343. What Happens Next: Israel vs. the International Criminal Court

27 Nov 2024 · 59 min

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Podcast Notes: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 343: What Happens Next: Israel vs. the International Criminal Court

Episode Overview In this episode of "The Rest Is Politics," hosts Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart discuss the implications of the International Criminal Court's (ICC) arrest warrant for Israeli officials, the potential impact of Donald Trump on the war in Ukraine, and the political landscape in the UK under Chancellor Rachel Reeves’ growth agenda.

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Key Topics Discussed

  1. The International Criminal Court (ICC) and Israel
  2. Background on the ICC:
  3. The ICC was established by the Rome Statute and focuses on holding individuals accountable for war crimes.
  4. Traditionally, the ICC has faced criticism for disproportionately targeting leaders from the Global South, particularly in Africa.
  5. Recent Developments:
  6. An arrest warrant has been issued for Israeli officials, including Prime Minister Netanyahu and Defense Secretary Gallant.
  7. This has led to polarized global responses, with many countries in the Global South and the Muslim world supporting the ICC, while the US and some European nations criticize it.
  8. Key Arguments:
  9. The debate over the ICC's role in international law and whether it can effectively hold powerful leaders accountable.
  10. The potential political ramifications of the ICC's actions, especially in relation to Israel's standing in the international community.
  1. Responses to the ICC's Arrest Warrant
  2. Global Reactions:
  3. Countries like Turkey and Ireland have supported the ICC's decisions, while Hungary has openly invited Netanyahu, defying the ICC.
  4. The division reflects broader geopolitical tensions and differing perspectives on international law.
  5. Claims of Equivalence:
  6. Critics argue that the ICC's actions create a moral equivalence between Israel and Hamas, which has sparked substantial backlash from Israeli officials.
  1. Trump's Influence on Ukraine
  2. Potential Policy Changes:
  3. Discussion on how a possible return of Trump to the presidency could impact US support for Ukraine.
  4. Trump’s isolationist approach poses challenges for European nations seeking to sustain support for Ukraine against Russian aggression.
  5. Ukraine’s Defense Needs:
  6. Europe’s industrial capacity to support Ukraine is limited, raising concerns about the feasibility of sustaining military efforts without US assistance.
  1. The UK Economy and Rachel Reeves' Growth Agenda
  2. Current Economic Challenges:
  3. The UK faces significant economic challenges, including declining business confidence and manufacturing activity.
  4. Reeves’ Growth Strategy:
  5. Criticism of the lack of a clear growth plan, with a focus on investments in public services rather than substantial economic reforms.
  6. Calls for Bold Policy Initiatives:
  7. Suggestions for major reforms including tax policy adjustments, infrastructure investments, and addressing challenges related to Brexit.
  1. Political Landscape in Norway and Romania
  2. Norway's Commitment to International Law:
  3. Alastair Campbell's meeting with the Norwegian Prime Minister highlights Norway’s strong support for international institutions like the ICC.
  4. Shifts in Romanian Politics:
  5. The rise of pro-Putin populist candidates in Romania indicates changing dynamics in European politics influenced by social media and external pressures.

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Conclusion The episode emphasizes the delicate balance of international law, national interests, and domestic political pressures in shaping global politics. Both the ICC's actions and Trump's potential return to power highlight the complexities and tensions within international relations, while the UK’s economic policies under the new administration raise questions about future growth and governance strategies.

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Key Takeaways

  • The ICC's recent actions against Israeli leaders provoke mixed global reactions and challenge the concept of international accountability.
  • Trump's influence on Ukraine could reshape European security dynamics and military support.
  • The UK government faces pressure to establish a coherent growth agenda amidst economic challenges, while changes in Norway and Romania reflect broader trends in European politics.

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Additional Notes

  • For more insights on the discussed topics, listeners are encouraged to engage with the ongoing political discourse and explore further readings on international law, global politics, and economic policies in the UK and beyond.

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Transcript

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0:50Welcome to the rest of the politics with me, Alistair Campbell. And with me, Rory Stewart and Alissa, I can tell from the Scandidae question that you are in fact in Scandweeja somewhere, where are you? Scandweeja, is it new continent? It's a new continent, yeah. I'm in Oslo. I'm looking out on a very cold, grey day. I've just had a meeting with the Prime Minister, which is very interesting. He's a big fan of the podcast Rory. We should have him on in the new year. Oh, very good. You managed to seal that deal, did you in the meeting? Well, I can't say it was that difficult. I don't like you, Rory, if I meet these heads of Castellan government, I do tend to sort of get them on.

1:29Listen, today I think we should, there's a lot going on on the international front. And if you think about COP, about Israel and the international criminal court, about Ukraine, I wonder if a way we can look at it is through the lens of whether the international organizations are remotely up to the job that they're trying to do. I think we should talk a bit about the British economy and I'll also maybe just reflect a little bit on Norway. It's a very, very interesting country. But also I think I sometimes feel Scandinavia doesn't quite because people sort of think Scandinavia is still pretty cool and works.

2:02Maybe you just don't get the attention it deserves. A lot happening here as we're talking about. So we'll do that in a second. Well, then let's put those three things just together for an instant, just to frame them in an obvious way, which is if we go back to the 19th, early 2000s, I think all those things coincide. It was a period where it really felt as though there was a strong push to build international institutions. So you remember that we created the International Criminal Court in Yugoslavia and that was also the moment at which the International Criminal Courts in general that we're going to be talking about today emerged.

2:35The UN felt pretty strong. It was a time when the British economy was performing strongly. GDP per capita growth was for the first time since 1870 growing faster than the US. And it was a time when we all looked to countries like Norway as forms of utopia, which a lot of our policy was arranged around. So that's a kind of good background. Let's start though maybe with a bit of a summary on where we are on the ICC. Do you want me to do a brief summary? What do you want to do? ICC summary. So just to remind people, there are two different international courts that people will hear about a lot. There's the ICCA, which is the relationships between states on behalf of the UN.

