In short
Podcast Summary: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 237
Episode Title
Iran, Israel, and the Middle East: Stopping the slide into all-out war
Hosts
- Alastair Campbell
- Rory Stewart
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Episode Overview In this episode of *The Rest Is Politics*, Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart delve into critical current affairs surrounding Iran, Israel, and the broader Middle East, while also touching on developments in Ukraine and South Korea, alongside insights from Liz Truss's new book.
Key Topics Discussed
- Iran-Israel Tensions
- Analysis of the historical context of the Iran-Israel relationship.
- Recent military actions including Iran's missile response to Israeli attacks.
- Discussion of potential escalations and the balance needed to prevent all-out war.
- US Involvement and Strategy
- Joe Biden’s approach to international crises, particularly in the context of Iran and Ukraine.
- The complexities of US military support and deterrence strategies.
- The relationship between the US and Israel, and its implications for regional stability.
- South China Sea Developments
- An overview of geopolitical tensions in the South China Sea.
- The significance of Biden's meetings with Asian leaders to strengthen alliances against Chinese aggression.
- South Korea's Political Landscape
- Recent elections in South Korea and the implications for President Yoon's administration.
- Discussion on North Korea's situation and the challenges it poses to South Korea.
- Liz Truss's New Book
- Insights from Liz Truss's reflections on her time in office and the political landscape.
- Analysis of her controversial leadership and its impact on the Conservative Party.
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Detailed Discussion Points
- Iran-Israel Relations
- Historical Context:
- The relationship has evolved since the 1950s, with significant changes post-1979 Islamic Revolution.
- The modern conflict has roots in Iran's support for groups like Hezbollah and advancements in nuclear capabilities.
- Recent Escalations:
- Israel's attack on the Iranian embassy in Damascus led to a significant missile response from Iran.
- This incident raises concerns about potential miscalculations leading to further conflict.
- Military Responses:
- Discusses Israel's Iron Dome defense system and the implications of their military strategy.
- US Foreign Policy
- Biden’s Challenges:
- Balancing support for allies while avoiding direct military conflict.
- The tension between Israel's security needs and the US's call for restraint.
- Strategic Patience:
- The idea that Iran might be playing a long game, avoiding escalation and maintaining some level of strategic control.
- South China Sea Tensions
- Geopolitical Significance:
- Issues surrounding territorial claims and military aggressions by China.
- Biden’s efforts to strengthen alliances with Japan and the Philippines to counteract Chinese actions.
- South Korea's Political Scene
- Election Outcomes:
- The surprising defeat of the ruling party and its implications for the president's governance.
- Ongoing issues such as an aging population, economic challenges, and the North Korean threat are highlighted.
- Liz Truss's Political Analysis
- Reflections on Leadership:
- Discussion on her criticisms and perceived failures during her short premiership.
- The hosts explore the narrative that Truss is attempting to reshape with her book, amidst the controversies surrounding her governance.
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Key Takeaways
- Navigating Conflict: The episode underscores the delicate balance world leaders must maintain between showing strength and preventing escalation in conflicts, particularly in volatile regions like the Middle East and East Asia.
- US Credibility: The discussion highlights the challenges facing the US as it navigates its role as a global power amidst shifting alliances and increasing skepticism about its foreign policy.
- Political Dynamics: Insights into domestic politics in South Korea and the UK reveal how leadership failures can impact party credibility and public trust.
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Conclusion *The Rest Is Politics* continues to provide insightful commentary on pressing global issues, encouraging listeners to consider the complexities of international relations and domestic politics.
For more discussions and insights, visit [therestispolitics.com](https://therestispolitics.com) and stay updated through their social media channels on Instagram and Twitter.
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Additional Resources
- Sign up for *The Rest Is Politics Plus* for exclusive content.
- Recommended listening: Previous episodes discussing historical context and international politics.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Transcript
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1:19Welcome to TheRestlessPolities with me, Alistair Campbell, and with me, Rory Stewart. I suppose a big thing this week, Iran, Israel, I think that will have to take a fair chunk out of our podcast today. I'm also very interested in Biden's entry, which doesn't have that right close to the top. There's also what's happening in South China Sea, which I think is something that's not getting enough attention. Lots of focus on Taiwan, but there's other stuff going on there that I think we should maybe talk about. And then Dan, that's also in that neck of the woods, very interesting election in South Korea last weekend, where the President's party got a real absolute rubbing.
2:03And I think we have to probably talk a little bit about Liz Truss. And if we've got time, maybe also Angeliraina, they're both getting lots and lots of attention. Angeliraina probably doesn't want the attention. I think we can safely assume that Liz Truss absolutely is desperate for the attention. And this rather absurd performance she's making of her new book. But shall we start with Iran Israel? And why do you actually give us one of your famous explainers, Iran, Israel, the history of in one minute by Rory Stewart? One minute is actually it's obviously a very, very ancient history. I mean, their neighbors going back a thousand of years.
2:46And there was very strong relationships between Persian kings and the state of Israel before the birth of Christ. But in modern history, in the 1950s, Iran under the Shah, the then king of Iran, and Pravarhan had quite a close relationship with Israel, that recognized Israel quite early on. The things changed, as you say, with the revolution 1979, Islamic revolution. So how many comes in? And even in the 80s, because of the Iran -Arak war, there was actually quite a lot of covert connections between Israel and Iran, partly funding the Iranians against Iraq, because Saddam Hussein was seen as more of an enemy.
3:29Things began to really change in the early 90s for a few reasons. I mean, one of them is that Saddam Hussein ceased to be the common enemy. Iran was leaning more and more into funding, particularly hisbalah, which we'll get to in a second, which is this huge, very, very active terrorist group based in southern Lebanon, dedicated to the eradication of Israel was being increasingly funded by Iran, and Iran began to really lean into its nuclear weapons program. So by about 2010, Iran and Israel had entered a shadow war, and there were big upticks. So there was a famous attack, which Israel mounted on Iran called the Stuxnet virus, which put this virus into the nuclear weapons program.
