.

24:40I actually think the best way to deal with this, let's say Keir Starmer or Ed Davie or Rishi and that was out doing an interview and somebody said, and what do you think about the controversy over the revamped flag of St George? If I had to be in them, I'd have said, well, look, you know, I can see why people might find it a bit odd, but frankly, I really have got bigger and better things to worry about than the design of a new England shirt. And if people are criticising fine, now there will be people who will say, well, what he's doing from a, Keir Starmer's doing from a defensive perspective, one of the big things that was always said about Jeremy Corbyn is that he wasn't, you know, Labour under him wasn't patriotic, didn't understand love of country, flags, all that stuff.

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25:23So he's kind of neutralising it, I get that. But I just think that, you know, we've talked a lot about how we hope that Brexit was our populism, but this makes me think, no, maybe we're still in it, because it is such a, it's such a, if it is so bad to change a flag, why wasn't there a total outcry when Stella McCartney produced the kit for our athletes in London 2012, which was a sort of bastardised version of the Union flag, which by the way is one of the flag. The Union Jack is one of the most powerful aspects of our soft power, because I would say after the Stars and Stripes is probably the most, is somebody wants to be worse in fashion, Tom, it's the most fashionised flag in the world.

26:10And yesterday I was going around, I noticed Marx and Spencer shopping bags that was the Union Jack made out of different fruit, okay. Now we're going to, we're going to boycott Marx and Spencer because they, they bastard, they've dared to change our union flag. It's utter ludicity this stuff. I'll tell you what the problem is, Rory, this is my firmly held view. We have a media which infects our politics through this populism stuff, and it means that all too often we care too much about things that just don't matter and we don't care about things that do. And the flag V child poverty to me sums it up 100%.

26:47I couldn't give a damn about this flag. Yeah. And then the, I guess the other thing that's been all over the British News recently has been the Princess Wales and her photo that was released, which she'd photoshop edited and then has statements, really shocking statement, that she's been undergoing chemotherapy and as a very young mother with children, has cancer and has to cope with that, break that her children. I mean, a lot of this presumably, I mean, I don't want to compare the two because that one of them is a really, sort of horrible, really horrible health tragedy for a young mother and the others is your flag as you, but they're both ways in which I guess social media plays a huge part of this too, doesn't it?

27:30It's about what's catching people's attention on social media. Yeah. Well, the thing about the, you know, we've talked before about the raw family, I'm always amazed at just how much coverage anything they do or anything they're involved in gets. And of course, I think post Diana and post leverson, there's been a little bit of change in the media culture. The media argue there's been a lot of change. I'm not convinced of that. I remember when I interviewed Prince William for GQ, it's some years ago now, but remember at the end of the conversation, we were just chatting away and he was telling me some of the things that the press get up to in terms of finding out where they're going and where the kids are going.

28:11And, you know, in a different world, you'd call it industrial espionage that goes on. And of course, what are newspapers say? Oh, well, that's all done for the foreign market. But if you're one of the kids, you don't know the difference is to who that guy in the motorbike is. I had extraordinary anecdote from a friend of mine who used to be a, I think still it's but very close friend of one of the royal family. We're now going back to the 1980s and he'd been on holiday with one of the royal family in the Caribbean and he got back to his home in London and a daily mirror journalist was there and shouted through the letterbox that he'd pay him half a million pounds for a photograph.

28:45So my friend who was really angry and sort of off -balance and wasn't expecting this, you know, very pompously said through the letterbox, I wouldn't sell you a photograph for 10 million pounds at which point the daily mirror journalist said, how about a fish dinner, which I thought was, was he, and he came, he came out of it feeling that maybe the daily mirror journalist had actually behaved with more humor and more grace than he had in this entire schedule. That sounds to me like the late James Whitaker who would not have had half a million pounds to spend. I could tell you that but by to be trying it on.

