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Podcast Episode Summary: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 326
Episode Title
Labour's First 100 Days, the Tory Leadership Race, and Japan
Hosts
- Alastair Campbell
- Rory Stewart
Episode Description
This episode delves into the performance of the new Labour government during its first 100 days, the ongoing Tory leadership race, and the current political landscape in Japan. The hosts provide insightful commentary and analysis on these pressing topics.
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Key Discussions
- Tribute to Alex Salmond
- The episode opens with a tribute to Alex Salmond, former First Minister of Scotland, who passed away recently.
- Salmond's significant role in the Scottish National Party (SNP) and his contributions to Scottish independence are highlighted.
- Rory shares personal anecdotes about Salmond, including his relaxed demeanor during interviews and controversial statements regarding Vladimir Putin.
- Labour's First 100 Days
- The hosts assess Labour's initial period in government, emphasizing mixed reviews from the public.
- Alastair Campbell suggests that while challenges exist, there’s still hope for a turnaround.
- Rory argues that Labour needs to focus on creating a narrative that combines acknowledging issues with a vision for the future.
- Key points discussed:
- The need for Labour to define economic growth strategies.
- Debate on whether to implement more traditional left-wing policies (increased spending) or focus on technology and globalization.
- The potential risks of Labour being perceived as a more moderate version of the Conservatives.
- Tory Leadership Race
- The current state of the Tory leadership race is explored, with Rory expressing skepticism regarding the available candidates.
- Public sentiment appears to be negative, with preference for other candidates notable.
- Alastair and Rory discuss polling results from their live shows, indicating a lack of support for Tory candidates.
- Japanese Politics
- Transitioning to Japanese politics, the hosts discuss the upcoming snap elections following the resignation of Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.
- They delve into the historical context of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its long-standing dominance in Japanese politics.
- The LDP's internal factions and the implications of their leadership transitions are examined.
- Rory and Alastair discuss the impact of demographic changes on Japan's political and economic landscape, including:
- Aging population.
- Economic stagnation and its historical context.
- Public perceptions of leadership.
- Victor Orban and the EU
- The episode concludes with discussions surrounding Viktor Orban, Prime Minister of Hungary, and his recent confrontations with EU leaders.
- Ursula von der Leyen's strong rebuttal to Orban during a European Parliament session is highlighted.
- The political maneuvering within Hungary and the implications for European unity are discussed, particularly in the context of Orban's policies and alliances.
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Key Takeaways
- Labour's Performance: Initial evaluation of Labour's government indicates challenges, but potential for improvement exists if they can effectively communicate policies.
- Tory Leadership Dynamics: Public sentiment towards Tory candidates is notably negative, with significant doubts about their electability.
- Japanese Political Landscape: The current political scenario in Japan is complex, influenced by historical factors and demographic challenges.
- Orban's Controversial Leadership: Viktor Orban faces criticism within the European context, raising questions about Hungary's future direction in relation to EU values.
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Conclusion This episode of *The Rest Is Politics* provides a comprehensive overview of significant political developments in the UK and Japan, highlighting the complexities and challenges faced by political leaders. The insightful discussions between Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart offer listeners a nuanced understanding of current affairs.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:00Thanks for listening to The Rest Is Politics. Sign up to The Rest Is Politics plus to enjoy Adfree Listening Receiver. Weakly Newsletter. Join our members' chat room again, early access to live show tickets. Just go to TheRestisPolitics .com. That's TheRestisPolitics .com. Let's play Burlington's Guess That Price! Back to school means Back to Saving. We're bringing new kids jeans starting at them. Hold on a minute, just 11 .99. Burlington's Acing This Test. What about character backpacks? We've got them starting at 12 .99. Burlington's Dutted Again. How about sneakers for the kids? A plus brands and right on trends starting at 11 .99.
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1:26Gatorade. Is it in you?
1:36Welcome to the rest of this politics with me, Rory Stewart. And me, Anastak Campbell. We're going to start today by talking a little bit about Alex Sammond, former First Minister who passed away at the weekend. We're going to talk about Labour's first 100 days and we're recording this on the day they've got this big investment conference going on. We've lots of people wondering what's happening before, rather than after the budget, the budget wish we were still waiting for. And then we're going to talk about the tour leadership. We haven't really talked about that much, but we're now down to two and judging by the reactions of people around the country on our tour, it is the two that they would least like to vote for in terms of this is members of the public.
2:12We're then in the second half going to talk about Japan. Got a snap election coming up very, very soon. And Japanese politics actually is endlessly fascinating, but gets next to no coverage, frankly in most parts of the world, but there's a language thing, but Japanese politics is very, very interesting. And then we're going to talk about Victor Orban, because happily when he was at the European Commission the day, he, if I may, you sort of lower the tone a little bit, he got his ass kicked by lots of people in the European Parliament. So I thoroughly enjoyed that. And Alissa, we're recording just after the death of Alex Sammond, the kind of towering figure for a long time in the SMP.
2:49First Minister of Scotland just died in North Macedonia. And somebody who I knew reasonably well, but I think you knew better than me. Give me a sense of him. I knew him a bit when I was a journalist. Of course, he was an MP from 1987, big figure in the SMP. He was, as we said, when we were doing our event in Glasgow, which we did shortly after he died, he has to be part of the independence transition team. Should there have been independence? That's not going to be because you were supposed to be on my side, campaign for the union. Yeah, which I was. But your view was that in the very sad situation that it went independent, you'd be prepared to nobly.