4:17There was increasing assassinations done by Mossad agents on Iranian soil, so they were killing a particular Iranian nuclear scientist. There were Iranian attacks against Israelis worldwide, and then there was attacks on shipping began to see an uptick, and the rhetoric began pretty bad. So by about 2012, you had senior Iranian figures making statements about the destruction of the Zionist entity, or wiping Israel off the map that's back about 12 years ago. And then, occasionally, Israeli response to Saddam, so Shimon Puraz said it, you know, Iran itself can also be wiped off the map, and then seem to change his mind a few years later where he said, actually Iran is not a massive enemy of Israel.
5:05So back and forth, back and forth, but it was sort of kept under control until about 2019, when people really began to worry that it was escalating, and that both Iran and Israel were taking more and more risks, and you saw very, very odd things. You saw Israel not just mounting attacks against Iranian militias and proxies deep outside the borders of Israel, but also the Israeli army posting stuff on Twitter deliberately mocking the Iranian revolutionary guard and saying, essentially, what are you going to do about it? We just attacked you. What are you going to do about it? And of course, the final thing that we're getting to is that on April 1st, Israel attacked an embassy, and embassies are traditionally seen as very protected ground.
5:53They meant to be exempt. They're little bits of sovereign territory in someone else's country. They attacked the Iranian embassy in Damascus, and they killed some senior Iranian revolutionary guard members. Iran promised that it would respond, and it responded in a really unprecedented, very, very dramatic way. It fired over 300 missiles and drones from Iran towards. Israel, these were very, very dangerous things. If they'd got through, they would have created absolute mayhem and killed a lot of people. Iran telegraphed that it was going to do it. In other words, it announced well in advance that it was going to do it, and it seems to have done so expecting Israel's very impressive three -tier missile shield to be able to shoot these things down, and after shooting them, stated that it was going to be taking no further action.
6:47So Iran is trying to say, look, this is our response to your attack on the embassy, and that's it. We're not going to do any more, but we're just showing that we have teeth. Israel, of course, feels that this is an incredibly dangerous attack on Israeli territory, and is promising to retaliate over you. There you go. Now, Ruri, if you want to know even more about relationship between Iran and Israel, our sister podcast Empire has done a very, very interesting episode on this very, very subject. So strongly recommend that. So they've had the Israeli sense, and they've had two very long meetings of the war cabinet.
7:26Early indications were that they were not going to react very quickly, in that they sent out signals that, for example, schools that are being closed down could reopen, and but now I think you're starting to hear that maybe in the similar sort of time frame, so it was pretty much exactly a fortnight between the attack on the consulate in Damascus, and this response, which as you say was really well defended by this thing called the iron dome. I wonder whether the, you say they telegraphed it. I wonder whether they actually gave more detail than we realized. It seems that the defense was pretty remarkable.
8:03They reckon 99 % taken down, only one person injured, that was a child, the only ones that got through got through to a military base. Now the thing about that is if that had been the only thing that had happened, and let's just say one or two people had been killed, I think the pressure now on Netanyahu to respond pretty quickly and pretty brutally would be even more severe than it is. But in a weird sort of way, the pressure that seems to be coming in harder than anything is getting internally is the external pressure from the United States and from other countries that were involved in this, including the UK, including Jordan, which I thought was very, very interesting, that they're basically saying, I mean Biden came up with this very good phrase I thought, take the win.
8:49And that seems to be putting Netanyahu in something of a difficult position, because he will be under a lot of internal pressure. There's one guy who's pretty close to the coalition government saying, Israel needs to go berserk on Iran, and what Americans are saying is, is look, take the win, calm down, and I wonder whether they actually knew a lot more about this than we realized, because they, they seem to be taking a face value of the words of the Iranian, the Iranians, this is it for now. And, and of course, it's, I don't know if you remember, I think it was back in 1998, when there was an attack on, I think it was in Iranian consulate in Mazar El Sharif in Afghanistan, and back then people thought there was going to be, oh my god, they've taken out Iranians on it on, you know, as you say, Iranian soil within Afghanistan.
9:40And in fact, they did, I remember they did a few little military maneuvers and pretty much nothing else. So, although we, we might sort of get a sense of around as being kind of, you know, absolutely extreme, theocracy and so forth, they can be quite pragmatic when it comes to this stuff. So I wonder if for a while it will calm down a bit. Or it could get pretty dangerous. And I think the, and the problem in all these regimes is that you can cherry pick people who make unbelievably extreme crazy statements about the others. I'm afraid on both sides, I mean, there are definitely many senior Iranian figures on records saying they want to wipe Israel off your face to them out.
10:19And of course, you know, what Iran is a very disturbing place. I mean, it is run by this theocracy. It's in the grip of these conservative hardliners. It's getting worse. I mean, we covered the demonstrations following the killing of Shrine last year. And there have been, you know, when we've been covering the elections with these tiny turnouts. So it's a regime which is feeling under threat. And that's always dangerous because when a regime is, is feeling under threat of teetering, it can often want to lash out. And on the other hand, on the Israeli side, there are some figures who have long believed that they are their biggest existential threat comes from Iran.
11:09And there needs to be a reckoning. And there are even figures who say there needs to be a preemptive strike against Iran. Netanyahu has always been one of those who's seen Iran as the biggest threat. So it may be that within the context of the, I mean, who knows? I don't know what's been said of their war cabinet. It may be that within that context, he is trying to moderate others away from a view that actually he is historically held because he will be, although he's been quite dismissive at times of the Americans, the fact is the Americans are now pretty clear that although they have this kind of iron, what he calls his iron cloud support for Israel, Biden is making clear that that will not go to a direct attack on Iran.