29:16I thought the, the Kate video was pitch perfect. I thought when you think that she'd had weeks of conspiracy theories, was she dead, was it about this secret illness that they didn't want to tell us about, was it about their private life falling apart, it was ever all this stuff doing the rounds. And of course some of it getting picked up and the member of, when I was in Australia, I mean, you know, you're going to the news stands and there they are, they're on the magazines, they're, they're huge kind of media commodities. And I think what happened to Diana in particular, I think that with her, the media reached a point and you know, I freely accept that I was part of this culture, where basically they reached such a level of fame that you, you stop really thinking about them as human beings at all.

30:07They're just kind of objects. And, and I think what the Kate video did was bring it home to people that, as you said earlier, this is like a human being dealing with an illness in with this kind of stuff going around her all the time. I mean, and the thing I didn't really get terribly worked up about the photo shocked Mother's Day photo. I couldn't give a damn whether she sort of touched it up a bit or you know, moved the sleeve. I mean, again, we had sort of thousands of words written about, you know, where these changes were. And I just think that people, back to this point, I made earlier, we caring about the wrong things.

30:44So I, and even after she did the video, I'm my reaction on Twitter was, you know, this will keep the trolls quiet for at least two minutes. And of course, you know, within a, within no time at all, there's, there onto new conspiracy theories. And I do think it's fair to say that the mainstream media, I wonder if they had a tip off. I think I wonder if they had a sort of quiet word from the palace because I got the feeling that they they calm down for a bit. I suspect because they knew something was coming by the way of the announcement that was finally made. But I do think that the, the raw family have a, you know, I'm not, not remotely a monochist in the way that you are, but I do think that they have an awful lot to deal with when it comes to managing the media.

31:25Speaking of Syriest and I think, after the break, let's, let's take a quick break and then come back to Haiti, which is really a, yeah, a very, very serious situation. Great.

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32:49Welcome back to the rest of the policies with me, Alice Di Campbell. And me, Rory Stewart. We've just done a great interview on leading with Anthony Gormley, who is an amazing British artist and sculptor. And I think, you know, again, it's us going a little bit outside the barriers by not infuing a front -ranked politician, but I thought it was magical. I just think he's so smart and so thoughtful. And he was great on labor. He was great on cultural policy, but he's also just great on art and creativity and being human. And I just, I enjoyed it and I'm going to see you. I did. I mean, you go on about Alan Milburn being your favourite of our leadings.

33:30I think Anthony Gormley gets close to the top of my list. One, he's got a wonderful voice. Two, he speaks very, very clearly and colourfully. And I actually thought the political stuff was very, very interesting. I shared his anger about the arts council recently, sort of, you know, warning people off being political. I actually thought his assessment of Keir Starmer was more compelling than a lot that I hear from Labour MPs talking about Keir Starmer. It's part of their job to say, how great he is. I got a lot of, I mean, there's feedback on social media was great. And I got several messages from people yesterday saying, you know, several people saying they thought it was the best one we'd done.

34:09I thought it was great. Do people who aren't doing so subscribe to our separate feed, which is called leading? And we're having a fascinating time because obviously we interview big frontline politicians, you know, people at Head of Recluson, we interview people at Bill Gates. But interestingly, some of our real breakthroughs, successors recently have been with people who are less household names. Your friend, Scaramucci. Robo Sapolsky. Our expert on baboons. And I think Anthony Gourmet too. So I think hopefully leading has got something for everybody. It's got something for the hard core political geek, but it's also got some amazing voices from around the world.

34:43Come in. And we should let, we should maybe let people know, particularly our friends in the intelligence communities around the world that coming up soon, XMI of six chief John Soars with XMI five chief Eliza Manningham Buller, which we recorded the other day. And I enjoyed that one as well. Great. Now Haiti. Haiti is a country which is very, very central to America's foreign policy debate, but gets very little coverage in Britain. So little explainer on Haiti, Haiti country of about 12 million people. It's part of an island which also has the Dominican Republic on it. It was in the 18th century one of the richest countries in the world, but a very, very unequal French colony that produced sugar and had a lot of slavery.