3:18And that actually has also featured in the debate about Israel -Gaasa because it ruled on illegal occupation of Gaza and it's discussing genocide. The other court that matters, which is a more recent court, which is the ICC, which was set up by something called the Rome Statutes through negotiations that actually had been going on almost since the First World War, but finally came into fruition in the early 2000s, rules on individuals. And the controversy there is that traditionally, it ruled on individuals and the Washington posters made this point in slightly disturbing terms. Washington Post basically wrote an editorial saying, no, no, no, this court was supposed to be ruling on people in Africa.

4:02It's not supposed to be on people in the developed world. And that's one of the reasons why the global South has traditionally been a bit uncomfortable with the International commercial criminal court, it made its reputation going off to people who'd committed war crimes in Africa, most dramatically of all the President -of -Sudon, but it also has issued an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin. And of course, so long as it was doing that, broadly speaking, the US and Europe were pretty comfortable with it, what it's now done, of course, is issue arrest warrant for Hamas leaders. But unfortunately, the Hamas leaders, it's issued warrants for have subsequently been killed by Israeli operations and it's also issued a restaurants for Netanyahu, the prime minister of Israel, and for Galant, the defense secretary who just stepped down.

4:48And in relation to that, much of the world has been very, very divided with the global South generally embracing this and the Muslim world very much embracing this decision. But many other countries, most noticeably the US, criticizing the decision of the ICC and refusing to accept it over you. I mean, it's the first time that what is defined as a Western leader of a developed democracy has been charged in this way. As you say, you know, we're talking in the past about Bashir, in Sudan, Taylor, in Liberia, Salam Hussein, in Iraq. So this is a really, really big deal. With some exceptions, it seems to have united Israeli politics against the ICC.

5:34But I do think it's, this just goes to the heart of how diplomacy, I mean diplomacy has always been political to some extent. But when you look at the reactions around the world, there's a very good mapping of the whole decision which we should put in the newsletter by an organization called Just Security. And they've gone country by country through all the different reactions that people have made to this. So as you say, America, even before the work was done on the case, right from the start they said this is unacceptable, it's putting Israel on a power with Hamas and given what Hamas did on October 7th, that is completely unacceptable and they've stuck absolutely to that line.

6:19Orban, Prime Minister of Hungary, immediately invited Netanyahu to say, essentially come to our country because because there's no chance whatever that we're going to arrest you. Because what happens is if you're a signatory to the ICC and somebody is indicted by it, then when they try to visit your country, you should arrest them. And South Africa, for example, a very interesting example where I think it was Bashir who went to South Africa and wasn't arrested and the South African Supreme Court judged its own government have been in breach of international law for the failure to arrest. So just as, you know, remember Putin didn't go to South Africa for the meeting of the bricks last year because he was worried about arrest, he did go to Mongolia quite recently because the Mongolian government had told him they were not going to arrest him.

7:11But what's happened when you look at the list of the countries who have said this is a good thing, Turkey by the way, Erdogan was essentially sort of celebrating this. So there's those countries that have often been critical of Israel in the past. Ireland's another one came out very, very strongly saying it has to be supported. Then you see the ones that sort of basically are just conscious of the very difficult politics, UK output in that category, France is in that category, where they find it very, very difficult. It's a really interesting development, but it just shows the sort of the extent of polarization now, even around something like this.

7:45And I think you framed this at the beginning as a statement about international law and the international system. So we're in a world that is much, much more violent than it was when Trump took over in 2016. When Trump took over in 2016, the Middle East was pretty peaceful. Eastern Europe was pretty peaceful. Africa was in a reasonably good state. We're now in a world in which there is horrors in the Middle East. there are horrors in Ukraine, Russia, and there are horrors in Sudan just to take three. And we could add to that, Myanmar, Nagorno -Karabakh, etc. So it's a real moment at which the international system is being tested to its limits by people like Putin breaking international borders by civil war -breakout.

8:30And this court was really created as part of an attempt to bring peace and self -conflict by holding people accountable for war crimes. So it was set up to deal with future Saddam Hussein's Milosevic's pinnoshes. And the hope was that by having a clear international system in place, leaders would be deterred from committing acts of brutality. So I think it's maybe worth taking a step or two back to see what's at stake here and why many countries, for example Belgium, some of the Scandinavian countries have come out and said very, very strongly, there is a principle of international law here. It doesn't matter who the arrest warrant is issued for.

9:18We must support this international court. And part of the strength of these courts is that they attempt to issue a restaurants for people on both sides. And this is why the question of equivalence is important. So the Americans and others have tried to say that the problem with this ruling is it creates an equivalence between Hamas and Israel. But that isn't a good argument. If you look at the court on former Yugoslavia, one of the things that actually gave its strength is that it issued a restaurants not only for the Bosnian Serbs for the Meladitches and the Carichets who were clearly on the wrong side.

10:04It issued a restaurants for Bosnian commander who was on the right side because the argument was yes he was the victim of an illegal aggression and invasion but in his conduct the war to defend himself. He broke into national law the allegation was he committed atrocities. The other thing that's important is that these courts in the past, and this was true of a Croat commander, have heard cases, and in the end decided that people should not be convicted. So I suppose what I'm getting out there is that you can't use the fact of equivalence as a way of challenging a court that's a very kind of worrying grounds.

10:47The stronger case that could be made against it, which has been hinted out by some of the objections, is that the court is supposed to come into place only when the national courts and the national judicaries are not capable of dealing with it. So the way in which the US or the UK would traditionally say, it doesn't need to go to the ICC as by saying we have very strong courts in our own country which will investigate war crimes committed by our soldiers and our leaders internally. So it doesn't need to go to the ICC. And there the question is, is Israel still in a situation where it can honestly say that it's judicial process is so strong that it will fairly investigate war crimes committed by its own people, or are the critics correct who say, actually in practice, if you look at Israeli judicial practice for 20 years, it's been very, very reluctant to hold anyone accountable for war crimes.