11:53Much has made the same sort of noises about about Russia and Ukraine. So how Netanyahu reads that? And also whether Israel, whether Iran has done this partly to provoke these divisions, partly to know that these divisions are there and further to provoke them. So I think it's very, very hard to read without knowing what they're actually saying to each other in the privacy of their own cabinet rooms is very, very hard to read. Very hard to read, but that's where we come to a theme, I think, of the whole podcast today, which is how you get the balance between deterring somebody. So being strong enough and powerful enough to say, don't screw with me, how you stop that becoming escalation, how you stop that becoming a tit for tat, which just gets more and more crazy.
12:38And the danger which everybody's been worried about with Iran Israel for years, which is the danger of miscalculation that one side oversteps. So there are people within the Israeli military establishment who think that attack on the embassy on April 1st and Damascus was a massive miscalculation because there's been a long tradition of Israeli's feeding that the way to deter Iran is to hit them hard. And if you keep hitting them hard, Iran won't respond. So there's been a lot of surprise from senior Israeli military figures that the Iranian response has been so extreme and so aggressive. And this is now making huge problem in strategic calculation.
13:19How do you get that balance right? And then again, as you say, there'll be on both sides, one group of people saying, we are really going to have to hit these people very hard because the only thing they understand is force to stop them doing this again. And if we show weakness, this is just going to open the door to more and more attacks. And then of course, people on the other side saying, for goodness sake, don't escalate. Yeah, I mean, there's this phrase that always gets attached to Iran, strategic patience. And, you know, so this is the first time that they've actually directly attacked Israel in 45 years, almost half a century as the Islamic State.
13:55Now, strategic patience, I guess that is basically a clever way of saying that they play the long game. The question now is whether we just go back to these shadow wars being fought through all the proxies. And I've actually been quite surprised that the reactions on both sides have actually not been, I'm talking about the rhetoric now, not been more violent than they've been. And that I just wonder whether there is something going on within both of them that says, you know, we can both see the reasons why you might want to but actually we really, really, really don't. And here the American role vis -a -vis Israel is absolutely fundamental.
14:34And, you know, I so feel for Joe Biden at the moment, this is incredibly difficult. He's got this going on, he's got Ukraine going on, he's in the middle of an election now, admittedly, his opponent is, you know, in front of a judge, so not exactly out, sort of covering himself in glory. And it's happening at a time when it seems to me that the Americans still want to be seen as the big, most important country in the world. But don't actually necessarily want all the responsibilities that entails, especially if that includes putting American soldiers in danger. And, you know, I saw a bit of criticism in some of the American media, not of the kind of, you know, the head banging Republicans, but of some sort of sensible Republicans who were saying that, you know, Biden made a mistake by signaling to Putin at the start, there was telling the Ukrainians, yes, we're with you, but we won't fight.
15:27And now he's sort of doing something similar. Yes, Israel were with you, but we won't fight. So we'll give you all the support that we can up to, and the, but short of actually committing American forces and putting them in harm's way. Yeah. Although, of course, you're completely right. But interestingly, in this particular case, US jets, British jets, Jordan jets, flew in a way that they wouldn't in Ukraine shooting down these missiles, partly because in Russia, you're dealing with a nuclear armed adversary and people have calculated that we can't, can't do that. So just to lean into this a bit, because this is something that Ukrainians have been raising, they're saying, it's the same Iranian drones being flown at Kiev as well being flown at Israel.
16:09So why is it that the international coalition is prepared to put planes in the air to shoot down these drones? And that's to do with the fact that we're more cautious in our confrontation with Russia than we are with Iran. And here in the US, I was, I'm speaking to you from, from Yale again, I was sort of meeting with some foreign policy people here who are beginning to say that we're being too cautious with Russia. And that from the Russian point of view, we're pretty deep in this war anyway. We've provided tens of billions of dollars worth of military support and civilian training and we're not kidding anybody really.
16:48And actually, we should just keep signaling that there's no aggressive intent against Russia. It's just about defending Ukraine and we should be able to shoot down these missiles. But you can see why anyone else listening to that conversation will be like, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa, there's a pretty good reason why we're not flying planes, which is shooting down, down Russian missiles. Can I just on the other thing? I mean, to again, look at why this might develop into something much more dangerous, Iran's position in the region is despite all its economic weakness, despite all the fragility of the regime, is much stronger or feels much stronger than it did 20 years ago.
17:28So 20 years ago, basically, Iran didn't have any or 25 years ago, any presence in Iraq, Saddam Hussein was their great enemy. So they were excluded from Iraq and really having any presence in Syria, and really having any presence in Yemen. What's happened is that the Iraq war gave Iran the opportunity to bring in basically Iranian -backed governments, Center Baghdad and Iranian militias forming the backbone of many of the forces in Iraq. The Syrian war gave them the opportunity to get in behind Bashar and Assad and essentially control that regime and inverted commas, save that regime. The fight in Yemen gave the opportunity to really get in and arm the Hussis.
18:10So from the point of view of Israel, they're now looking at a world which has changed a lot in 20 years where Iran is now feels much closer that these militias and Iraq in Syria, in Yemen and in Lebanon are a big threat. And this brings us to his, but I think we've talked about this before, but Hawks in Israel, of course, think that Hamas is a distraction that Hamas is much weaker so that the force and Gaza that did the October 7th attacks is much weaker than his Bala. His Bala in southern Lebanon, his anti -Israeli has over 100 ,000 missiles, has 30 ,000 highly trained and experienced troops that have been fighting all over the region.
18:50So there are people in Israel who say we shouldn't have gone after Hamas, we should have gone after his Bala. In fact, there's good reason to believe that they would have gone after his Bala, had Biden not intervened back in October November. And this attack will strengthen the hand of people who keep saying, his Bala is the enemy, Iran's the enemy, this is our moment to get this done. I was fascinated to watch Zalensky did a broadcast last night or the night before. And you get the feeling that they, I think, must be very worried at the moment because there's a, it's almost like there's a hierarchy of alliance here.