35:37And in fact, was richer than the United States was at the time. And was famous because in the aftermath of the French Revolution during the period of Napoleon, it had its own revolution where the black slaves rose up against the French and massacred thousands of people. I mean, it was a real extraordinary atrocities came came out of it. And what today we might almost call a genocide of the white French population women and children murdered and a restoration disemboweled and won their independence. And they became the second only republic founded after the United States. They became the first independent black republic, the first slave revolt to work.

36:11And that then was the beginning of an extraordinary history, which included becoming an American colony effectively time of the first war wars. So for almost 20 years, the US occupied Haiti, 1915 through to the 30s and a classic story of that kind of period of colonialism where the Americans would say that they really invested in building roads and bridges and they built schools and they developed a rule of law and sorted out the tax system and the Haitians would say it was a racist colonialist situation that left very little behind when the Americans went and they didn't manage to develop a proper local elite to maintain any of this stuff.

36:50It then came into the world news again with Papa Doc Juvalier who became their dictator in the 1950s. He was a man who in his earlier life was a sort of almost seem to be an almost saintly figure. He'd been a highly educated black doctor who'd done a lot of work in rural health clinics. But once he became dictator, ruled over extraordinary atrocities. He embraced Voodoo. He managed to get an agreement with the Catholic church where he became the head of the church in Haiti and had his own Lord's Prayer which was our father dictator and don't forgive the trespasses of any of the enemies of our fathers.

37:29This is why he was called Papa Doc. Papa Doc, yeah. And he, you know, he, the atrocities were amazing. There's a very disturbing book but gets a real sense. The culture of people want to follow up Graham Greens book The Comedians. Had this militia group called the Tonton Macute, about 300 ,000 people who were implicated in these atrocities. And then his 18 year old son took over when he died who was called Baby Doc. And Baby Doc initially managed to convince the international community that everything had changed and there was an upsurge in tourism and international aid. But of course, he actually perpetrated a lot of the torture and the terror.

38:06He went in the 80s. There were then a series of unstable governments. And then again, in the 1990s, basically a full scale US invasion was basically put together by Clinton where 20 ,000 soldiers were deployed. It was going to be the largest airborne missions since the Second World War. At the very last moment, the man who'd thrown the military coups stepped down so the Americans didn't quite have to storm the beaches. But they effectively took over and ran the country again in the 90s. And again, there was a huge optimism. Billions of dollars came in. Normus amounts of reform. And it just didn't work.

38:45And we, you know, we can talk about why these interventions don't work. But it then went through a series of tragedies. A hurricanes, earthquakes. So the horrible earthquake, which killed 200 ,000 people, partly because the planning was all screwed up and the houses were no good. Then there was the deployment of UN peacekeepers and the UN peacekeepers managed to not follow basic sanitary practices in the way that they disposed their feces and brought a cholera outbreak into Haiti. It's a place which 60 % of its income comes from international aid. There are more than 10 ,000 NGOs on the ground.

39:16And now, yes, over to you for what's just happened most recently. Well, we had 2021, middle 2021, the president assassinated. And then that really was the key to the door of this kind of unrest and gang violence, which is now reach levels that are, I guess, closer to Anakin now than anything we've seen in that long and difficult history you've outlined. And at the heart of this was the busting open of two big prisons, letting four and a half, nearly 5 ,000 prisoners run free, run riot. And then these gangs that have sort of essentially, there was a guy called Ariel Henry, Ori, Ariel Henri was the sort of not self -appointing, but he became the prime minister, went to Kenya to try to get help for an international security plan.