11:39And also, if you go back to Israeli politics before October 7th, then the big issue was the fact of Netanyahu and his justice reforms, which if you remember, led to a huge protest in the streets because they actually felt that the justice system was being co -opted for political purposes. I mean, it's very, very hard to know exactly what's happening in Gaza because its access is so limited. But I was talking this week to somebody who's just got back from the West Bank somewhere where this person goes regularly, has done for many, many years, has a pretty significant role to play, and does not normally speak in what I would call dramatic terms.

12:29And this person says that what's happening in the West Bank, although he thinks that it's wrong to talk about apartheid because that is very much a sort of about specific system in South Africa, he doesn't think we should be talking in terms of genocide, but does say that what is going on there is ethnic cleansing. And in a sense that what's happening is that there is a deliberate strategy to make the place as uninhabitable as possible for people who see it as their home, and that the Ben Gavir Smotrich side of the Israeli government is absolutely in charge. Now, at this stage, always we should say October the 7th was horrific, Hamas, you know, deserved a lot of what went their way.

13:13But have we reached that point? And is there anybody within the Israeli system that is able or willing to stand up and make the point that if the goal in Gaza was to wipe out the Hamas leadership, the fact that in this indictment, the three people who were named originally, they're all now dead. But what's happening in the West Bank? And there was a huge piece in the New York Times yesterday about this. They had this word, garsification, that the garsification of what's going on in the West Bank. But if you have, you know, we talk a lot about the theme of impunity. And you do have a sense that because they can say we are taking out our enemies, we're taking out the people who were responsible for October the 7th.

13:59We've kind of moved to a point where you sort of feel, well, have they not for some time now being going beyond that? And then the other point that's worth throwing into this about all of these international institutions, the return of Donald Trump as president. Now given that we've all grown up with the idea that nobody is above the law in a democracy governed by the rule of law, and we've just seen a rival's president, somebody who is clearly above the law, not least because of what's happened to all the cases for which he was being investigated. So I think that sense of a world of impunity, a world of nationalism, a world of where governments can kind of do what they want.

14:34I think that's where we are. And that's why these responses have all been, well, this is our national policy in relation to the issue of Israel -Garza. Therefore, that's the line we take. So the institution itself is now fundamentally weakened. Yes. And of course, you're speaking to us in Norway. And it's probably no accident that the countries that have come strongly out in favor of the international court. Denmark, Finland, Norway, Canada, the Netherlands are, I suppose, classic Northern European countries that have a strong, strong abiding commitment to the idea of trying to create international law.

15:12Well, let me say, Roy, when I was having breakfast with the Norwegian Prime Minister, Jonas Gastor, this morning, he showed me in the residence the table. I could have been a chill actually because sometimes historical artifacts can be, you know, you really get a sense of them. And the table in his residence is the table literally on which the Oslo Accords were signed. And to remind people, the Oslo Accords was the last really strong attempt to detune state solution between Israel and Palestine. Exactly. And it was, you know, Oslo fundamental, it was a couple of Norwegian diplomats, husband and wife team that were right at the heart of it.

15:50So you see this desk and you think, my God, how far have we come from that? Well now we have elected in America a president who was just pointed an ambassador to Israel. He says there is a one state solution. And of course, the person we were talking to about the West Bank, of course what a lot of this is about is that that area has to be taken back. That's Judea and Samaria. and it's part of the goal of one Israel. Will that be the American policy? I don't know, but that is certainly the view of the American ambassador. Yeah, just fine to finish. I mean, why is it that so many Israelis have been critical of this ruling?

16:31And it's been pretty universal. I mean, slightly shockingly, mostly opposition leaders, et cetera, people who traditionally one would have hoped would support international law have come out against it. I think there's a couple of reasons. And firstly, of course, Israel feels brutally under a tax still. Whatever the realities on the ground are, and I actually happen to believe that Iran poses less of a threat to Israel than people suggest. But that's almost the right of what matters is that people in Israel feel profoundly under threat and have since October last year. And they feel the world is ganging up against them.

17:06Secondly, of course, as we've discussed, there's very little information about what's happening in Gaza. are really available to Israelis and actually even very little in fact she would talk about the West Bank's about what's going on the West Bank. Israeli citizens for a long time now have not been allowed to go to the West Bank. So I had a Jewish friend who, and I mentioned this, traveled recently to Hebron and walked through the settlements with a Palestinian friend was subject to unbelievable abuse and came back really shaken feeling that he'd been lied to for his entire life about what was happening in settlements because he literally had no idea what they were like.

17:44So there is a sense of this, that when you feel under attack, when your media is not showing you anything, and when you can't visit these areas, you can have a very unrealistic sense of what's actually going on and you feel that people complaining about the settlements with the operations in Gaza are just antisemitic rather than taking seriously the possibility that you can hold the position, which I think you and I hold, which is October the 7th was a horrifying, unforgivable attack that Hamas is a terrorist group, his brother is a terrorist group that Israel has the right to self -defense, but also that some of the things that are happening in the West Bank and much of what's been happening in Gaza is entirely unacceptable and Israel did not need to do those things.

18:29Every time we discuss this, we tend to get attacked from both sides. I think actually we've been a little bit slow both of us you probably quicker than I but to get to a place of Saying that a lot of what the Israeli government is doing now is wrong and is being shown to be wrong And that leads to every time you say something like that and this is what you know If you saw Netanyahu's response to the ICC he said that this was anti -Semitic And that's a kind of easy thing to say and by the way the person that I was talking to and you know them by the way who's been there and who goes there regularly is somebody who has fought anti -semitism all their life and I think that's one of the reasons why they've been maybe holding back a little bit which is why I'm not actually saying who they are because they're making a judgment about whether to come and come out strong and say this but I think it's such an easy thing.

19:24It's like if you were to if ever I'm discussing Europe anything to do with Europe with somebody who's a well -known Brexit person. They will just say, oh, you're a remainder. Like, that means you aren't allowed to have a view about something today, 2024. A low one is now, if you say anything like we've just been saying about the reactions to the ICC or the fact that you should at least take it seriously, if the international institutions to mean anything, they say, well, that's being anti -Semitic. And it's just a way of shutting down any reasonable debate. So that's why I thought it was interesting.