3:23Yeah, because the independent country. Yes, because had Scotland chosen independence, I think it would have been an interest for that to be. All right. In fact, you have an efficiency. We asked me to part of that team. Obviously that became to pass. Did you actually begin any planning for that? Did you begin thinking about what the transition would be like? I did begin thinking about it. He definitely was thinking about it a lot because then I guess it would have been like Brexit. They would have worked on it next morning, going and helping do now. And everyone would have been like, where's the planet?
3:49And exactly like Brexit, I don't think they did have answers to big questions like currency, like military, like the nuclear question, on the defence side of things. A lot of questions they didn't really have answers to. So whether that was just him trying to sort of be nice to me or whether he had a serious plan for it, I don't know. But I sensed he was doing more transition thinking than to tap on Brexit, for sure. And then the other thing I once when I was interviewing for, you used to do this month, the interview for GQ. And I think Farage was the first person that I think Sammon was the second and he was so relaxed.
4:19It was on the day Tony Ben died bizarrely. The reason I remember that is because Tony Ben died. We were both getting in and in data with messages like you do when people die, you know, well it happened when Sammon died. Every say, would you do a tribute? Would you do a tribute? So we actually delayed the interview while the BBC sent up a pool camera and we both did interviews to Tony Ben that we went off into this interview and maybe because we spent several hours together, he was I think more relaxed than he probably would normally be in interviews. And he came up with two extraordinary lines which made massive news like for days and both of them damaged him quite a lot.
4:54One was he basically taught in rather than my own terms of Vladimir Putin, which really wasn't very sensible for a British politician at the time. And the second thing we were talking, I was going to praising him for the work that Scotland was doing. These of alcohol trying to sort of change the culture on alcohol. And he said he had this phrase where he said, we've got to get over this image of Scotland as being a nation of drugs. And did you, I'm just because you're very, I mean, it's along with many other things. You're a very experienced journalist and we don't talk maybe enough about how politicians get themselves in trouble in interviews and what's going on in the journalist's head when that's happening.
5:28So when you're sitting there with Sammon and he says this as an experienced journalist, do you immediately know that you've got a line and are you thinking sitting there thinking, oh, okay, let's see where this goes on Putin, let's see where this goes. Or do you not really notice till the end of it? No, I knew as soon as you talked about Putin. And by the way, I guess this part of your profession is to let him keep going. And I thought it was genuinely interesting. Yeah. Yeah. And in fact, the reason I thought of it is when I interviewed Farage a month earlier, he had done something very similar which landed in a bit of hot water.
6:00So that's where everything was going, proputed. Exactly. So with Sammon, I remember it, I remember thinking this is a bit warm. I wouldn't be this warm about Putin. So he did keep going. And by the way, when it came out, when the magazine came out, it's what led the news in Scotland. And then in First Minister's questions, he was getting absolutely hammered for it. Well, I guess one of the things that that maybe suggests is that there's a sort of thin line. It's in the between being a sort of frank larger than life politician and being a little bit on the kind of popular stage, isn't it? Yeah, absolutely.
6:32And I think he got in trouble also for doing interviews. I can't remember whether it was Russian or Iran. Oh, no, he was a big contributor. He was an interviewer and was paid. On not just that. He was being paid quite a money. Pay a lot of money to do that. So I remember reading a biography of him, quite a good detail biography of him. And we see this for Sammon. We'll see this from the church and we see it again with Mary Bajek that we've just been talking to a couple of days ago that these different generations of nationalist politicians, each I think almost a generation apart, bringing a very, very different history.
7:01Yeah. Because Sammon started at a time when the S &P was almost nowhere. I mean, that party had almost disappeared. And the S &P achieves this famous success in 1967 with Winnie Ewing and has good results in 74 of the two elections there. And then it's almost wiped out again as you go into the early 80s, nowhere. And then get three seats in 1987, which I think he's won off. So he's very much part of being with a party through its real wilderness struggling years when it almost looked like it might disappear. And then building it up to this incredible electoral force, which totally dominated Scottish politics.
7:39I mean, by 2015, I think, the S &P was the third largest party in the United Kingdom. In the whole parliament, we know when we established the Scottish Parliament with the Scotland Act in 1998, the Donald jurors, the First Minister, the electoral system. I'll never forget this. We had this meeting with Donald juror and Pat McFadden, who was number 10 advisor on devolution. And who's now a very big, thick, grand, cast on the Senate cabinet minister. And remember, he was talking about, you know, you could do this system. You could do that system. We were talking about different electoral systems.
8:10And the one we went for, part of the reason was that it would mean that no party would ever be absolutely dominant. And the reason for that wasn't to stop the S &P becoming dominant because at the time that seemed very, very unlikely. It was to stop us becoming absolutely dominant because to have us dominant in the UK and in the Scottish Parliament, etc. And literally within like a decade, as you say, the S &P were virtually all powerful. To a point that somebody, a young person growing up today probably thinks that the S &P has been the natural party of government in Scotland forever, whereas if that we were the national government.
8:44The label was so dominant. A lot of that was down to him. And I remember in 2010 coming into Parliament and being mocked by the Labour MPs that there were more pandas in the Edinburgh Zoo, I think, were two of them in the Wartourian Peace in Scotland. And then within five years, Labour, which controlled Scotland, had been almost entirely wiped out and knocked down to, I think, one remaining seat. They, too, were a half the number of the pandas in the Edinburgh Zoo. And of course, the reason we were interviewing Mary Black, which we'll put out in leading in the next few weeks, is that we'd interviewed Douglas Alexander.