40:05And even though there was a recognition that they needed security, the thought of getting them from abroad, carried even further instability, they then blocked his plane from landing. And right at the heart of this is the guy whose nickname is Barbecue. I'll come and to explain why guy called Jimmy Shellizier. And he heads this, they call themselves the Revolutionary Forces of the G9 family and allies, G9 for short. This is a grouping of about, around about a dozen of the big gangs who are based in Porto Prandt's. He is reckoned to be called Barbecue by some because he used to enjoy it as setting people on fire during massacres.

40:48He denies that. He says he's called Barbecue because his mother used to sell fried chicken. But when he was, he's a former policeman, police officer, and he's alleged to have taken part in some pretty severe massacres. And they were behind the G9 were behind this massive jailbreak, which led to them laying siege to the airport, openly saying that this was about taking power. And eventually the prime minister announced, Henri announced that he's standing down. So as things stand, no real government. And also a very, very, very small police force looking after or trying to look after this state of absolute chaos and anarchy and hard to see how it gets resolved.

41:32And also hard to see how the international community gets involved because they don't seem to be doing much right now. Well, let's step back for a moment and just look at Haiti in terms of a lot of the stuff we talk about in the podcast. So it's got a population about 12 million, which puts it almost bang in the middle of countries in the world. I mean, it's slightly in the larger half, there are a lot of small countries in the world. So it's a country, you know, larger than Belgium, Jordan, Sweden, Portugal, Greece, Israel, Hungary, all of which we've been talking about quite a lot on the podcast recently.

42:01And it's of course twice the size of other countries we talk about like New Zealand, Norway, Denmark, Ireland. It's a country where the narrative in explaining its problems is colonialism, racism, and racism, not just of the colonial occupiers, the French against black slaves in the 18th century or Americans there in the 20s and 30s, but also racism within. So we talked about this a little bit when we talked about Liberia, which is a group called the mulatto who were lighter skinned Haitians created an almost apartheid state in which there were tiny gradations of skin color, governed the country after the colonial powers went.

42:39A enormous amount about how foreign companies exploited it in different times, environmental degradation. So this very, very fertile island, essentially by cutting down trees, managed under baby dog in the northwest particularly to end up with a kind of barren desert, whereas the Dominican Republic, which is part of the same island, has done much better on managing its natural resources and is much lusher. So I guess to cut to the chase, it's really a story about government because the unfortunate truth is of course many, many other countries in the Caribbean had similar sorts of histories, had colonial legacies, had slavery, had exploitation, but have ended up much more prosperous than Haiti.

43:24So for example, in a martinique which is a didn't gain independence from the French, is far wealthier than Haiti that did gain independence from the French. And of course many of the other Caribbean countries doing much, but including the Dominican Republic, which is we talk a bit about East and West Germany, North and South Korea. This is another one of those examples. Two places basically, I almost identical land, very similar population, very similar, but simply a slight difference in history and government, and one place ends up much more stable and prosperous than the other. Yeah, I was just, I mentioned there the, there's somebody from who's on the ground from UNICEF who said that it's been, it's, it's like living in a post apocalyptic film at the moment because these gangs are literally just kind of able to do what they want.

44:12So I just looking up, in the UK, we have more than 170 ,000 police officers. Now we often complain that we don't have enough police officers, right? So we're, so Haiti's population is about a sixth of ours. They have 9 ,000 police force, 9 ,000 strong police force in a country of 11, 12 million happen in Abbotton. And a country with incredible violence and poverty. Yeah. And also you have, because of the violence has been going on a reason where each of the schools have had to close, most of the hospitals have had to close, judges have had there been attacked, 3 ,000 pregnant women have given birth without any maternity care whatsoever.