20:03And as I say, we'll post this thing, you can map it country by country. It pretty much followed the current policy of that government in relation to the bigger issue. And that means it's impossible to kind of make progress. And the stakes are unbelievable because if we end up in a situation where the US and very major allies reject the authority of the International Criminal Court, we have just Delta death blow to one of the central institutions that were supposed to preserve global security. I mean, this is very big stakes, which brings us into Ukraine, which you want to discuss. So Ukraine, I think there are probably three or four issues.

20:42I wanted to come to you again on this question of whether if Trump pulls back, whether Europe can go at alone. So just remind people, Trump's got basically two camps pushing against involvement in Ukraine. One of them broadly speaking is isolationist. We don't want to have anything to do with anyone else. And the other one of which is represented by this man that I know about Mike Waltz, his new National Security Advisor, which I'd call the Priority Camp, which says, it isn't we want to have nothing to do with anywhere, but we want to focus on China and that any weapons that we send to Ukraine are undermining opposition on China.

21:18Now, the reason that's a problem is that there is a potential option for the US to say we're not providing any more money, we're not going to send any more weapons. But if Europe wants to buy our weapons, they can still do so. And I put that little caveat in because Europe simply does not have the industrial production capacity. It's not just a question of cash. Europe could theoretically be a huge stretch, but if Germany, France and Britain came in behind Poland, they could probably find the extra 50 billion dollars a year to support the removal of US spending. The problem is were simply not creating enough missiles.

21:53And we don't have the equivalent of patriots. We're not able to deal with their defense properly. So would the US sell the kit? There'll be part of Trump that would say, yeah, sure. I don't know how I'm to do with it. But if that's money from Americans, money from American defense contractors, I'll flog it to the Europeans. Incidentally, at an inflated price, which is one of the problems that the Ukrainians have been facing, we just can't buy this American kit at the price that the defense contractor sold to the American military. But people might, Waltz might say, No, no, no, because actually even selling this kit removes our air defenses from the Pacific where we want this kit in place.

22:28So let me just come to you on this can Europe go to learn. So the poles, the Baltics, the Nordics, Finns and Swedes particularly would like to say let's ally with Britain. We take this very seriously what Putin is doing in Ukraine is genuinely a massive threat to the world. So even if Trump pulled out we're going to step up. Do you think that's credible? It's very, very difficult, that's for sure. And this just underlines the power that is in the position of the American presidency. I was talking to somebody who was at the G20 in Brazil and who said that a lot of the discussions were about what's going to be like when Trump just the same as at the cop.

23:10Trump was hanging over coffee, was hanging over the G20. But one of the people who was there who'd listened in to one of the conversations that Trump had been having with one of these other leaders. Sorry to be all secret squirrels. I'm not going to say this one is either. Can I just point out, I'm going to let you get away with it, but generally when I do that, you push me for the name. Your journalistic hackles come up and you start saying, go on Rory, was it the king, was it the prime minister? Okay, well it wasn't the king. It wasn't the king, okay? And I should say, the person we've talked about in relation to the West Bank, you do know who it is because I've told you.

23:45You've kind of told me who it is on WhatsApp. And I've explained the sensitive sense why you're not mentioning it. Yeah, yeah, and likewise with this person I think it's quite I'm not gonna register the baby. Anyway, there was a conversation in which Donald Trump said that he felt that Ukraine the Ukraine situation had the capacity to be as complicated as the Middle East now. I thought that was interesting Because the sense we have I'm going to do a deal in 24 hours. Yeah. Is that he sort of doesn't understand any of the complexities. So we shall see. I think it would be very, very hard for Europe, not least because of the politics in Europe.

24:24We've talked about Germany, where the hard right and the hard left parties are both against further engagement in Ukraine. Just to remind people, 30 % of the German population currently supports these parties, which seem to not want to have anything to do with Ukraine. That's a big voting block. Yeah, interestingly here in Norway, the reason why I had a very, very early ETA with the Prime Minister was because he was heading off to Parliament because there's a big debate today about Ukraine where he is going to be committing three billion for next year. The pressure he is under is to spend more.

24:58Yeah. There's none of that. There might be a little bit of the margins, but there's not even from the right wing progressives as they call themselves the progress party. There's no pressure other than to do more for Ukraine. So I think you're right about it and they're really, really, really keen on a big strategic partnership with the UK. Just to explain why I think the reason why the Nordic and Baltic countries and Poland feel this very strongly is that they feel much closer to Russia and they focus on it and they study it and they're worth taking more seriously than almost US UK French analysts because we just...

25:33Emily's geography and his history Pestering at it the whole time. So their conclusion is that the stakes are unbelievably high. And broadly speaking, the worst case scenario is that if Putin manages to take a chunk of eastern Ukraine and then get Trump to agree essentially to demilitarize western Ukraine, which is what he'll demand. He'll say, you know, the price of a peace is western Ukraine or what remains of Ukraine, not only doesn't join NATO and EU, but it basically disarms. He will then have two temptations, which will be very strong. One of them is to roll through Ukraine in four, five years time and have a chomp mold over, which is a former Soviet state.

26:17And perhaps the more likely one is that he helps himself to a bit of one of the Baltic states. And there again, it may not be about invading and taking an entire country, maybe just taking a sliver of territory, but the reason that matters, is that if he takes a sliver of turrets in the Baltic, those are NATO member states, so we're signed up to defend them if they're invaded. He will hope that he can take a chunk of them, sit there, and then threaten to use nuclear weapons if anyone intervenes to retake it. And if he's successful in that, he's destroyed NATO forever. What did you make last week of him first time using this kind of intercontinental ballistic missile, which could carry nuclear warheads but didn't?

