366. Question Time: Why do dictators bother with sham elections?

30 Jan 2025 · 51 min

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The Rest Is Politics - Episode 366: Question Time: Why do dictators bother with sham elections?

Podcast Overview Hosts: Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart Description: The Rest Is Politics offers insightful discussions on current affairs, blending personal anecdotes with political analysis. The podcast emphasizes the importance of respectful disagreement in political discourse.

Episode Summary In this episode, Campbell and Stewart tackle several pressing questions related to current global politics, including the sham elections in Belarus, wealth distribution, the political dynamics of the Israel/Gaza conflict, and how to stay engaged in politics while maintaining mental health.

Key Topics Discussed

  1. Sham Elections in Belarus
  2. Lukashenko's Victory: Alastair Campbell discusses Alexander Lukashenko's recent election win in Belarus, highlighting the dubious nature of the electoral process.
  3. Claimed 87.6% of the vote despite widespread reports of election fraud.
  4. Lukashenko, often dubbed "Putin's puppet," has been in power for 30 years.
  5. The opposition is largely imprisoned or exiled, leading to a muted response against his regime.
  • Why Dictators Hold Elections: The hosts debate the motives behind these sham elections.
  • Dictators aim to create a facade of legitimacy recognized internationally.
  1. Wealth Distribution and Economic Inequality
  2. Current Disparities: Discussion around the concentration of wealth among a few billionaires in the U.S., noting that the wealth of the top three individuals equals that of the bottom 50% of the population.
  • Historical Context: References to Andrew Carnegie's "Gospel of Wealth," which advocates for the wealthy to manage their surplus wealth for public good.
  • Comparison of past and present wealth distribution, emphasizing increasing inequality.
  • Political Implications: The hosts argue that growing economic disparity fuels populism and political unrest, with sovereign individuals disregarding their responsibilities to society.
  1. Engagement with Politics and Mental Health
  2. Advice for Political Engagement: Rory Stewart provides guidance for young people feeling disheartened by toxic political debates.
  3. Emphasizes the importance of developing role models and understanding the practicalities of leadership.
  4. Urges listeners to remain hopeful and engaged in positive change.
  1. Israel/Gaza Conflict Dynamics
  2. Political Actors: The episode touches on the complexities of the Israel-Gaza conflict, questioning the influence of various political actors beyond Netanyahu and Hamas.
  3. Importance of the Palestinian Authority and other regional players like Egypt and Jordan in future negotiations.
  • Future Reconstruction: Discussion on the potential for rebuilding Gaza and the roles different actors might play in shaping its future.

Key Takeaways

  • Sham elections serve dictators by providing a veneer of legitimacy while silencing real opposition.
  • Economic inequality is a pressing political issue, with the wealthy growing increasingly detached from societal responsibilities.
  • Political engagement is essential for young people, but it must be balanced with mental health considerations.
  • A nuanced understanding of geopolitical conflicts, such as Israel and Gaza, is crucial for envisioning credible paths to peace.

Final Thoughts Campbell and Stewart conclude the episode by reinforcing the idea that hope and active engagement in political discourse are vital for fostering a healthier democratic environment. The discussion encourages listeners to approach politics with resilience, understanding the importance of both knowledge and emotional well-being in navigating contemporary political landscapes.

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1:17Welcome to the rest of this politics question time with me, Rory Stewart. I'm the Alistair Campbell and Gemma Brooks Rory wants to know what we think about Lukashenko winning a seventh term in Belarus. When the EU and the UK both say it cannot have been free or fair. Quick reminder just on Belarus and then tell us about the election. But so Belarus people not completely concentrating. It's a big chunk of territory just north of Ukraine, just west of Russia and just east of Poland. So it's like the yellow bit of a fried egg and the white around it would be Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Russia and Ukraine.

1:58And it's a bit of, I think I've said before in a podcast, I was angling to be the ambassador to Belarus in 2006 and then those glory days. I was being encouraged to do it on the grounds that this was going to be the last total Chrissian Europe that was going to become a democracy and I'd be there at the moment of the transition when Belarus came into the European Union and this kind of stuff. Anyway, over to you on what's happened since. Well, let's just congratulate Lukashenko. He won 87 .6 of the vote. I mean, this is a compelling win. Seven in a row, but it's remarkable. No, this is, I think it was Comde Rice who said that Lukashenko was the last European dictator.

2:38So he's been there now for 30 years. It is literally a sham election in the four other candidates spend most of their time saying how well Lukashenko does. There was one bit, there was one bit during the campaign when he was asked about how the election was going. And Lukashenko said, I'm not really following it very much. But then of course, I said, I didn't even see I said you the video of the kind of celebrations this morning of this sort of it. It was amazingly well produced thing. And there is a question, why do these dictatorships bother having these sham elections? And the fact is that because they do get written up around the world as, you know, Lukashenko wins seventh term.