9:13He was the guy that she knocked out in Paisley. And she was part of this sort of big force of the S &P within the Parliament. Another thing, just as we were talking there about Sam and the very cany politician, I remember at the time of the Scottish referendum in 2014, a couple of things that he did, which I think were really, really smart. I think he ran rings, ran camera, and they discussed how they were going to do the referendum. First was lowering the voting age, which I wish we'd done for Brexit. And getting rid of the thresholds, so when they tried a referendum in 1979, and in 1979, there were rules in place, which meant that you had to get, I think it was an absolute majority of the whole population.
9:49And of course, by changing those rules, David Cameron opened the window for Brexit. Well, sorry, some of those rules had already been changed, haven't they, under blare? But it's really significant. The rules for a referendum, a vital and were vital for Brexit. The other thing he got was the right to vote in the Scottish referendum for people who came from other parts of the world. So lapvians and Lithuanians and Belgians and so forth. And quite a lot of Europeans who obviously having settled in Scotland, he was thinking and he was right. Maybe we're going to be more minded to vote for this great country that had given them their future, etc.
10:25And then the other thing he did really cleverly, I still was clever. I remember spending a lot of time in the referendum. Why shouldn't my parents, who are as Scottish as Alex Amunders, why shouldn't they be allowed to vote in this? And so I said to him, I remember saying what did you say when Cameron raised the idea that Scots living in the rest of the UK should have vote? As you said, he never raised it. That's terrible, isn't it? The other thing that is so interesting about this is the sense that these referenums are much more voluntary and maybe the big genius of Sammond is getting the referendum at all.
10:58I remember obviously the Brexit referendum was voluntary. But I remember also in 2019 that the basic consensus amongst many of my friends in the Scottish Conservative Party was that we couldn't avoid another referendum. Nicholas Searchon was getting a real head of steam up saying post -Brexit Scots deserves another referendum. And Boris Johnson who knew nothing really about Scotland was very unpopular in Scotland said no, we're not going to have a referendum. And we all thought well, he doesn't understand Scotland, this isn't going to work for him, he's going to be forced to have a referendum.
11:28And he wasn't. It is very interesting and must be very frustrating for the S &P, the power that Westminster has to basically decide whether to grant these things or not. I also think that the reason why I think the dial has moved backwards on independence and that was very much the mood that our meeting in Glasgow. They were all basically of the view when we did a show of hands that the desire for it has gone backwards rather than forwards in recent times. Yeah, on a show of hands, it felt like it was closer to half -half saying that they would have voted for independence when the referendum held in 2014 whereas now it seemed to be more two -thirds or third against.
12:02Yeah. And also when we estimate whether they thought it would have happened in their lifetime, I think it had gone backwards. But I thought that the absolute high point of those who were hoping for independence was just post -Brexit with Johnson and Charge. And I think if they can't get it over the line to a place where it's just absolutely overwhelmingly the demand for it, then it's unlikely to happen. Right, well, I'm going to take my jump off because we're about to hit Labour's first 100 days. Or is it because this room is quite hot? No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no. It's the end of the role my sleeve's up.
12:33It's the end of the year. He does, he does, isn't he? He's the opposite toolmaker. Very good, thank you. Right, OK, Labour first 100 days. Yeah. So the narrative says he pompously has basically been set up, which is it's not been great, but it's early days and it can be turned around. And to some extent my dear friend, Alex, the Campbell, I think is responsible for setting some of that narrative. That's very much the way that you presented, you know, acknowledged things haven't gone brilliantly. I noticed you do some other brilliant tricks that other people picked up. You don't deny the problems around the freebies.
13:03What you say is there were freebies. It's nothing compared to what that monster Boris Johnson did with a million city gates. He's saying, nevertheless, you know, if you campaigned to improve standards and public life, which we absolutely should have done and should continue to continue to do them, I think. So what do you make of that? From it. Well, I think your framing is being very successful. Let me, however, never have out. You're always asking me to sort of talk as a communication director. What do you use a politician make of that frame? Is that a good frame? No, I like it because I think what you do there, which I feel my colleagues don't do enough, is find a way of missing that there's a problem in the middle of that sandwich, rather than denying.
13:43I think one of the stupidest things a lot of my conservative colleagues do is to deny an obvious where is what you've done there is you've said good stuff, bad stuff, not as bad as them. Good stuff in the future. Yeah. Yeah. No, no, so I think that's very good. Now, moving off the tactics of how we communicate it, one of the things we've been talking about a loss on these live shows is actually what could you do to create growth and the obvious point, which is that there's nothing unique about the Labour Party saying they want growth. Obviously, the Tories said they want to growth. The question is how do you create growth?
14:16And I've honed my view down to the idea that there are basically two obvious things they could do, and then there's the sort of keyestarma option as the third one. So the two obvious things they could have done. The first one is a more left -wing position, fine, borrow more, tax more, spend more in public infrastructure, spend more in public services, stimulate the economy, which I think is roughly what Jeremy Corbyn would have wanted to do and a little bit what keyestarma sounded like when he was running for the election. Second option is your friend and former leader, Tony Blair, who has spent a lot of time with the Tony Blair Institute over the last three, four years writing what almost could have been the Labour manifesto.