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26:58But it looked to me like a pretty performative, very expensive message. Yeah, well, I think that is the message. And I think that's the bluff he'd hoped to pull off. I think his gamble is that most Germans, most breads probably I'm afraid, would not be prepared to fight and die to defend both countries. Now NATO is based on the assumption they would be prepared to do that. But the risk is people will think, you know, a bit like Chamberlain, you know, this is a distant country of which we know nothing, and we really going to fight and die. For these countries, the Baltics are gambling we will, but much smarter from that point of view is to make sure that Putin is never in a position in Ukraine to be able to claim the victories settled down and then have a go at something else, because I think a combination of taking a small bit of territory, Germany and Britain not being motivated, a nuclear threat might allow him to break NATO and that article of protection entirely.

27:56On the other hand, let's imagine that Trump did sort of do some kind of deal with Putin that was not at all acceptable to Ukraine and destabilized, frankly, the whole of Eastern Europe and past the West. Does he really want that to be his first big foreign policy thing? Is that not going to show him to be weak as opposed to strong? Well, one possibility, of course, which people who voted for him keep trying to say is, Well, he never does all the things that he says he's going to do anyway. So maybe we don't need to take seriously the fact that he said this. I think though most of his top team have spent the last four years digging into the idea that Russia doesn't really matter what matters as China.

28:42And that they could do with making friends with Putin to bring him more onto their side against China. So whatever he thinks there'll be a lot of pressure in his team and I certainly think I would imagine I don't maybe you've got views on this. Do you think it's politically possible for him to write another large check for Ukraine, given everything he said in the last two years? I mean, forget about peace and 24 hours, but all he has to do is not send another $50 billion for Ukraine to be in really big trouble. I think it is possible for him to, because I don't think he has been as hard over on this as some of the people that announced the administration.

29:18and we know that he's quite always prepared to switch positions. I don't honestly know, I'll tell you what, I'm reading Angela Merkel's book at the moment, which we're talking to in the next few weeks. Very interesting when Trump won, Trump number one, his first term. So when Trump came in, and let's say, for example, we're going to talk in a minute about COP. Obviously, he had a very, very different position to most of the countries at the top table of the climate change debate. And she sort of took the view, well, we're going to have to step up and meet this challenge without him in a different way.

29:54Now, I guess the question you're asking is on something like defense would leaders be willing to do that and would their countries be willing to follow them on that. But most of the countries we're talking about, they are increasing defense spending. They are looking to up the game on defense, including our own, including the place where I am now, including Germany. Look, it's a tough one, but I don't think is a given that he's going to pull the plug on Ukraine quickly. Well, two final things from me. For more details on Ukraine, do please read Shashank Joshi, who's about a writer, great article, and the economist, kind of forward, who knows much more about Ukraine.

30:29I do. Secondly, on this question of going from EU NATO, unanimity, in other words, these big bodies all acting together towards the world in which some of them might make smaller alliances, for example, polls, Baltic's Nordics, and Britain working on Ukraine. Again, my friend Geryl Canal, CDI has done quite a lot of work on this. Thank you, Alistair. Okay, Rory, quick break. See you, Dominic.

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32:06Welcome back to the rest of politics with me Roy Stewart. And me Alex Campbell. And Alex, I think we really must do stuff on cop and climate, but I think for time reasons, let's move it into our next podcast, which is the question arts podcast where we'll do a serious amount on cop. Right. Which brings us to some other issues that you've raised. You wanted to tell a little bit about Norway, where you are? There's also been an extraordinary result in Romania. So tell us a little bit about Romania, because I think it's quite an interesting example about the way that politics is changing. Well, this goes against what we talked about earlier where the people close to Russia are more likely to be most worried.

32:43We know about all -bound, we know about Slovakia. So this is Romania. This is the presidential campaign, and the president is not a sort of macro -entite president. They don't have as much power are some presidents. But the truth is that a far right pro -Russia candidate, the guy called Kalen Georgeescu, he is one of the first round, one 23%. And the person who was favourite, who was the prime minister, a social democrat, came third. So he's now out of the runoff. So what happens is that Georgeescu is now going to go up against somebody called Elena Lasconi from the Save Romania Union in the second round.

33:21But it's very much, I mean, You know, we're talking far right here, we're talking somebody who sort of regularly echoes the kind of putin' talking points. Pretty low turn out, 51%, but a big, big, big rise. I mean, this guy was on, not that long ago, is on sort of single figures in the polls. Yeah, there's a lot of trends here in Romania, which oddly reflects what we've seen in America and across Europe. So you just pointed out very low turnout. Number two, opinion polls completely wrong. I mean, the opinion polls has barely raced it this guy. Thirdly, the power of social media. So he had no ground game.

33:56He didn't have much money. He's done it almost all entirely on TikTok. Which again, you remember people like me who were profoundly wrong about Trump, were trying to point out he didn't have a ground game. He didn't have people knocking on doors. He didn't have offices in Michigan. And of course, he proved that he didn't really need any of that stuff and that the Democrats' investment in that turned out to be almost a waste of money. They didn't really get much result for that. But this guy has proved that you can go from almost nobody knowing who you are. None of the pulse is rating you to actually coming first on the press selection.

34:29And then finally, of course, what you've pointed out, which is that he is violently proputed in, against the American missile bases in Romania, which wraps the central for NATO security, is running on a very strong Christian ticket. He's got this line that he's been sent by God to try to revenge since. So even if he doesn't win and the likelihood at the moment, but who the hell is supposed to trust the opinion polls given how long they're getting everything. But any of the opinion polls suggest he may not win. Still, this phenomenon that somebody coming out of nowhere, almost certainly aided by Russian and Chinese interference coming in on TikTok.

35:07Because this is a big other issue. If you think about it from Russia's point of view, a lot of the things that are happening really suit them. they love the idea that obviously a pro -Putin populist can come out of nowhere, pumped up on social media. They also are really enjoying, I think, stoking up, sadly, the Israel -Palestine crisis on both sides. It really suits Russia's agenda to have social media algorithms endlessly, creating tension between those two sides because that will both build up anti -Islamist populist parties in Europe who will feed off this and God forbid what would happen if there were another is some as terrorist attack in Europe just before elections in France or Germany.