3:20And we all know, but a lot of people don't necessarily know that the sort of deeper background of what's going on. And of course, the reason he matters more than just being the leader of this very dictatorial authoritarian leader of as you say, quite a sizable country is because he is very, very close. Well, I mean, the Belarus opposition called imputence puppet. He is Putin's puppet. He does what Putin tells them. It's partly that Ukraine assault was launched with Belarusian help. So but it's a kind of pretty, it's a pretty depressing state of affairs. It's interesting also because a reminder of people of that age.

3:58So I guess he's 70. Yeah. And Donald Trump, I guess, is in his mid 70s now. 78. 78, right. So how these people, their careers, of course, stretch back into what feels like a very different world. Lukashenko was very much part of the old Soviet Union, served and I think the border troops in the late 1970s and then ran a proper collective communist state farm through the 1980s for Belarus and then joined the the supreme Soviet of Belarus as a member of parliament. Established his reputation weirdly as an anti -corruption campaigner. So there was a brief moment kind of for early 90s where people thought, or some people might have thought it was a bit of a glimpse of some other possibility with this guy, which was just enough in that moment in the early 90s when obviously the Soviet Union was collapsing to leverage him self into position as the president and then as as you say since then this autocracy.

4:55It's a country population just under 10 million people. So comparable I suppose the population maybe of Israel about that population. It's got a GDP per capita though very, very low. I mean, so you know, about in in real terms maybe $6 ,000 a year, places like Lithuania now would be two or three times wealthier per capita in nominal terms, having started at the same level. So what's really happened is it's the story of the way that I think Belarus wasn't a long way off places like Romania and Lithuania in the early 90s and the difference that's been made for those countries that joined the European Union, joined the West in their development and look, Shenko sticking Belarus where it is.

5:41There's parallel with Trump and what's happened with Trump's second, we're talking here about seven successive term, but we talked when we did the live with Skaramucci recently about how strangely, not silent, how strangely muted the resist the feeling of resistance the Trump was compared to the first term. This time in Belarus, it feels strangely muted other than with the approaches worldwide, they've been protests going on in different parts of the world because most of these real opponents are either in prison or they're in exile, but this is because the last time when he definitely lost the election but claimed, I think he got 82 % in the claim last time, but they ended up arresting 65 ,000 people, thousands were sort of beaten up in jail.

6:25And so this time it feels that the opposition is a braw rather than there. I've got it, we've got to give a shout out by the way to Steve Rosenberg for the BBC. I watched parts of the press conference that Lukashenko did to celebrate this historic win. And Steve Rosenberg gave him some pretty direct questions, but you know, this, can you really say this is an election when most of your opponents are in prison or exiled and there's been no campaign as such at all. And Lukashenko clearly knew who Steve Rosenberg was and said, well, you have prisons in Britain, you know, you put people in prison and Steve Rosenberg made money, you have a knock just for sort of opening their mouths and Lukashenko's prison is a place for people who opened their mouths too wide.

7:17The other thing that he did was Steve Rosenberg asked him a question, no, just made an observation, so it's a very strange election, very strange kind of election. And Lukashenko says, well, that's a nice new experience for you, Steve, and all the lots of the Belarusian journalists and people then sort of laughing and applauding this great wit. So it's bloody depressing, but of course, you know, Putin will be happy with that one, just as he's been happy with other elections have happened recently. Brits may also find it just before we leave Belarus to remember it a little bit, because in 2021 there was quite a famous case where people on a Ryan Air flight from Athens to Lithuania, which, hereafterly, on their way back home, when suddenly the plane was diverted in Belarusian airspace and forced to do an emergency landing in the capital city of Belarus, and they did it because very unfortunately, the Belarusian dissident journalist, I think called Protas Yevich, was on the plane, just trying to fly from Athens to Lithuania and found himself, of course, abducted off the plane and has now been chucked in prison, but in a terrifying these planes, it's a trick of autocratic regimes which comes up occasionally, which is that people think they're safely flying not to that country and then suddenly find, in this case a Ryan Air plane forcibly diverted and they get abducted.

8:35Peter Judge, distribution of wealth, do you agree that the current distribution of power, wealth and resources is gross, unjustifiable, and unimaginably damaging? If not, what adjectives would you use to describe the current distribution of power, wealth and resource? Quick start on that. So the three wealthiest people in the United States who are Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos, I think, their wealth is now the same as the entire bottom 50 % of the United States, and their wealth is also a astonishing amount of the entire global population, I mean, because they are in the many, many hundreds of billions of dollars.