15:00And the two big things there are technology and globalization. So it's a lot about the ways that you can use technology and a lot about the ways in which Britain could open to the world and to be fair. And also I guess using AI to reimagine the way that the state works. Exactly, that's all connected. And I think also probably not definitely like you and me a much closer relationship with the European Union as part of that. Keyestarma instead is doing neither of those things. And my question is how is he going to avoid the real risk and the real risk is the risk basically of being a slightly softer version of the Conservatives problem and the Conservatives problem was austerity basically.
15:46They never really felt they could raise taxes or borrow more than one two in their case. So they're not doing both. They're not doing both. And they also never actually radically reformed. They never really changed the way the NHS delivered stuff. They never really changed planning. They did. They landed reforms. And then they backed off. They backed off. And in housing, which again, we all talk about this all the time, you're often making the comparisons to China and France that we spent 200 million planning the Thames tunnel without even building it. We've been talking about, as you point out, third -run waste since you came in in 1997, we need to build houses.
16:27750 ,000 people came to Britain last year and we built 20 ,000 houses. So that could be done. But to do that stuff, you'd really need to be a sort of almost elaborate Margaret Thatcher. You'd have to come in and really knock some heads together, take a lot of risks, cause quite a lot of short -term pain in order to completely change those things. Which on planning, we'll see whether they're going to do it. They're certainly talking to talk about it. And likewise, I think it's interesting. We're talking on Monday afternoon whilst this big investment conference is going on in the Guildhall. And I thought it was interesting that I don't know whether this was briefed or whether it just sort of spilled out.
17:03But the news this morning was all about they're going to deregulate, slash red tape, etc. Which again, to a sort of, you know, a home labourer is not necessarily what you expect or want to hear. But I just wonder whether put the two together and they are essentially looking like they're spoiling for fights on two fronts. Fights which they're more likely to be having with the left than with the right. And is that a deliberate strategy? I don't know. I don't know. And I also with deregulation, I remember Cameron brought in Lord Young who'd worked with Margaret Thatcher. And there was an idea when he came in in 2010 that for every new law we introduced, saying they were going to remove two laws.
17:44And of course, basically that didn't happen. Over 14 years, I don't think people feel that Britain is much less regulated than it was. 14 years ago. In fact, you know, people like my mother who keeps being quoted as a straw person and this podcast almost says you can hardly believe there was a conservative government when you look at questions like deregulation. She feels like the state's getting ever more regulated, ever more suffocated. So if the Tories couldn't deregulate, how likely is it that Labour's going to be able to do it? Also deregulation sounds like red tape is one of those things that people just think, well, that must be bad.
18:17But red tape means rules. It means order. It means health. It means safety. One of the proudest achievements of Harold Wilson's government, as Alan Johnson was saying, we talked to him on reading about his book on Harold Wilson. As I second part out this week, by the way, was he brought in the Health and Safety Act. And Alan said it with real pride, both being Labour and talking about Wilson. Because the figures that I'm really sorry, just on that, in a typical US factory in New Jersey before the First World War, you had a 5 % chance of being killed during your working life and a 30 % chance of being seriously injured so that workers protection and all this stuff was ugly because these places were so dangerous.
18:57And so this legislation, I mean, totally changed the world. And obviously, we all get really annoyed that we're all told to where hard hats. That's a great example, by the way, the construction industry, the fact that the London 2012, that entire Olympic project designed and built without a single loss of life on a building project like that. And compare that to the places where you don't have. No, it's amazing. So the question is how you persuade business of these regulations on an industrial level? Then of course, that £200 million spent on just the planning of the Thames Tiber tunnel. A lot of that is, of course, around this regulation.
19:33And another problem for Labour is a lot of that regulation is environmental. So a lot of it is how do you make sure that when you build the Thames Tunnel, you are not affecting biodiversity. You're not putting too much pressure on carbon. You're not affecting the tidal flows that might flood elsewhere. And so if Labour really pushed ahead with deregulating on housing, they're having two battles, aren't they? They're having the battles with the Nimbis, the sort of Tory voters and the Shires who don't want houses going up in that back. Everybody's got a bit of Nimbian, of course. Everyone's got like cultures developed.
20:08Everyone's got a bit of Nimbis, but you're also having a battle with the sort of stuff that the Tories were always scrambling about. And it's true, this stuff does happen. I mean, in my constituency in Cumbria, I would go to see builders who had been delayed for six months because somebody told them when Newts in the area and sure enough, two Newts were found and moved and and people began to wonder whether Newts really needed to be protected as much as they were being protected. Apologies though, for people listening. If you're getting sirens and ambulances and trains, it's because Alistair and I are currently in Cardiff.
20:41And also, I've just seen our two giant trucks arriving along with our tour bus. Yeah, pretty cool. I mean, it is a bit ridiculous. They are giant trucks with all our gear. It was that sort of very clever attempt to try to get off the question of what Labour's actually going to be able to achieve. No, because I think I don't think you can accuse me of being tribal here because the other thing, we'll remember the final point before we go into the ridiculousness of the Tory leadership contest, which no doubt you'll sort of tell me it's one of the giant wonderful contests of our time. The other thing that's really important, you're challenging this stuff when you're having to meet people, confront difficult things like we're building a prison in your constituency or loads of new houses are going up, we haven't yet decided how many new schools are going to go with them and all that.
21:20You need a lot of goodwill in the government reputational bank. And that is why I'm going to stop calling them missteps and going to call them hiccups. These hiccups that we've been having in recent weeks over expenses and Louise Hague saying that a company that was coming to the investment conference was a rogue employer and all that, that these hiccups have to stop and the missteps have to stop is because reputational banking, having currency in the reputational bank is really, really important when you start to do very difficult things. Absolutely. And I guess relentlessly disciplined communication.