35:52Maybe that's a good bridge into the UK because one of the things that's getting a lot of attention on British social media at the moment is this petition, I don't know what is that now, but it's a petition basically saying there should be another general election. And it's heading towards three million people. Yeah, just to remind you, I mean, And it's as an MP, we used to see these petitions. And in the old days, we debated in Parliament when they crossed 100 ,000 people and getting to 100 ,000 was a lot of effort. And it was a sign that something really mattered. I would say this one hasn't required much effort at all because when you delve into it, there seems to be an awful lot of people from different parts of the world who are suddenly taking a massive interest in the need for a general election of the United Kingdom, added to which the Rechin Musk has been pushing this as well.

36:36And I do think it's wonderful. I must say this Nigel Farage who used to get very very aerated at the idea that we should have a people's vote, a referendum on the final Brexit deal, suddenly thinks that we should have a second vote of a general election which should live in a massive majority rather bigger than 52, 48. This I think is doing two things. When it's showing the ability of the whole kind of social media architecture to drive what I would argue is total non -use. So Keir Starmer goes on the television yesterday and does an interview where he's asked, you know, well, you've got two million people saying there should be a general election.

37:11The answer is, well, no, you don't. And likewise, somebody else say Nigel Farage is more popular than you. Well, you know, up to a point, Lord Copper. I think it's just weird. These petitions now, frankly, I think parliament is going to have to re -look at this because these petitions are pointless. They don't actually accurately reflect, I don't think, any strand of opinion. So it means you can't rework out what's a proper petition or what's not. It's very worrying because of course these petitions were parts of trying to bring parliament into the modern world. They were part of thinking about how digital democracy could work and what we're discovering with a loss of moves on digital democracy is how easily they can be undermined by the way that social media works.

37:52Musk has driven this and he's proving to be increasingly powerful. But if you step outside the UK and you look at German and Austrian social media, he is retweeting and promoting posts by far right activists in Germany and Austria too, and he seems to have a real being his bonnet for anybody that he perceives as being part of the moderate centre, hence the fact he keeps trolling Kierstamer. It was very odd because he didn't always. When he was busy going around governments who bring up massive subsidies to make himself the richest man in the world, he appeared to be quite reasonable. In fact, if I was talking to the Norwegian Prime Minister about it this morning because Tesla is a massive in Norway, they really, really have driven on the electric car market.

38:35And he was saying that he met Musk a few times and he met him in Norway a few years ago and he said he was quite modest and quite reticent and almost shy. And yet he's now become this radicalised weaponizer of this extraordinary social media thing. But there's a method in his madness. There's no doubt. He keeps promoting, he actually learned the so -called Tommy Robinson. He keeps promoting his video. The one that's landed him in jail. So in Britain's now a police state. I do think the Musk Trump thing will end in tears, but in the mean time, he's doing an awful lot of damage to the sort of the public square in so many countries.

39:15Talking of social media arguments, we talked on leading this week to Kim Leadbyter, the Labour MP who's brought for this is the dime bill. That's out this week. I think it's a very interesting issue. She's a very interesting woman and the vote of course is on Friday. Can we talk about the British economy? I want to throw an idea at you. Okay. So, Labour's come in. We've talked for a while about how there's this very long gap of four months between the election and the budget. The budget has happened. The budget they say has been about fixing this black hole in the economy. National insurance has gone up and That was sort of caused a lot of quite a lot of grief.

39:51There was quite a lot of negativity at the CBI yesterday. You've had the protests of the farmers, et cetera. What's been lost in that, I think, has been, because if you remember, Rachel Ruiz called it a budget for growth, but the growth message and the plan for growth has not landed. So here's my thought. We're now in November, December next month, then you got Christmas, then you got the new year. My thought is that Kierstarma and Rachel Ruiz come out and the new year, So the first months of government were about fixing the mess, we laid the foundations of that. Here is the plan for growth. And here are all the issues that we need to address and here's where we're doing it.

40:31And there was a very, very interesting article on, funnily enough, on Sam Friedman's substack by John Kingman. John Kingman is somebody I used to work with very closely because he was a Treasury spokesperson during Gordon Brown's chancellorship. but then he went on to be a pretty senior at the Treasury and he was actually the growth policy guy. And he's written this very, very, very, quite long but really an interesting piece where he's gone through all the different areas that you could address in a plan for growth, some of which we talk about, transport links, obviously, planning an infrastructure where the government is saying the right things, but now you've actually got to show how you're doing it.

41:07Fixing the mess of Brexit, city devolution, more powers to the cities, redeveloping that whole Oxford Cambridge corridor. You know, he's just, he's throwing out all sorts of different ideas, which when you read them, it's actually quite dramatic. He throws another one. Are we finally, at the moment, there's yet another kind of review process around a ethro? That's a strategic decision for a government to take, knowing that there's going to be opposition. And I'm not saying it's a right thing or wrong thing. I'm saying that it should be part of a growth plan. Yeah. Now, I've been criticized a lot as you can imagine by colleagues, who feel that I've not been clear enough and haven't played my role of devil's advocate being a bit critical of labor.

41:46And that's partly because I've been trying to encourage you on this painful journey of finding things that you can occasionally point out that a label's not doing well. So let me just give a brief explanation of the sort of bleak facts about where labor is. Kierstarmer is on a popularity rating at the moment of minus 38. to put that in contrast, Tony Blair at about this stage, his government had a approval rating 76 in favor 13 against, so sort of net popularity about plus 63 against minus 38. So Kirsten is almost as unpopular as Liz Truss was by this stage and that's quite an achievement. The economy is not doing well.

42:29The pound is slightly down, business confidence is down, on retail's down manufacturing activity is now at a nine months low, the purchasing manager's index, which is a good indicator of growth, has now gone into negative territory. Private sector activity in general is 13 months low. Budget. In retrospect, the budget, although big, and we pointed this out, £70 billion extra spending, £40 billion extra tax, had investment spending, but that investment spending is mostly going towards thingsite schools and hospitals, which is very understandable, and my goodness they need investment, but is not the obvious thing if you're trying to get your economy off the ground.