9:16But there's also, I mean, there's so many ways of looking at this, there's the work that was done on equality. It's our friend, the Mooch, who points out that when Mitt Romney's dad was the head of General Motors as chief executive's big company, he lived in a relatively modest home in Detroit. He drove a pretty ordinary car, whereas by the time you get to his son, Mitt Romney, you're in a completely different universe where Mitt Romney has multiple houses, private jets, and the multiple between a CEO and a worker, which was in Britain and the United States, sort of 30 fold is now well up of our 200, 300 fold in many cases.

9:54I don't know what I just if you would use, but the is appalling, it's horrific, it's getting worse. And I mentioned to you the other day that I'd been rereading to use that great Tory phrase, I'd been rereading the Gospel of Wealth by Carnegie. And of course, Carnegie was one of the richest people in the world at the time that he was alive, 18, I think he wrote the Gospel of Wealth in the late 1880s. And I'll just give you a couple of quotes from it. The problem of our age is the proper administration of wealth, so that the ties of brotherhood may still bind together the rich and poor in harmonious relationship.

10:30Well, I've never seen that on Elon Musk's Twitter feed, that thought. And he then goes to say, there are about three modes in which surplus wealth can be disposed of. It can be left to the families of the deceased, it can be bequeathed for public purposes, or finally, it can be administered during their lives by its possessors. And he goes on to display why in his view, the third is the best. And he basically comes out for massive inheritance tax for those who don't use their wealth judiciously during the time that they're alive. And I just think we are now looking at people, as I keep banging on about the sovereign individual.

11:08I think that is what we have now, people who feel they're above the law, above democracy, above politics, but also above really having to do things for their fellow man and woman. And I do think this is the single biggest political issue. And it is a big driver, I think, of this far right stuff. Because the sovereign individuals somehow persuaded the common man that he, it's almost with the exception of Maloney, it's almost always a he that he's on their side. But what's going to happen? We're seeing already with Trump in power, they are going to get wealthier and more powerful. And care less, it seems to me, about the people they claim to claim to before.

11:48It's astonishing. I'm looking a little bit at this because I was in the Channel Islands and I was talking to somebody who manages money for big Middle Eastern families in the Channel Islands. And I was trying to say, what do they do with this money? What's the point of being worth 100 million, 200 million, 300 million? You can't really spend it. And they said, what they're doing now is they're setting up trusts to try to make sure, if you're in the many billions, that you can provide for the seventh generation. So it's, you're not just thinking about your grandchildren, you're trying to sort of create this insane structures.

12:24The other thing, I've often sort of about this, that we've got this very odd thing that everybody in Parliament says they believe in equality. Tories maybe talk about equality of opportunity. Others might be brave enough to talk about equality of outcome. But in fact, before we even begin talking about equality, we are a million, million miles away from anything touching equality in any of the programs of any of these parties. The Labour Party is not going to get us anywhere close to equality. But we could be at least aiming to reduce inequality. We could be aiming to look more like Sweden, these Scandinavian countries were.

13:01Again, this stuff from Pixies, very convincing that you have better mental health outcomes, you have better health outcomes, you have better education outcomes, that having a society with less extreme inequalities, but I don't know how you get that into the, I mean, you can have that conversation maybe in Europe, and you can look at Scandinavia and talk about that. But even there, or you're finding a bit of a backlash to it, and I think that percoliously a British problem is this belief that we are entitled to low taxation and exceptional public services. The Scandinavians and the French, actually, kind of accept that if you want exceptional public services, you're going to have to pay for them and the best form of payment through the taxation system.

13:44We don't necessarily at a deep level have that. And the article we just just just show you, though, how far these, remember, these are the people, the carnigas of this world, who were called the robber barons. They had, they had as bad a reputation in some ways, as if if I'm probably a worse reputation in many ways, than the current tech robber barons. But just, he says this, he's talking about inheritance tax, men who continue hoarding great sums all their lives, the proper use of which for public ends would work good to the community should be made to feel that the community in the form of the state cannot be deprived of its proper share.

14:25By taxing his states heavily at death, the state marks its condemnation of the selfish millionaires unworthy life. Very good. Very good. Really, really, really interesting. So I was talking to some very wealthy people on the West Coast and trying to understand why they don't give away more money when they're alive. Because many of them have signed up to this giving pledge which bill Gates and more and buffer it. And the weirdness is they've all signed up to it, but they're just not handing over the money. And initially they say, well, it's just that we can't find projects good enough to absorb our money.