21:58I mean, if you're going to build 300 ,000 homes a year and therefore you're going to be having fights with 50, 60 constituencies a year and there are MPs. And there are MPs. You really count. You really need to frame that from the beginning in a very clear way. Presumably you want to get in a situation where when the housing starts, everybody already has in their head the justification and the phrase they knew it was coming. It's to do with the government thing. And so whatever the line is, you know, in order to grow, we have to build whatever it is needs to be in people's heads. Growth coming through building an investment is a perfectly good message.
22:32I like it. Look, I think this investment conference is interesting. It was a very, very, very big names there and talking about very big sums of money that they want to invest. And also they did sort out the Louise thing and that company did attend. And likewise, they had a piece, I think it was in the times of some really big names saying this is a great place to invest it. And it was an interesting thing. Because it's something that is happening before the budget. It is odd. That is odd timing. And because it could happen anytime, couldn't it? I think it would have been. Well, maybe they should have another one after the budget, probably.
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22:59They should have a budget that there is for investment. It is for growth and then they should do another one. It was an interesting statement at letter 2 because some of it was praising the Labour government and some of it was praising fundamental so Britain that proceeded the Labour government. So, yeah, praising the Labour government stability. But they also said Britain is a good place to invest because of the English language, because of what they see as a good school workforce, because some of the investments that have been made in infrastructure, because the way that Britain is positioned with its universities, etc.
23:27So, let's hope. And when we've wanted Japan after the break, but it's such an interesting question. What you do with these economies, if you step back and put Britain the context of all the other economies is struggling around the world. Yeah, I thought Peter Kyle, who were both right, he was doing the morning and media this morning and I heard a few of his interviews on the train down. And he was very, very, very, very good, but I would like a better answer on whether single market customs union might not be aware of addressing this, but anyway, there we are. Listen, as a bridge to the Tories, why don't you just tell our listeners, because you claim that I'm too tribal when I talk about Labour, allow you to tell them what of these live shows where we're already taught to, you know, we're well into five figures, the several thousands of people that we're taught to.
24:14What have they said about, in answer to our question, whether with the Labour government, whether disappointed or happy, and what have they said about the Tories? Yeah, it's been very interesting. And the lovely thing about live shows, and thank you to everybody who's come to CS. And we've been traveling around country and we're talking now in Wales and we were in Scotland yesterday, is that you get the interaction, which of course we get and we're very grateful on emails and Twitter on the podcast, but it's a bit more virtual whereas in this case it's very live. And we do a lot of dodgy, incredibly non -scientific shows of hands.
24:43Polling, we call it. Polling, yeah. And obviously we need to point out that it's not necessarily the case that the audience coming to hear us is represented the entire population in the United Kingdom. They may be selecting some ways. Somebody was saying he was at Scotland show that it's actually much younger than a lot of these things. And actually that's true if you look at the data on our podcast. We're very skewed towards 18 to 35. Anyway, that aside, when you ask people what they think of Labour, you ask three questions, Alice, attends to us. Do you think they've done as you expected better than you expected or worse than you expected?
25:18And the results are usually about half as they expected, about half worse than they expected and almost nobody better than they expected, four or five hands got. I think you've been quite generous, though. You think slightly more than you think. I think your Labour tribalism is taking you. I think I've got to be honest where I'd be sitting at the order list is maybe this is just because of my depressive mindset, I think worse than expected has been winning. It's getting exciting. Yeah, I think it's even more than slightly. I'm really shocked you said that. I'm trying to be fair. I'm trying to be fair.
25:52Just to keep you see, it's like we have this awful thing called a tribalism buzzer that we've got in the station. We need to go over you. Yeah, I know. Well, I mean, obviously the idea of it just got on my head there. I also had one guy in the hotel in Scotland who said, I was one of the hands up for better than he spayed, but that's because I thought they were going to be really, really terrible and they've only been terrible. And he was a lachelist. But I'll tell you what, I think, is there, and this was particularly the case in Manchester, there is still an awful lot of goodwill to Labour. They desperately want Labour to do well because I think they know how important is.
26:26If this Labour is a one -term government, where does it go? Does it go back to these mad right when Tories? Does it go reform? Where's he going to go? And of course to my frustration, I keep hoping that I can get the crowd to say they're going to go for a third party that's neither Tories Conservative and I'm not working out as one of the best laugh lines. I don't know. I just not getting the hand. So listen to our listeners what they'd be saying about the last three, the final three. So we started doing this when the candidates were James Cleverley, Kenny Bay not in Robert Generick. And we've kept doing it even since James Cleverley's been knocked out.
26:55And the results are absolutely astonishing. So these are crowds which in Birmingham, I guess, was pushing towards 4 ,000 matches to cumulatively. We had over 5 ,000 people. Let's go 2 .8. Yeah, exactly. So anyway, these are quite relatively large numbers of people. And we are saying to them, if you were a Tory, if you were a Tory, who do you think is most prime ministerial and could be most of a threat to kids, down in other words, who would you vote for? Who would you choose? Yeah. And the result is usually that out of these thousands of people, you get five or six hands for Robert Generick, four or five hands for Kenny Bay not.