19:29And you have a sense that the Israeli alliance is for historical reasons of fundamental significance to America and then particularly to Joe Biden as president. Whereas Ukraine, I sort of feel that they're still talking the talk in terms of support. But if you just think about, if you're sitting there as Zalensky and you're watching what happened with the Iron Dome and its effectiveness and British planes going up and American planes going up and you know, they're able to say 99 % of these things got, got stopped. And the exact same defenses that Ukraine say they desperately need at the moment, they're not getting them.
20:12So they're getting the rhetoric, they're getting the political support. And then of course, if you're Joe Biden and you're having all these massive, incredibly expensive demands on your own military, it does, I think, put him in a very, very difficult place politically with this guy who's still in court. But when he comes out of court, he's going to be saying, I'm the only guy who can stop us going into World War III. Yes. And Ukraine is now in a real difficult problem. In the optimistic days of last year, people thought that what was happening was that there was an attrition of the Russian army.
20:49In other words, so many Russian soldiers being killed, so much equipment was being killed, that basically Russian's capacity was being fatally degraded and there were people here in the US, so I saw some of them last week who were saying, this is a great thing. We just keep giving weapons to Ukrainians and Russia just gets destroyed. It's now become clear that actually that hasn't happened as often in wars. After an initial stage where the Russian army suffered a lot, it's actually in a much better position than it was any year ago. It seems it's learned a lot through the conflict. It's now got a massive superiority and ammunition.
21:22It seems to have five times the number of shells that the Ukrainians have. And of course, Russia is a huge country. I mean Putin hasn't begun to mobilize the kinds of numbers that he could mobilize. And people forget, I mean, to sort of be really extreme about this. I mean, it's not actually true that just killing lots of the enemy, degrades their capacity. I mean, Russia lost 8, 12 million soldiers during the Second World War and was probably stronger at the end of the Second World War than at the beginning. So it's a real issue. And when people talk about victory in Ukraine, that looks much less plausible than it might have done with the offensive last year.
22:09Very short of people, very short of missiles, very short of air defenses. And even this question that people are now moving to, you know, saw the Italian Prime Minister talking openly about this about some sort of land deal with Russia. Russia has momentum at the moment and Putin is of course gambling a lot that Donald Trump will be a re -elected and he's going to be trying to retake land. I think we can expect big Russian assaults on the southern front through the summer, which may change the whole position dramatically. And if you're Zalinsky, you're sitting there being urged, as you say by people like Malone and also quite a few American politicians now saying as well, look, you know, do a deal on the land that's already been taken.
22:49But Zalinsky's perfectly entitled to say, well, hold on a minute, this is the land that we've been defending that was taken against our will and that you've been putting all this capital into into supporting. So in a sense, they're good time to turn to this other potential big flashpoint, which I think is, I don't think getting nearly enough attention. And which again is right at the heart of Biden's intray at the moment. And that's that's the South China Sea, because we've taught lots about Taiwan. The reason I thought we should talk about this is because not long ago, Biden got together the Prime Minister of Japan and the President of South Korea, not traditionally great friends and he said some pretty interesting things came out of that.
23:38And then last week he got the Prime Minister of Japan and the and Marcos, the former dictator's son, who's now president of the Philippines, and brought them together. And really specifically to address this worry that while we're all focused on Taiwan, there's this other flashpoint going on. So if you look at you, you take a map and you've got huge great China there and you go down to the South East China and you're coming out from the Manchurian plains and you've got you've got North Korea and you've got South Korea. And then across the sea of Japan, there's Japan. And as we said earlier, Japan and South Korea have not been great allies, but Biden's trying to broker a better relationship between them.
24:20You go south, you go down the map through the East China Sea and you have Taiwan. And of course, we've taught endlessly about Taiwan and the world is rightly worried about the possibility of China reclaiming Taiwan as their own. Good on further and you're into the South China Sea. So this is all happening in okay, it's a large expanse of sea, but it's essentially in the Sabed region, not that far from China. And the hotspot at the moment, it seems to me, relates to this dispute over submerged coral, the Philippines claim it. China basically say that it's theirs and they've been involved in some very aggressive ramming of ships, lasering of ships, water canning, those Filipino troops who've been going to look after this little outpost.
25:09So it all sounds a bit kind of a bit weird, but I think this is in its own way as being a flashpoint. And that's why Biden had the Prime Minister of Japan and the President of the Philippines over to the White House last week and was very, very clear that he used exactly the same phrase for the Philippines, the uses for Israel, iron clad support in the face of Chinese aggression. And I say, I mean, I think you've probably a really good account of the geography there and we can give people more detail of it because it's called the nine dash lines showing this visually in a map. If people sign up for our newsletter, so go to the rest of peltics .com, sign up for newsletter, and in addition to our book recommendations, things will also send you clear map and an explanation of how this is all playing out across Southeast Asia where China tries to make this huge claim.
26:05People maybe will have heard of the Spratly Islands, but basically as you say, these are all these disputed territories, which at the moment the flashpoint is Philippines, but also potentially bring in Japan, Malaysia, Vietnam and others. And for China is about claiming sovereignty and it does this stuff. It hasn't the past, you know, built artificial islands. And as you say, God inform us. Can I just so develop a little bit though what you're saying about present Biden? So the first thing that's dramatic about it, which makes the US very different to anyone else, is just how much energy they are putting into doing things simultaneously all the way around the world.
26:43You're not getting a sense that Biden is just transfixed on Ukraine or transfixed on Israel The next thing is just how big America is around the world. America still has 55 ,000 soldiers in Japan in Okinawa. It's got about 30 ,000 soldiers in South Korea. It's got bases in the Philippines. It's got this big basin Guam. And if you include Hawaii, there are nearly 300 ,000 American troops gathered around Indo -Pacific. And then in Europe, as you know, there's like 34 ,000 American troops in Germany, 12 ,000 Italy. We've got about 9 ,000, 10 ,000 in the UK. And now another 20 ,000 US troops pushed forward into Poland and other East European states because of Ukraine.