14:58So we're just thinking more, they can be thinking for 10, 12 years, trying to find the right kind of project to give them money to you, right? So then you come with real evidence. So, you know, obviously we've talked in the past about that's very good evidence that direct cash transfer makes difference to very poor people in, you know, sub -Saharan Africa. And then they say, oh, well, you know, we're just waiting just in case there's a new tech innovation or an innovation. One of them they finally over drinks said to me, what you don't understand is that the amount of money you're worth has an incredible impact on your influence at the very top level of American society.

15:32And if you give your money. But that's part of inequality. If you measure, if you measure status by well, that is part of inequality. Exactly. So he was explaining that let's say you're worth four billion, right, four thousand million. And some of these people, some of them live relatively modestly, right? They're only spending a tiny fraction of that. But if they were to suddenly give away 3 .9 billion, their fear is that suddenly nobody wants to talk to them. White House wouldn't invite them to staff. Their friends wouldn't care about them. They wouldn't appear in the right list. They wouldn't be getting their honorary degrees.

16:07They wouldn't be able to influence stuff. And of course, a lot of this is competition between them. And it's obviously this is going to upset, less than said, getting into the mindset of these people is pretty unpleasant. But there's a very, very strong sense that they're all measuring. And of course, musk is part of a movement that believes the richer you are. It proves how clever you are and that people who aren't wealthy aren't clever. I was talking to somebody who knows all of these people and who has worked with all of these people as well. And listened to our podcast. It was last week or two weeks ago and said, I was 100 % right that Zuckerberg was entirely driven by getting as far up Trump's backside as Musk had already got, Musk having already penetrated deep, deep, deep into the backside.

16:51And which is right, by the way, Suzy Wiles has said, no office for musk in the West Wing. It's going to move across the executive office, which is cross three. Did your friend confirm what I'd heard that Zuckerberg is genuinely worried that he might be put in prison? No, he didn't. No, asked about that and felt no, probably not, but is genuinely scared. Not necessarily going to jail, but I think more of the commercial business stuff that if if he doesn't get in with the program, then there is an awful lot of government to damage him. But you know, Trump, as you know, is on record as saying he would have gone to jail.

17:23So you know, you can't not have that hovering in the back of your mind. Now, Rory, let's get onto one of my favorite subjects. Okay. Good. Yes. Guess what it is? Could it be Brexit by any chance? Well, fun enough. Somebody called Graham Merck. It starts his question with the word Persevillian, which probably means he's asked it 20 times before. Why won't Labour face up to the fact that Brexit is a disaster and that addressing it would provide the instant growth they're looking for? Are they scared of Farage and the mob? No. Why is Labour so afraid to talk about Brexit? Despite the reach out from the EU, Labour only seemed to want security cooperation, then goes on to add should Canada join the European Union, which is quite an interesting thought.

18:01But I don't think you saw Rory over the weekend. There was a poll. You got poll done for Best of Britain, 15 ,000 people, one of these MRP polls. And it said that almost half 46 % say the European Union should be the government's top priority on trade, 22 % the US, 4 % China, 6 % another country. And in every single constituency, including Clackton, including Boston and Scegnese, the places where reformer top, there is overwhelming support for Britain prioritising trade relationship with the EU over the US. And I think actually Trump's election is going to change things a lot because when people were voting in Brexit, they were voting in an environment in which the relationship with the US was very stable, seemed as though Britain had this special relationship.

18:55And actually the world was pretty stable. People were less worried about China and therefore for the Brexiters who were saying we can leave the European Union and look at these. And Europe's not growing very fast, its economy's not very strong, so let's hitch ourselves to these big growing economies in China or the US. It almost seemed plausible. And two things happen, the first thing of course is that relationships with China collapsed. And so suddenly it seems very dangerous to tie your economy too close to China and China is not growing very fast at the moment. But now Trump's election, I think whatever people feel in a day to day, they must in their back of the mind be beginning to pick up on the fact that this guy is not to be counted on, that in the end, Britain is not going to be able to rely on the way that it has for 70 or 80 years on a stable, pretty predictable United States that's going to have its back.

19:48And when that happens, if the world's beginning to splinter into an American block, Asian block, European block, well strategically, I mean not just economic but strategically where should the UK be, and I would argue with Europe. I'm going to give my friend Neil Kennick another name check because we talked about it last week in relation to populism. He had an interview in the IPAPE this week and I know Neil very, very well. And I can read the words and the headline was something like, you know, Kennick calls for labor reset to start meaning something. That was the sort of theme of it. But I think beneath it I could sense a real feeling that we're in danger of giving up a huge opportunity because you know, you and I heard in Davos from the Europeans, they still have a kind of lingering respect for the UK.