27:33I would say that's within a statistical margin of error. Yeah. And then you get 99 % of the hands going up for James Cleverley, who of course has just been knocked out. I also got in trouble. I noted that his campaign was being run by Grant Shaps, who was the master of the dark arts behind Boris Johnson's campaign with these amazing spreadsheets. And in an interview, just at the final moments, he was asked what he thought about the different candidates. And he said, as the chair of Robert Generick's campaign, I mean, James Cleverley's campaign. So I said, is it possible that when Grant Shaps was encouraging people to vote for, because there's sort of allegation that swapping that was trying to vote, trying to vote, trying to vote, trying to vote, trying to vote, trying to, that he actually might have been on Robert Generick's side all along.
28:16Anyway, as you did, as you did in the night, he's been in touch. He sent me a list of WhatsApp messages. And in those WhatsApp messages, he's clearly encouraging MPs to stick with James Cleverley. Yeah, I have another account under a different name. I mean, he's got several names. You can have several accounts. You can have several campaigns running. I you take it as a word, just like you take all to a light. You took Matt Hancock and his word, what he said, he was wanted to meet him to get behind you. You took Michael Gov at his word, just before he absolutely shafted you by telling the times that you throw the towel in.
28:48That's right. Yeah. It must be lovely to be so trusted with Tory colleagues. So who do you think is going to win out of Generick and Badenot? Well, I know. Tory members, you know the Tory members better than I do. It's very difficult. I think there are advantages and disadvantages on both sides. So I think Kevin Badenot has the strongest right -wing credentials. She was a Brexitier early. She's made many more provocative statements about issues that a lot of the Tory base care about. On the other hand, for some voters, not all of them, I don't think the Tory party is always, but there will be some people who don't want a black woman, to be honest.
29:23So there will be an element of a racist sexist vote amongst some of the members. There will be some people who think Robert Generick is a central casting 1980s. I was thought. Tory MP type. And there will be other people on the right of the party who will say he's fake and actually he's from the centre and he's tacking back and the more right -wing he gets, the more they're like, oh yeah, but someone from the centre would say that, wouldn't they? There was a huge assault from Matthew Paris on Robert Generick this one. Yeah. Which was interesting. I can't imagine he's a big fan of Badenot. Although I suspect that your friend Michael Goe is, I seem to me to be getting the times quite firmly behind Badenot.
30:02Yeah, yeah, yeah. So he's probably, as we speak, having lunch with Robert Generick to heat up a few hours in each time. The Matthew Paris thing was interesting because Matthew, you would have thought, would be a natural support of Generick if Generick could be none left because Matthew's very much from my one nation part of the party. He seems, he seems as a fraud. Yeah, passionately, yeah, passionately remain. And he's, yeah, he prays Badenot because he said at least she seemed original and sincere. The most ludicrous thing I saw on social media this morning was Robert Generick with a birthday cake, with a union flag, an icing union flag on the top, celebrating what would have been Margaret Satch's 99th birthday.
30:39And he's appointed Jacob Rees Augustus as party chair. He says he's Jacob Rees, he's more will be the party chair. So I think we know what the game is. But have you ever celebrated a 99th birthday or somebody's dad? No, my, my, do you want your way for 100? I think my father, my father's a hundred and second birthday just passed, but no, I think there are some cultures in Asia which celebrate death days in that way. Right. Which is amazing because what are we going to be talking about after the break of the day? Good. Okay, well thank you for that. And I think maybe maybe you're hinting that we should go into the break and after the break, pick up on Japan and Victor Orman.
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33:00Welcome back to REST's politics with me Royce Shit. And me, Ernest Kamel. So in an really amazing new turnout for what has been probably the most interesting democratic year in world history. We've got an unexpected one. We haven't unexpected new elections. So we thought beginning the years we were schlepping through. We had India. We had Russia. We had US and UK. Your friend Emmanuel Macron threw an unexpected election in France. And now Japan has thrown an unexpected election to add to all the incredible elections which have brought more than half the world's population. So a lot of the big G7 powers now going through their electoral cycles.
33:38And this follows the resignation from man that we've talked about in the podcast. Fumio Koshita and the appointment of Shigeru Ishiba and Ishiba has now dissolved parliament which is a pretty risky thing to do as we discover with Emmanuel Macron. He did it eight or ten days after being appointed prime minister. And it can work or it can go. Koshido did the same. He dissolved the parliament on a satris napillation and he got a huge victory. It's always, it doesn't always work and it didn't work for Heath I think. I mean these things often. Yeah. It's strange isn't it? How we don't often talk about Japanese politics.
34:14The British media barely cover it but it's fascinating. Their politics is very very factional. You have this party, the LDP, the Liberal Democratic Party which is by the way not very liberal, not very democratic. It's a very it's a quite right wing party. And they have been in power just with the two little gaps since they were founded I think in 1955. And they came out of two other parties which merged to take on what was then the Japan socialist party which they saw as a bunch of comments. Yeah, if I can allow a bit of tiny bit of rest is history. It's a fascinating story because it connects a lot of the stuff we talk about in the podcast.
34:49Basically the socialist party went through the movement that Labour Party went through with Tony Ben. All the conservative parties going through and Britain at the moment by attacking to the far right which is a socialist party in Japan. Broken to three factions and decided that anything that was popular with the voters was no good and they needed to have no compromise and they need to attack to the far left. Exactly. Yeah. And this provided an incredible opportunity for a man called Ikeda who came in and such an encouraging figure in a world of polarization because he took over from a man Kokishi who was a big egotist, pretty right wing.