44:48And of course the other thing that's happening is and I mean it was pretty appalling. I saw yesterday Elon Musk was sort of you know talking about the need for Trump to win and why have you, he also recently he shared a video which he said was from or the video was said to be from Haiti and it was of cannibalism. It was of an act of cannibalism that was said to be taking place. And it turns out it was several years ago, it wasn't in Haiti, it had nothing to do with Haiti. And there's this guy Elon Musk sharing it and saying this is what happens when law and order breaks down. On the subject of Musk, he's also got really into this thing called the Great Replacement Theory which is part of the publicist narrative which is about the idea that white populations are going to be replaced particularly in the US by a Latin American population coming across border or indeed Haitians getting on boats which was one of the reasons that Bill Clinton got involved in the first place.

45:42And we should talk about it a little bit more because I mean firstly historically it's bizarre because of course in some ways white Americans of themselves great replaces of a population that existed before they arrived. But also I think Haiti is one of these real challenges to our attempt to imagine a more prosperous stable world. We live in a world where there's still a lot of techno optimism. There's still a lot of people saying everything's getting wealthier, everything's getting better, technology's changing our lives, say our eyes are going to change our lives. But Haiti is one of those things where in the 90s as Clinton intervened was seen as being, you know, could have been in the way they wrote about it, almost like Bosnier or Kosovo, a sort of liberal humanitarian intervention, state building, governance, money was going to come in, everything was going to be fixed.

46:29And it catastrophically failed and it now finds itself in a group of countries of which the Central African Republic call the St. Dominic Republic of Congo where the international community almost gives up. You know, there are these UN missions that come in and out, tens of thousands NGOs on the ground, huge amounts of international aid, but nobody really believing that they know how to how to help. And so I think a new generation needs to emerge with some ideas and some optimism because otherwise we're back into the horrible world of the 90s where we just decided that, you know, nothing could be done on the Balkans, nothing could be done with South African apartheid, nothing could be done in Northern Ireland, etc.

47:08So Rory, talking of the future, new generation, to big changes this week into very different countries, we talked a few weeks ago about the election in Senegal where the outgoing president, Maki Sahel was trying to, it seemed, trying to, he postponed the election and people were thinking that's because he wanted to set it up for his own successor, but the opposition have won and not just won this guy, Bassirou Dimae Faye, who's in his 40s, has won with more than 50 % of the vote in the first round. It's a French type system where you have lots of candidates, I think there were 19 candidates in total.

47:51So it's an absolute route which does signal very, very, very big change in Senegal. And of course the other new leader, even younger, youngest ever T -Shakhov Island, Simon Harris, following the rather surprising departure of Leo Verradyka. Just quickly on Verradyka, have you got any more thoughts on this? I mean, just again, for listeners, this was very, very surprising. I mean, we've interviewed Leo Verradyka and get a sense if you want to listen to it on the leading feed. But he basically stepped down in an instant and it's something we've seen with Jacentra Arden, it's something we've seen with Nicholas Sturgeon.

48:26But in it may just show something that's changing in politics all around the world, but it's very strange. I mean, there's no precedent really in British or American history for someone just to suddenly wake up one morning when they're ahead of head of government and just say, actually, that's it, I'm out and I'm resigning. And with Nicholas Sturgeon, of course, somebody like me thinks that it may be that she was aware that there was a scandal coming down the line and it was better she got out of the way because the SMP's had issues around donors and police and things. What are the stories tonight?

48:59Are you getting any sense from people and what they thought was going on there? Well, I, as on the day that he announced it, I was actually in a cab on the way to the Irish Embassy to have lunch with the ambassador and they were completely taken aback. I don't think there was any whiff that this was coming. And I think if people do listen to the interview with Leo Verradyka, I did that if you remember in Dublin, you were online. And in the margins, as they say, we were talking about, you know, this, that and the other. And I always got the feeling with Leo Verradyka that he didn't, he didn't enjoy the stuff that goes with being a politician and particularly goes with being a very high profile politician.