43:10And a lot will go and pay as well. A lot on pay as well, yeah. But what isn't there? There's been no tax reform. There's nothing obviously there for growth. And it's very difficult to understand where she goes in a couple of years, because although she's put spending up by 3 .4%, if Rachel Reese does not get growth, there's not going to be revenue coming into her coffers and she's going to have a very, very uncomfortable spending conversation. In other words, she's going to have to basically cut spending in two years' time. And she ruled out tax increases yet again, no more tax crisis parliament.

43:45That doesn't seem realistic, I'm afraid. She's going to have to probably break her word again. Or Rory, just on tax, maybe she goes actually at some point in this parliament, goes in the opposite direction, makes tax changes in the opposite direction, not necessarily on on income, but on some of the kind of business taxes and the entrepreneurial stuff. I mean, is it too late, six months into your first parliament to come out and say, right, here's the plan for growth? Is it too late to do that if you've had the budget? No, it's not too late. And I guess the optimistic view is that Keir Starmer, a bit like Churchill's joke about America, is often considered to eventually do the right thing, but at the very last moment.

44:26But doing the right thing is all the things that you've mentioned, which are largely investment, but it's also reformed to trade policy, competition, education, regulation, and the tax system, right, there should have been reform in this budget to capital gains tax. Fuel should have gone up. What they did on stamp duty rises was completely mad, and what they on E &I, which is basically raising the tax on employing people, is again very bad policy. It's driven a wedge between self -employed and employed people are very unhelpful ways. So, absolutely, they can still do it, but that was a budget, which when you look at it, increasingly looks like a sticking -plast -a -budget that avoided making the big reform choices.

45:12And that's the question. Why? Why were the huge majority? Did they not take the opportunity to be bold. Here's where I'm going to be constructively critical, Rory. I think we did both of us because the numbers were so big. We thought, um, she's bold and therefore it's interesting and it's going to move the dial. And as they know from the response of business, there's lots of people who are still kind of, as you know, from the events that we've done together with business, there's still a lot of goodwill. They really want this government to succeed. But you know, you've got to be very, very careful about running down the reserves in your kind of reputational bank.

45:47At the moment, their messaging is essentially, we're doing really tough things because we've got no choice. And they've got to move from that to we're making really big positive choices because we've got a really clear and compelling plan for growth. And I think you come out in the new year and you say, right, transport, you know, there were some of the most important transport links were cut, right, going to invest in that infrastructure. That means absolutely cutting through lots of the kind of regulatory stuff. They're going to have to fix the damage of Brexit. I'm sorry we will keep banging on a bit of this but it won't be enough to tinker on that one.

46:22Likewise I think on migration you know that figure you keep quoting which is absolutely haunting when the pension age started, when the pension started 20 working people of every pensioner is now under three. That's just impossible to fix that without an honest debate about migration. One of John Kingman's ideas by the way and this would be politically very difficult, but if we are going to move away from fuel consumption in terms of driving, is it time to think about road pricing is something he brought in, which I know there'd be absolute sort of, you know, people would go bonkers about that, but is that the sort of big bold thing you need to do?

47:00John Kingman had a huge piece about affordable housing and the finances of affordable housing in relation to the housing associations and the assets that they've got. The other thing, Jonathan Reynolds is developing this industrial strategy. That's, I think, is where you can put in the stuff that you're talking about. But I think, coming on and say, we've got a big majority, therefore we're going to do big things because we're going to make big change in this country. At the moment, it just feels too much like we're fixing a mess. Now, we know they're fixing a mess, but the big bold plans for the future of opening to here.

47:31And I think there's a really interesting question of how you do this, because, of course, Because there's hals of pain if you reform anything. There's always losers. We've seen the trouble they've got into just with farming. So I wonder whether does it make sense to put all the things together, inflict all the pain at once quite early? So let's say you're doing planning reform, tax reform, all the other competitiveness reforms, regulation reform, and all those infrastructure investments you're talking about. Or is that dangerous? I mean, could you just smack in, rip off the bandaid, accept weeks of the media dredging up every single person who's negatively affected, but lean into that?

48:17Because I guess, presumably, that's what the THATCHE government would have felt like in 8485 when they were really pushing ahead with stuff that they must have had an incredible incoming barrage of abuse, from which, to some extent, their reputations haven't recovered even 30 years later, but they did go on to win the next election and they did achieve future reforms in the economy. And also, Fattas' reputation as a kind of, you know, a leader of consequence who made real change, whether you like the change or you didn't, is secure in history. So I think if you're in power and you've got a big majority, you've got to do big things, and I sort of feel very, very strongly the need for something really big coming out of the new year that essentially is learning a few lessons from the first few months but ultimately saying we've got a big majority and we're going to do big things with it and we're going to take a lot of heat along the way.

49:08Final point on it is you know when we're in opposition I used to talk the whole time about you know the potential for Britain to be a cultural superpower. John Kingman again sorry to keep quoting but I thought it was an excellent piece. He says the case for the arts needs to travel the same policy journey as the case for spending on science. Over 25 years or so, the science budget went from being a minus spending program of obscure interest to boffins to being seen by all political parties an important economic engine. We have to see the arts in the same way. I think the world's open for that.

49:41So, let's see, should we finally close off a little bit on Norvega on Norway? So, very quickly before we go to little summary on Norway, why we're focusing on it. In some ways, one of the great pinups the world and something that the Labour government might well subconsciously be trying to make Britain a little bit more like because it's leading the world and human development indicators does fantastically well in pizza on education, 89 ,000 a year GDP per capita, greater quality indicators on the genie coefficient, sovereign wealth fund of over a trillion dollars. But curancy, even Norway is facing some problems that will be familiar to American appraisalistness, housing affordability, immigration at 20 % and quite a high tax burden, some grumbles about the decentralized health service and still quite dependent on oil and gas.