35:25And Ikeda tacked hard over and was all about compromised bipartisan ship. He dropped some of the radical reforms. He went out of his way to give very moving funeral relations at the funeral of socialist MPs and then he did something which would seem insane and would be lovely if Kier Samu was able to do. He said, I'm going to double your income in six years. I'm going to double the size the Japanese economy in six years. Put in context the current UK levels of growth, average levels of growth since 2008, it would take us 60 years to do that right. And he did it in six years. So between 1960 and 1966, the Japanese economy doubled in size and by the late 60s and purchasing power parity terms was pushing ahead of the United Kingdom in economic size.
36:11Now, back to you. More recently, a less happy story on the economy, which is why they keep churning through leaders. But what was really interesting about this is the Ishiba who was one this election. This is fifth leadership. Play Biden, isn't he? Yes. And he's blocking away. He's not very popular with his MPs. He's much more popular with his. He played the cleverly trick, but he won. The electoral system for the leader is partly MPs, partly members. And they have many more members. So they have a lot more members. So unlike the Tories, it's got about a hundred thousand members. They're over three million members, the LDP.
36:42So it's a much more representative of the general population. But he was not expected to win at any stage until he won. The first round was led by a woman, called Sanate Takaichi, who is much more conservative. I think damaged herself by being very, very hard over on some of the stuff that the China and the Koreans don't like. She talked about visit. She would happily visit the shrine that they really feel shouldn't be visited by leaders because it sort of celebrates people among the more criminals. The early front runner was this young charismatic guy whose father had been a prime minister, Shinjiro Koizumi.
37:20And his campaign was hit by a very, very large blow when his father didn't interview. So he didn't think he was ready to be prime minister. And then he had a second blow when he said that he'd be more than happy to meet with Kim Jong -un, which again did not go down very well with members or MPs. So he was out. Then this lady won, she won the first round. Then all the others drop out. And Sanate Takaichi won the other guy. He was being part of the Arbe faction and had all the heavy weights the party behind her. So she was, I don't know quite what the accolade would be, but certainly more than a Tory leadership race, she was the dominant one who the party was behind all the way.
37:57She was the bad enough figure. Yeah, the same example. The example thought was going to it. And of course, Arbe, the other thing to say and throw into this mix was Arbe who was assassinated two or three years ago. And there was all this stuff came out about the links between the LDP and the Unification Church, the Moonies. That has reared its head again because the new Prime Minister's new Justice Minister has suddenly discovered that he was still very active within the Unification Church. He's now had to sever all links with the Unification Church. So he's not having the greatest start, but when Kishida stepped down, have a guess at what his disapproval rating was.
38:33This little gift gear, Starmer, right? Great. What was this disapproval rating? Disapproval rating was 79%. That's going some because some people got pretty depressed when you're down. It's sort of 35 % disapproval, but 75%. That's not what I'm saying. He was on 79%. Of course, this came after these scandals involving slush funds within the factions because there are factions within the party. The LDP has been so dominant as a party of government that it's almost formalized these factions. They've now sort of tried to get rid of those. His faction got disbanded. His faction was called Koki Kai.
39:04So how long has slush fund stuff going on? Lots and lots of division within the party. But once you get those figures, you've got to go. So he's gone. You guy comes in and says, straight away, I'm having an election. So at the bottom of this, as you said, is this question around the amazing Japanese economy? And one of the facts that I'm fascinated with is that Japan grew so quickly from that period in the 60s that by 1989, it was the second largest economy in the world and was on track to overtake the US. So people talked about Japan the way they talked about China a few years ago. My colleague at Yale, Professor Paul Kennedy raised this book called Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, which basically seemed to suggest, maybe unfair to Paul, but basically that the world had been dominated by Spain and then by France and then by Britain and then by the US.
39:54And that was a big bestseller in Japan. Good for me, bro. Yeah. Again, you know, famously the Royal Palace in Tokyo was worth more than the whole of Manhattan. And the Japanese companies were buying the big American television studios, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. The Japanese economy in 1989 was eight times larger than the Chinese economy. So at the period where, you know, you were already working, Japan was this sort of economic superpower that didn't really need to worry. Most of our meetings with them apart from when we went to Japan were around the G7 and the G8 because they were big, big players inside the US, huge jobs.
40:31And then, of course, they ran into a wall. And it was the strangest thing that's almost happened to any economy on record. And although people say it's because they were getting older and begin coming up with answers around that time, the answer is the economists don't really understand fully either how it happened or what they should have done to get out to it. But essentially, the whole thing ground to a halt in nominal GDP terms between 1991 and 2012. The US economy grew by 160%. The UK economy grew by a similar amount, what from about 600 million to about 1 .5 billion. The Japanese economy in that period didn't grow at all in normal terms zero growth.
41:14If you'd put 100 ,000 yen in your fridge in 1995, I'm a stone in this from Guy called David Pilling, by 2012, it would have been purchasing terms to be worth 112 ,000 yen. If you put it in the stock market, it would have halved in value down to 50 ,000 yen. As I think I mentioned when I got back from Japan, I've been talking to a lady whose house outside Tokyo was worth 70 % less than when she bought it 25 years ago. So that's the bad story. But oddly, you can also tell a good story because strangely, because their economy is flatlining at the same time as their population is decreasing and actually many things are getting more affordable.