27:29So I mean, these numbers, I mean, I'm just kind of spilling out these numbers. But to put it in context, the British army would struggle to deploy and sustain in the field about 5 ,000 people. The US has got something like 228 ,000 soldiers currently outside the United States deployed in these bases around the world, which Biden is having to sort of juggle with and use as part of this question of deterrence. Yeah. And yeah, there was a time, you know, we talk about Britannia rule the waves. The truth is that there was a time when the American Navy was pretty much part of a sort of global shipping insurance system that, you know, the American Navy was all around the world.
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28:09Now the Chinese Navy has grown hugely. Japanese Navy has always been very, very, very big. But one of the factors that's involved in this initiative that he's taking with the Philippines in Japan last week is the fact that China's been intercepting ships and aircraft belonging to the US in the South China Sea, just to sort of, you know, see how far they can, it's part of this kind of provocative action, see how far they can push it. So you're right that the American military remains this giant, but in comparative terms, it's not as big as it was. And it doesn't have the kind of bipartisan and popular political support that it had.
28:48That's the point I was making earlier. You meet so many Americans who really have bought into this idea that, you know, we're just sort of fueling these forever wars. And okay, and the, you know, the idea of the global policeman used to be kind of part of the strength of the American political identity, but that's being eroded. A lot of them don't want to be the world's policeman. And that's from both left and right. I mean, the US is spending over 80, pretty 85 billion dollars a year on its international deployments. And as you say from the left, there will be a sense that it's all our fault.
29:23And we don't want to make the world worse. And, you know, obviously, there's a strong drive towards peace. And from the right, there will be a strong sense of words. None of our business. Why do we care about these other people? So, both sides are driving American politics towards a more isolationist position. The final thing, though, which, you know, maybe just before we go into the break that you've pointed to is the way that what Biden is doing forms a pattern of making small temporary coalitions of support as opposed to leaning into the big international global system of the UN. So, you're going into Libya, you're relying on the UN.
30:07If you're doing climate stuff, you're relying on the UN. Biden seems to have got frustrated with the sort of big things, sort of UNWTO. And instead is making things. I mean, you talked when you were in Australia about Orcas, which is an example of one of those things where, you know, Australia, US, UK's come together. Then he's got something called the Quad where he's working with India. Now, as you say, he's got this agreement going with the Philippines. One of the things apparently that he talked to the Japanese about last week was the possibility of Japan being added to Orcas at some point.
30:41So, I don't know what they're going to call it. But, no, so they're building these different alliances. But is that also a reflection of the weakening, not least by Trump, of some of these other military institutions that we've depended on? Exactly. So, the positive spin made by the Biden administration is they call it creating a lattice work and improvising and getting around these cumbersome setups. But of course, it's driven by the fact that they're struggling to get the support in the bigger international agreement. So, you've just come back from Singapore. And I think one of the things you probably would have picked up there is that Singapore is an example of a place which, you know, 99 % of ways is pro -West and pro -American, but is very, very reluctant to sign up to a US confrontation with China.
31:24Oh, yeah, absolutely. So, these things give the impression of a massive coalition of the willing. But the reality is that in lining up against China, they've got South Korea, they've got Japan, they've got the Philippines. That's about it. They're really struggling to get full -throated support from the other major players in the Asia and Southeast Asia. Even India is pretty unbifluent. Oh, yeah. I thought it was interesting though about the Philippines because the Philippines, when Markos Jr. came to power, he was seen very much as being, you know, looking favorably upon China. But all this stuff within the South China Sea has, it seems to have pushed him far closer to the American side of things.
32:09I was really report that the, from the American Defense Department. So, in the last two years, Chinese ships and planes of these incidents of sort of provoking American ships or aircraft, there'd been almost 300 in the last two years. And that is more than the total of the entire previous decade. And if you throw in the similar things against Philippine vessels, if you get the Mee's vessels, there's something going on there that I think we need to keep our eyes on. Right. Let's take a break. Let's take a break.
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33:57Welcome back to the Rests As Politics with me, Rory Stewart. And me, Alice Campbell. And in this election year, Rory, well, now we don't know whether it was a surprise, but I think the scale of the defeat for the president's party, the PPP, in South Korea was a surprise. The Democratic Party, which alongside this little satellite party it works with, has got 175 seats in the 300 seat parliament. And the PPP has just got 109. Now, the only sort of shaft of light for president Un is that they didn't get a two -thirds majority, which would have meant they could have overridden his veto, changed the constitution.
34:38They could even have impeached him. So, he stopped short of that, but it's a pretty devastating result for him. His party leaders had to resign, the Prime Minister and others have offered to. And it means he will be the first, I think the first South Korean president ever who will go through his entire term without ever having control of the parliament. And this is important because South Korea is facing a lot of simultaneous crises. I mean, one of them is having been the great economic miracle. I mean, as people remember, South Korea and North Korea, of course, were occupied by Japan before Second World War, went through the Korean War in the early 50s in which three million Koreans were killed, country were then divided.
35:19And South Korea then went through a series of dictatorships, particularly under a couple of generals from the early 60s to the late 80s, where it became this incredible economic miracle. And again, in the news that a week and direct people towards a wonderful book by a Korean British economist called Ha Jung Chang arguing that actually Korea is a really exciting model, because it wasn't a model of sort of that right, deregulated free market development. It was a model of quite directed government investment development that created these enormous things like Samsung and Hyundai. Become incredibly impressive country.
35:55I mean, you've just come back from Singapore and you can feel the weight of South Korea throughout Asia now with culturally with kind of K -pop. Okay, K -pop is unbelievable. I mean, it was the third biggest export. I don't know if that's right, but I'd read that when I was in Singapore. It's that the third biggest export. And even the UK now, Roy, I mean, I'm sure you follow K -pop very, very closely, but definitely not as closely as you. These big bands now when they come over here, I mean, here we are tried to sell the O2 and hopefully we'll get there by October. They can do it 20 times over in five minutes just by doing a couple of tweets.