49:38So I wonder if he just sort of a bit like Jürgen Klopp, but Liverpool, the Liverpool manager just decided, I wonder if he's just decided he's had enough. That being said, there is also a buzz going around as to whether he might be have his eyes at some point on one of the big international jobs, be that with an European Union or whatever it might be. But I get the feeling that he's just sort of had enough. It's very, it's, it's strange, doesn't it, because as we've said in some ways, Ireland is one of the great success stories. Yeah, but he just had that failure with the referendum. Sinn Fein on the rise, election looming.

50:12Does he just sort of think, well, maybe, maybe, maybe, maybe, maybe, maybe, maybe, maybe, maybe, this is just me talking too much about myself. But I've always thought that really the job of a politician really makes sense when you are a t -shirt called the Prime Minister, had a government because you can really get stuff done. That's when you're really actually able to change it. And you go into politics, hopefully to change things. That's when you actually have the power to change things that you can understand more easily why people step down when they failed. But he must have had programs he wanted to push through stuff.

50:42He would, I mean, you would never have imagined Tony Blair suddenly announcing midway that he really wanted to step down and leave because presumably he was actually finding it very fulfilling, having his hands on his hands. Well, I think it's fair to say that Tony didn't announce that he was stepping down halfway through, but that happened to be his third term. I think you would very happy. And it wasn't a fifth or a sixth exactly. And it wasn't done in that way. It was done because he felt he needed to give Gordon Brown a go rather than that he didn't want to continue. Of course, there is this sort of strange, well, strange to us set up in Ireland because it's essentially a coalition where you've got the two main parties of sort of swap T -Shick.

51:19He had Mehal Martin, then the Alvaraca, now being replaced by Simon Harris. And it'll be very, it's a huge step up for him because of course he's been a politician. He's been an MP since he was 24, been a member of the Doyle since he was 24. He was a Councillor at 22. He's a kind of absolute very ambitious, very full on politician. But he now has to step up because of course he takes on all the international stuff as well. And that's going to be a very, very steep learning curve. But no, I think it's, I think what's happening in our politics is that in lots of these countries, leaders are becoming leaders younger and that means that they're leaving younger.

51:59And also I'm afraid the unpleasantness of it. I mean, I couldn't quite get Brad Pitt to be as frank about the unpleasantness of politics, which you understandably want to resist because you're trying to encourage young people to go into politics that I suspect. That because you raised Senegal to what Mackey Sile has done because Senegal has had a couple of couple of stages where it really did look as though it could go in the wrong direction. And of course it, it's right up there in Frank of Africa near those seven countries in the Sahel which have gone through military coups. And yet it's remained surprisingly stable.

52:36There have been a couple of dangerous moments before Mackey Sile took over it looked as though his predecessor was going to try to stick in his son. That didn't happen. And then as you say, there was a moment where Mackey Sile seemed to be flirting with going for a third term and delaying elections. But he hasn't done that. He's stepped down and he's and they move very quickly. He and his candidate move very quickly to congratulate the opposition. Yeah, even before the results were in. Despite the fact they were in jail only 10 days earlier. So I think I just saw a man called Moebra for dinner on Friday who's an amazing, very wealthy, successful African businessman who set up the Moebra him prize where if an African leader rules reasonably well and then steps down peacefully and does a peaceful transition, Moebra him as foundation gives I think five million dollars to them so that there's no incentive for corruption and they can set up any life.

53:30And I think Mackey Sile has probably deserved it. And I think has really saved his reputation in the last few days. And it's great great sign for Sanagal which is becoming a bit of a beacon in the region. Well, there you go. So we've covered or talked about most of the big elections and there's one that's happened fairly peacefully, fairly smoothly and now with a pretty radical change of direction. And by the way in relation to dynasties you mentioned earlier Duvalier on the back of our discussion recently about Putin's daughters, Rory had a very interesting email from a guy who lives in Switzerland who worked out there for a very very wealthy Russian family who tells me that Putin's sons went to the same school.

54:18There we are. So there are sons growing.

54:25Right. On that note. See you soon for Q &A. See you soon for Q &A. Bye bye, Alasdair.

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