41:51In per capita GDP terms, often it doesn't actually feel that painful for the average Japanese. And one of the most sort of positive times was the time of Koizumi who was the man who was the prime minister for a lot of the period when you were in office and who just torpedoed his son's electoral chances. He's only the know -be who briefly looked as though in the early, in the big dude. Yeah, in the early 2000s, he was going to turn it all around and he dissolved the parliament, won a snap election, incredibly successful. Everybody was very excited. And again, it was the same with Shinto Abbey. You remember there was Abonomics and again Japan has been struggling.
42:27You know, is the answer to go the sort of full Cameron austerity or is the answer to print money? It doesn't seem to matter what they do. Nothing they do is turning this around. Well, that's the economics, but on the politics, apart from a brief period in the early 90s and then the consequence of the crash 2009 -2012, the LDP has been in power through that entire period since it was formed in the 50s. I mean, you sure about the conservatives being the greatest party of government this law? Yeah, well, also just to, I mean, you're often mocking me for the idea that the kind of British class system, well, something so many of these Japanese prime ministers including the current one, the current one.
43:08His father was a cabinet minister, his mother's father was the governor of a province and was one of the big rulers occupied Singapore during the Second World War. Shinto Abbey's grandfather was there into the early. But also there wasn't really a proper denazification. So Shinto Abbey's grandfather had basically been the dictator of Manchuria during the 1930s. If this was any other country in the world, I can think of. The party of the government were getting booted out the whole time, wouldn't they? Well, very, very low turnout because everybody's so depressed, the opposition totally. And yes, I suppose you end up with a word, but these things can collapse because remember the Liberal Party in Canada from Trudeau, almost to my clicknutti, it felt like it was the natural party of government and all the matter were tiny moves from the Liberal Party and then it suddenly sort of blew itself up overnight and went to one of its worst defeats ever.
44:00Well, we've been banging on for a long time, briefly on Hungary, all ban. So the European Union has this strange system where there's a rotating presidency where a different country takes on the presidency every six months and part of the duty of the president is that they go and have to sort of make a speech to the European Parliament and Ursula von De Laen responds and then people join the debate. So Victor Orban, Prime Minister of Hungary, it's the president. He's the current president, goes and make a speech and von De Laen, who was criticized and then again, I mean, most of us, I'll cast remember, but he is basically the most strong example of a popular strong man in Europe and he's the guy that's really pushing for a sort of Trump -seeking ping -puts in strong man -version world.
44:42So he goes along and does his thing and basically sort of makes lots of criticisms of the European Union. von De Laen really puts the boot into him. For the first time in those terms, reminds him of some of the sort of historic European debates that led to wars and essentially says to him, which side would you have been on? Which side would you have been on when the Czechs were under attack? Which side would you have been on in the past? When the Hungarians? When the Soviet Union comes running in Hungary in the 1950s, where would you have been? So my favourite line in Ursula von De Laen speech said, there are still some looking across Orban who blame this war not on the invader, but on the invaded, not on Putin's lust for power, but on Ukraine's thirst for freedom.
45:24And the only person who came to his defence was this German hard -right guy. But then the other thing they did, they invited the opposition politician, Peter Magger, who's also an AAP, so they invited him to make a speech. And it was good theatre because Magger goes straight up to Orban, totally took Orban by surprise by offering to shake his hand. He sort of reluctantly took his hand. And Magger then went up to the podium and really laid it in turn. And he said to him, asked him if he was proud that he's created the poorest and most corrupt country in Europe, in European. Which of course, Orban supported supporters would not recognise at all because he convinced them they're just doing really well.
46:04And I mean, this is the odd thing about the alternative reality. I mean, when you say the poorest and most corrupt country in Europe, they really wouldn't recognise that, but the truth is of course that actually the Hungarian population, like the Japanese population, is going in the wrong direction. But they don't because Orban has done what a lot of these kind of populist hard right leaders do, you know, suppress the media, no real freedom of speech, rule of law, get hold of the institutions, weaken the opposition. So this guy is worth watching his speech, but in Vondeline speech as well. And there's also a French politician called Valérie Haier, who I think I sent it to you and it's subtitled for the heart of Frenching, but she did absolutely.
46:39And she didn't stop looking him in the eye. And he kept looking away. He kept pretending he's taking notes the whole time, like he was, you know, a lecture or something. But it was very, very interesting. And I suspect you look, he defended himself and he said that all this stuff was kind of, you know, left his lies about what's happening. He was going to chance for his funders. Yeah. And he was very, very dismissive of the whole thing. And of course, a lot of these speeches attacking Orban were essentially about Ukraine, basically saying that you are Putin's man, you're not Europe's man, you're Putin's man.
47:11And it was, you know, he sat there and took it, but he that was a bad, bad day at the office of Mr. Orban. Right. This was the same event where famously when Tony Blum, we had the president, Dave, remember Tony Blum, absolutely. If you want to see somebody taking down Nigel Farage, it was one of the best moments of Nigel Farage's career. Right. Final little stat on Japan, which I'm much getting some obsessed with Japan. As you know, the Japanese population is falling really fast as it gets older. And it's interesting because South Korea is on the same trajectory, Russia is on the same trajectory.
47:44And most European countries would be on the same trajectory if it wasn't for immigration. The Scottish population, for example, is well below replacement rates if you set aside immigration. In fact, the Scottish population was pretty much at the same size it is now in about 1950. But in Japan, it's going to drop to 100 million in 2050 by 25 minute, down 43 million by the end of the century, which will be about the level that was out in 1910. Orori, thank you for bringing us back to Japan to end this podcast that we'll see soon. Thank you very much. Bye bye.
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