36:31It's amazing. And lots of things to admire about South Korea. I mean, it's got people live to be kind of 83. It's got a very impressive stats around its health service, but it's also facing real problems. And one of them is it's had a big doctors. I mean, some of it's brilliant. It's dealing with longstanding doctors strike, huge challenge and trying to produce affordable housing. Young people feeling completely locked out of the market and feeling that life. A very aging population. Very aging. So fertility rate down at 0 .85 per couple. So it's population dropped. It's one of these countries now like China and Japan, which is facing unfortunately pretty bleak economic future in a sense because it's population that's going to contract.
37:16And like those countries too, not a big one on taking an immigrant. So it's 93 % ethnic Korean. So he's struggling with that. And of course, he's struggling with what we've been talking about a month ago, which is North Korea. And as you've pointed out, I mean, I think you struck the alarm on this and I think people have slightly taken their eyes off it. North Korea is in a very, very dangerous state. It's getting a little support because it's supplying arms to Russia and Russia in return vetoed the UN inspectors going into spectacity, the weapons. I'm picking up from people who are in touch with the Chinese government that the Chinese government is now very worried about North Korea.
37:57And it's beginning to signal that it's not in control and what North Korea does isn't really its responsibility. So that's the background. And then as you've said, this election, which is part of a pattern again in Korea, which we've seen across so many countries, particularly in Latin America, which is the use of law fair, attacking the previous president, trying to put them in jail. It's got a Korean politics since the 80s, it's just got flips back and forth and every time somebody steps down as president, the other party tries to go after them for corruption or abuse of power. And we can see this now.
38:31The current president's wife is under investigation for taking a deal handbag. So that's corruption. The leader of the opposition is under investigation for corruption for allocating a corrupt contract on a land deal when he was mayor. The handbag incident was unfortunate to say the least because it was one of those greatly secretly filmed things. But it's quite interesting. She has literally vanished from the scene. She didn't even go, you know, normally you will have the party leaders of film going to vote and the wives or husbands will be there alongside them. And she, I don't think she's been seen since December in terms of sort of out and about publicly.
39:10But the point you made about North Korea is interesting because of course, his predecessor was quite emolience the wrong word, but he was trying to calm things. Whereas you has been much more outspoken, much more aggressive. And that seems to have backfired. And I think, you know, we talk a little about the personalities of these of these political leaders. And here's a guy who's actually, I'm not going to compare to Gears Starbeaver. His background is a prosecutor. And it seems that he's not really adapted his style to politics. I think he has adapted his style quite well to politics. But both of them, I mean, somebody said in the last presidential race, which was incredibly close, think he won by, you know, 0 .0 % percent.
39:50Or 0 .7, I think it was, yeah. It was an unlikeability contest that both these people are lawyers. You know, one of them is you say a prosecutor, the other one, a bit like his times the human rights lawyer. And that it's like kind of in one sense that people talk about the kind of gladiatorial contest where they're always trying to put each other in jail. But another sense, these are not figures who are really big on, big on charisma. He also, he said that he did this terrible. It's, it's just amazing how seemingly little things can catch on. So one of the turning points in the election is, he was, there was a big fancy department store where a single apple suddenly cost seven dollars, okay, about five pounds.
40:31So five pounds for an apple. So that became like quite a big story. And President Yuen thought, I need to do something about this. So he went out to a market. And he basically said that the spring onions there were very, very cheap. Now several points about this. The first is it was one of those subsidized markets. So actually, yes, they were quite cheap with us because they were subsidized. But also, what do you say that rather than eat apples, we should eat spring onions? And so during the campaign, the opposition just went to round the place, waving spring onions everywhere. It's a fun amount of problem that British politicians do sometimes, isn't it?
41:10The stupidity of a politician going out and saying, oh, actually, things are quite affordable. Tory politicians are getting trouble for this. This will go around the supermarket saying, if you buy own brand products, you don't have to pay very much. I think, well, Lee Anderson became 30 p .o. Lee by talking about, you know, you can, you can, was he, he said, you can sort of get a decent meal for 30 p. But, Miller, you know, you've never had it so good. Yeah, it's always a dangerous thing. But this is quite sad in a way because he's more sad, maybe the wrong word to use. But he got attacked over a lot of the things that as president, he doesn't have much control over.
41:42And it means now that he probably will be able to do next to nothing on the domestic front. Parliament's going to be gridlocked. He's lost control of parliament. And that means he will focus much more on foreign policy. Now, he actually, I don't think got enough credit for what he did in relation to the, the thing with Japan and, and buy. And I think that was quite a brave thing to do. And that's a big, big deal and very brave and very unpopular because Japan was a very brutal colonial occupier of Korea. You know, enslaved Korean women as sex slaves killed in the normal smell of Koreans, destroyed Korean culture.
42:15So, quite brutal and recent. And so, although, reproachement, which Japan makes a lot of strategic sense, it's very unpopular with a lot of people in Korea. Yeah. And he also, he, he, he is a little bit of a gaff pro, I think. He had a bit of a Gordon Brown big at moment when he was after a meeting with Joe Biden and realized the microphone was on and he was swearing. He did then sort of endear himself to the Americans. Remember, he, I think we talked about this at the time when he sang Don McLean sang American pie. He sang American pie to, to Biden. But he's very, very, very confrontational. And who does this make you think of, Rory?
42:51He was described as a leader who is stubborn, doesn't listen to anyone, doesn't believe in compromise. Now, which recent British Prime minister does that bring to mind? Oh, goodness. Because I don't, I don't know. It's almost certainly one of my heroes. It's not or is it one of my, well, let's trust. Well, I think, I think the same, you know, I'm a Mara of Gordon Brown trees and me, both of whom have been accused of being pretty stubborn. Let's, let's bring in the list, trust. I mean, she's produced this book, which was called, is it, it's 42 days to destroy Britain or something? No, it's 10 years.