50:31Anyway, over to you for what you looked. I also think Norway is very important to Britain. We now get a third of our energy from Norway. That is a hell of a lot. One third. So this is a country population -wise roughly the size of Scotland. And we're getting a third of our energy from Norway. We have very, very important defense links with Norway. It was interesting. Johannes Gaskar's story is you know left of center politicians and as you say you look at all the data from Norway and you think wow that's pretty impressive that's pretty good and the sovereign well fund by the way which is the biggest in the world it now funds a quarter of all state services one of the arguments in the politics is here is that we should be able to take even more from the sovereign well fund but they have a physical rule that says you can only take 3 % each year but So they've also got political issues.

51:19So the incumbent party, the Labour Party and coalition with the centre, and last week there was a poll for the first time, this hard, well, it's a sort of far right party in the, it's to the right of the Conservative Party, called Progress, for the first time, their top of the polls, 25 .3. They've got more support than Labour and the centre party, which is the smaller coalition party. They're on 22 .9, and the Conservative Party's on 21. So you put 21 and 25 together, that's the right. So it's going to be difficult. Now he's a very impressive guy and he certainly thinks he can call it round. And the other thing, this relates to America.

51:59This stuff about young men, what's happening to young men in policies is really, really quite interesting. And they had a commission several years ago now where they were looking at men in relation to physical health, mental health, falling behind in schools. suicide rates, all this sort of thing. And this sense that men are falling behind women or that it's all been about women's rights and we need to have more about men. So there was one survey for example, said that 47 % of Norwegian men aged 18 to 29 said they would have voted for Trump. Right. The overall figure in Norway is sort of 80 % plus Paris.

52:39Almost half of young men. Now what's that? What is that that they're tapping into? How How is that being weaponized in that way? Of course, it's very worrying, isn't it? Because the story when it was the elderly that supported right -wing groups was that ultimately demography was against them. When it's the young supporting right -wing groups, you begin to worry that the right -wing groups have a long -term future if those people remain right -wing through their lives. Also, there's a guy here called Simmelvella, who's 23. He's not in Parliament, he's going to go for Parliament. But this is guys being very open about taking drugs.

53:15He's been convicted for a session of soft drugs. But he's become like a big figure. There's another one in the Conservative party called Ola Svenibis, 27. And they're tapping into this idea that if you want to be cool and you want to be here, it's on the right, rather than left that you do that. And the thing that was interesting talking to Jonas this morning, he's a very, very, very intelligent guy and he really thinks quite deeply about stuff. And he was saying that, take Canada for example, we taught last week and he heard our discussion about Justin Trudeau that we both think I think is in real trouble.

53:50But Trudeau had told him that a couple of years ago when you polled Canadians on the issues of most concern to them, climate was number one. Okay, it's now vanished. The cost of living has driven out everything. So every incumbent government is having to address this cost of living stuff. And here in Norway, he says the real political problems of stardust because there's been a series of interest rate rises. He thinks in the new year that will start to reverse. And even though you're not responsible for them, he says he's getting the blame for all of it. Okay, well finally just tell us a little bit about what's happening with the monarchy and these espionage cases.

54:26Oh my god, Rory. You want to talk about a monarchy that's in trouble? You have all people Rory. I'm actually very much in favor of the British monarchy. It's not that I'm universally in favor of all monocates. Right, okay, but you're probably quite keen on the Norwegian monarchy. Let's do the spy one first. They've arrested a security guard working in the American Embassy here on suspicion of spying for the Russians and the Iranians. So that's all happening. And the royal story is the son of the Crown Princess who's currently in custody on rape charges, which is pretty heavy, pretty serious, and domestic violence, and violating restraining order.

55:08So, certainly our rules have had difficult these days and Andrew in particular, and that all sorts of stuff going on. But this is a young, he's 27, had issues with drugs, but he's currently in the nick. Well, maybe a more positive note to end on Rory, the Christmas tree. I think I might make it my tree of the day today. There were some grumbles about St Norway traditionally, honors its longstanding relationship with Britain and actually our co -operation during the war. Famously, by sending this enormous tree that goes to Trafalgar Square every year. And people like my mother who remember it first arriving after the war, it's like an incredibly exciting thing.

55:48But I believe there was some disappointment last year about the state of the tree. So I've checked into this and I'm about looking at a picture of it now. I think I might make it my tree of the day. essentially this thing has to be chopped down and then it has to be transported across the sea. So by the time it goes up in Trafalgar Square, it can look a bit sort of you know like luggage that you've just sort of pulled out your suitcase and of course what happens is that are rich in newspapers what they did last year was they thought it took pictures of it and they had it looking at its most ragged.

56:19So they've gone to great lengths this year to get a tree that they hope will transport well, hope will look good and will thereby strengthen Anglo -Norwegian relations even further. It's also our view, just this is me as a bit of a conifer geek. Our views on which trees make good Christmas trees have also changed over the last 78 years. So this is an Norwegian spruce which is a magnificent tree in Norway and indeed have planted in Scotland, but it is no longer the tree of choice for domestic Christmas trees because it doesn't quite have the type form that we're using. We're increasingly using different forms of things.

56:55Caucasian furs. Other forms of spruce. Yeah. Well, when the tree comes out of its wrapping and it goes up, I am looking at it now in its full glory and it's a very, very impressive tree. So just give it a few days to kind of get back to the shape and daily mail, lay off. There are big issues at stake here. Let's just say, for example, the Norwegians get fed up with our press, criticizing their Christmas tree, and as a result, decide that this massive, massive frigate deal in the offing at the moment, that we're one of four countries that might be up for it, biggest defense deal, right? So let's not ruin it, Daily Mail.

57:36Let's think about the jobs and prosperity of the future. Be kind to the tree. Super. Well, thank you, Anderson, looking forward very much to getting into climate in tomorrow's episode. See you soon. See you. Bye -bye. Bye.

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