43:2510 years to save the West. And it was 49 days, wasn't it? But I'll tell you what, I'm, I just, I find the whole thing mesmerizingly mind blowing. She's done a deal with Elon Musk because every time I look at Twitter, the first thing that comes up is Liz Truss talking to somebody about her book, I'm blaming everybody, apart from herself, for the absolute chaos in Mayhem that she, that she presided over. And so I mean, she's got thick skin, doesn't even come into it. This is, this is on a level that I've never witnessed before. It is excellent. Well, I, I've of course worked for Liz Truss because she was the sexiest state for environment food and rural affairs when I was the Minister of the Environment and we had offices down the corridor from each other.
44:12I used to sit in her office for hours every day. I'm not going to repeat on the podcast because I've done it already and put a lot of my books, some of the horrifying encounters that we had about funding for national parks or press releases or 25 years of environment plans. But she is a very, very strange person to work with. I mean, as you say, she comes from a left -wing background. I remember going to her house and meeting her mother who was on CND marches very much part of the nuclear disarmament drive in the 1980s, left -wing maths professor father and getting increasingly right -wing. But the thing I took most from it is her style of not caring about management.
44:54I mean, she just wasn't interested in the normal business of leading a team managing civil servants. What she thought she was the business of was throwing out radical ideas. She wanted to be radical all the time. And the quality of those ideas I felt didn't really matter. I mean, it was all her saying to me, we're going to be the most amazing data department in the government. Hashtag, OpenDeferr and or suddenly announcing some, she also had this idea when she was in Mr. Justice that the way to stop drones coming into prisons was to fly Eagles at them. The Eagles were somehow going to deter the drones.
45:38It was just a little attempt for Deferr to take over prisons. Oh, this is when she was the minister of justice. But it was also a little bit like a sort of slightly reminiscent, I think. Do you remember Queen Elizabeth I in Black Adder? She had that sort of sense of sort of energy and people moving behind her, but also sights her petulence. And occasionally quite sort of childlike quality of you can imagine her sort of saying off of her head. Yeah, yeah, yeah. There's something very childlike about the way she speaks. And she's got this thing with her hand that she does in sort of like every point she makes.
46:13It's almost like she's talking to a child. It's exacerbated over time. She used to speak like quite a normal human being and she's now developed this very weird style of speaking. There's a lot about her that's likable, but the one thing she should not be is a minister of sexist state or a prime minister. And actually in some ways, you know, David Cameron should take responsibility for that. He fast -tracked her through to make her a cabinet minister when she'd been in parliament only four years and adored her. You know, oddly, she was traditionally very good at pleasing her bosses because they thought that she was sort of feisty and quirky and they even produced this word phrase that they thought she was a good media performer.
46:53And Mike's meant she's actually not good at all on television or in speeches, but somehow David Cameron, you know, she really caught David Cameron's eye, George Osborne's eye, and I'd be interested in knowing how they now reflect on that, that they made the career of somebody who wasn't ultimately any good at the job. When you go through her, her sort of progression as a politician, so the first time I think she was ever on television was at the Liberal Democrat conference calling for the abolition of the monarchy. And then she's gone through even as a conservative. Even since becoming prime minister, she seems to be more and more radicalized.
47:27I do think she's been captured intellectually by these very, very right -wing ultra -libertarians. I mean, I watched a clip from an interview that she did yesterday where she was sort of, she was almost talking like she was still the prime minister. You know, we must have abolished the Supreme Court. We must withdraw from the European Convention on Human Rights. We must do this. We must do that. And now, I don't know whether she's still considered herself to be a player. I don't know whether she's trying to influence the direction of current political thinking or the current conservative party or what happens after the election.
48:02I noticed that her latest poll ratings, we didn't, I don't think we polled her in our poll last week. We should have done. We should have polled. The poll that I saw for this morning, she had 8 % of people viewed her favorably. She was actually lower than every other politician that was and yet she swung around as though she's the Queen of Sheba. And I think is trying to present herself as a potential sort of king or queenmaker for the next Tory election. I've been quite struck with the fact there's now a campaign against her where a pretty traditional conservative is running as an independent in her seat.
48:39A self -described, a rory steward conservative, I'll have you. That's right. Man called James Bag running in her seat in Norfolk. And I think it's worth watching quite closely because this is really a battle about what is the identity of the conservative party. And it's interesting that a lot of conservatives are really horrified by her. I mean, I'm finding this in Parliament. She's very in a strange way, very likable on a one -on -one basis. And I always feel a bit guilty raging against her because she's always been very polite to me and she's very courteous when I meet her. And that's true for a lot of my colleagues.
49:15They think she's friendly and nice. But people are just so horrified by what she did as Prime Minister. Because if you're obviously not a Tory, you don't really care about this, but for the point of view of the Torys, the one thing they thought they had was some credibility around the economy. The story was supposed to be that, you know, labour were compassionate and progressive, but the Tories were meant to be the people who were careful with your money. Always a bit of a myth, but anyway, yeah, except the premise. Void did she blow it. I mean, she managed in 49 days to do as much damage to the conservative party's economic credibility as Boris Johnson did to their moral credibility.
49:57But she's done it, and now, as come out, organ's blazing, essentially saying it was everybody's fault apart from mine, and it was an establishment stitch up. I have just been listening to plug another sister podcast. I listened to the rest of his money who've done this three -part mini -series on Liz Truss and on the mini budget. And whilst Robert Pesta and the Steffan government are rightly very, very critical of Truss as a politician and Quarting as Chancellor, they also do talk a lot about the, a lot of mistakes that Robert thinks were made at the Bank of England. It was a financial regulatory issue, which Truss and Quarting had no knowledge of whatsoever and weren't alerted to until I think the Monday after the mini budget by which time the whole thing had gone to its up anyway.
50:40But I went to a meeting with you, in fact, with people in this industry about three weeks ago. And in the sort of drink softwoods, I was talking to someone and they said they could not believe that Quarting, who'd been a banker, didn't understand what he was doing. I mean, from their point of view, these are people in this particular bit, the industry. But for them, it was incredibly obvious what would happen if Quarting and Liz Truss planned the markets in this way and what the consequences were would be for these financial instruments of the Bank of England, of the financial health of the system.
51:12And they just couldn't believe that Quarting, who was supposed to get this stuff, did something that they thought was quite as reckless. And of course, the other thing is that they did it was so little. I mean, it's just all part of their new populist mindset. They basically couldn't be bothered to consult with anyone. They signaled they were going to fire the permanent section, the treasury, they bothered to talk to the OBR, they bothered to talk to the Bank of England. So part of the thing that made the markets even more panicked was not just what they were doing, but the way in which they were doing it.
51:43I also worry that the... I mean, here we are. We're talking about Liz Truss. I don't know if I'll bother reading this book or not. I've sort of probably have heard enough of it. I also worry you as a monarchist, right? I mean, I'm not the world's greatest monarchist, as you know, but I mean, if you had been Prime Minister and you get the message that the Queen has died, would your reaction have been why me, why now? I mean, that was of a narcissistic self -obsession, again, on a level that I don't think I've ever contemplated. This is why it's become quite existential for the Conservative Party because she represents really incompetent economic management.
52:26But the thing I think that really means that people like me are likely to support Independence like James Bagg in Norfolk against her and other Conservatives will too, is this flirting with Trump and Maga and the appearance on these stages now in the US where she's essentially leaning into these very dangerous fringe American conspiracy theories. It's totally, it's completely undignified for a former UK Prime Minister to do it, but it's also dangerous because she's giving space to people that should never be given space. But she's also, she's getting, she's being given that space because she, okay, she's a former Prime Minister, but we all know she was the worst prime, one of the two worst prime ministers of all time.
53:11And yet, because she's sort of a bit weird and a bit wacky, we're back to this sort of politics as performative politics as being about, you know, who's a bit weird, who's a bit wacky. She's actually starting to begin to remind me of that American woman, Marjorie Taylor Green, who gets all that coverage in America because the media know that she'll say really crazy wacky things. And therefore she's interesting. Well, Liz Trust has become interesting in the same way, but it's, it's just desperate for our politics. It's a sort of reality TV take care of politics, I'm totally, I got a bit of criticism, I'm sure you didn't, but I did from last week for not being more critical of Angela Rainer.
53:53So I had some quite thoughtful, moderate, conservative saying, listen, the question around Angela Rainer and the mortgages is the question around whether she lied or not that it's fine by doing an explainer explaining that these are complicated tax things, and that the question of whether it was her main home or not, whether she should have paid tax on it, but that the big question is, has, has she lied about this? Did she really receive legal advice? Was she really confident? And, and of course, the reason this matters, well, it goes to your Nolan Principle's point and it goes back to the expensive scandal that, of course, what she did is something that I guess is very, would be tempting for, for many members of public to do, to think, oh gosh, I can save some capital gains tax.
54:37If this is my prime residence, not my second residence, can I make it look like my prime residence? But I guess the question is, firstly, holding politicians to high standards and secondly, this question of lying. Yeah, but I think that I was actually with Kierstharman, I snore at this event that I did, and remember when he was questioned by the police over the beer nonsense in Durham, and he said, if I'm found to, you know, broken the law, I would resign as a lady, she said the same about this, I don't think he would have said that without total confidence, and I don't think he would have allowed her to say the same thing without confidence that actually this will in the end be fine for her.
55:14But I don't know if you've seen the times today, Roy, Nick Bowles, your former colleague in the Conservative Parliamentary Party, he's got, I'll just read his very short letter in the times today, having surfed nine years as an MP, I know how low politicians can stoop when they're backstreet against the wall, but the Conservative tackle and Angela Reiner is one of the most grotesque spectacles of hypocrisy I've witnessed. On one side is a billionaire Tory peer, Lord Ashcroft, and a multi -millionaire Tory Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, whose families have all avoided paying millions of pounds in UK taxes, beneficiaries of non -dom status, and who live in luxury.
55:45On the other is a woman who grew up in poverty, caring for her illiterate mother, who is now mother to a child who's registered blind, and who through her own guts and character has risen to be deputed of the Labour Party. Even Reiner's accuses accept that the most she might have benefited from the error that they are led, in which she denies, is less than £3 ,000. I suppose that her attackers cannot bear the idea that they're about to lose to a woman who pulled herself up by her bootstraps and was going to wipe the floor with the Nick Bowles.
56:14There we are. So I dare to appear to people who want more of the same with the Jonathan the Harmsworth, a Vi -Count Rodermer, and his property portfolio. And Paul Daker's property portfolio, I recommend you get this week's the new European. Well, Alissa, thank you. We covered a lot of ground, just to sort of wrap it up. I think, setting UK politics aside, I think the question that we kept coming back to is whether you're talking about China and the US. How do you deal with Chinese attacks on shipping, or whether you're talking about Israel and Iran? Is how in a world you respond firmly enough to keep the world peaceful without responding so firmly that you create a spiral of increasing conflict?
56:57I don't know. I guess it's the same with Ukraine Russia. And that is the thing to look at over the next few months. It'll be the same with North Korea, actually. We touch on four things like this. Are we smart enough? And I guess that comes down to the military force being surrounded by the diplomatic connections, the economic sanctions, and the sense that people are being proportional and realistic and reliable. Are these different players, China, US, Iran, Israel, Russia, Ukraine, able to restrain themselves and not overreact in a way that spills into it in a much bigger global conflict? Yeah, absolutely.
57:33And on that subject, I recommend if you haven't listened to it, listen, go back a couple of weeks to our interview with John Swars and Eliza Manning and Bullo who were very, very interesting on that sort of balance between having to do something and sometimes kind of not doing very much being the right response. And that's on leading for on our separate feed for people who want to feed it. Thank you, Edith.
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