20:41They want the UK deeply involved, particularly on defence. But I remember I was talking to one European, not a leader but a minister who said that, you know, we're sort of sitting there thinking, well we keep hearing about reset, what is it? When is it coming? What is this going to mean? And I think to go back to the questions on this, I think there is a sense of where they're still trapped in a debate that was a few years behind us. For ours is kind of warm but these moves on to other things now. So I think we are missing a trick and I think in relation to growth and lessen until we fix the damage of Brexit, the growth mission is going to be muted.

21:17Again, let's take a quick break out of this episode, comes from Channel 4 and their new two -part drama, Brian and Maggie, about the infamous grilling of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, Brian Walden, now Arthur. Since his question time, what in your opinion are some of the most disastrous moments in political TV history and what happens behind the scenes? I try to think of Brian Walden interviews.

21:56I mean, really did his research. He was a former MP, a Labour MP, but he was a Labour MP that Tories didn't mind being interviewed by, because I think they felt he was fair. And Margaret Thatcher, what this program, this two -part drama, Brian and Maggie, isn't just about the interviews and where they go, it's also about this sort of curious relationship that developed around it. I'll be absolutely frank, Rory, I think the podcast is maybe filling a little bit of that space, but I wish we had more Brian Walden's around. I wish we had more viewers who would actually want to watch very long, very detailed TV interviews.

22:33And were there any interviews that really did bring down people? I mean, I suppose it was Frost Nixon. I mean, were you sometimes terrified with big, big interviews with Tony Blair, that this could be the end of everything? Not the end of everything, but I think there were definitely interviews where you came out and thought, oh god, that didn't go so well. But no, nothing that was absolutely destructive. I think I've told you before about the time when Ron Davis famously resigned after a moment of madness on Clapham Common. And I'd lined up for John Sargent to come and do this pooled interview.

23:08It's a John Sargent Chief Commissioner correspondent at the BBC, and he sat down and I said, Ron, you've got to be going to understand and dead of that. Anyway, and so he did. He duly apologised, but it was kind of undermined by the fact that Richard across his hand was the word sorry. As a reminder that he should say sorry. So that did go down, didn't go down terribly well. There was the famous interview, I'm going to be on the day this comes out actually. I'll be playing the backpipes at John Prescott's funeral. And there was the famous time when John Prescott was doing an interview and said he gave his answer and they said, oh sorry, that was absolutely shit.

23:54Can we do it again? And the interview said, this is live Mr Prescott. So there was all sorts of things, but I think, do you know what I think about the way interviews have developed is that because we're into the sort of gotcher style journalism a lot of the time, the politicians have just got very, very good. The best ones at working out where the balls are coming from, you know, how to play them. And they've become a bit sterile because I think that and I do think that what Brian Walden did, he made the he made the encounters interesting. He was, I was fully off his voice and he's because he had a midlands accent, wasn't sort of classic, classic broadcast.

24:40And he was very, very thorough and very, very serious, respectful but really, really steely. Lovely. Well, there we are. So we hope that answers the question and you can stream both episodes of Brian and Maggie now on Channel 4.

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26:06Welcome back to the restist's poll. It's a question time with me, Alistak Campbell. And me, Rory Stewart. Now, Amy Taylor already wants to know, if I leave X, which a lot of people are doing, is there another way to submit questions? Well, the answer is there are many ways to ask questions, so we can get questions by emailing us, get questions on Instagram. You can also become a subscriber, which has a huge number of benefits. And one of them allows you to engage on our Discord platform, and ask questions there, as well as getting ad -free listening. Ian Barnard, why is Canada important? Rory recently mentioned that Canada is important.

26:42Why? And how should Canadians stave off the rise of populist politics than the St Gulf, the Western world? I think we have very close historic ties to the UK with Canada, which are important to us, big player in the Commonwealth. But importantly, Canada is one of the G7 countries of the world. It's a major developed economy. Right now, Canada is important because of the way that this debate around Trump's relationship with Canada is going. We've got an election in the not -too -distant future, where that relationship with Trump is going to become central to it. And depending upon who leads the Liberals, and you and I both think that Mark Carney would be a good shot, both he and Polly Evra are already out there with some pretty strong language about the need to push back.

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27:30I also think Canada, whenever you look at the soft power of Lee Tables, Britain's always up there, America's always up there. But Canada is one of those countries that kind of, it's alliances are pretty strong, it's got a lot of raw materials, it's a big deal. It's a very, very substantial, serious economy. Serious part of our five eyes relationship, which people will remember as this intelligence network that links the UK, Canada, US, Australia and New Zealand. It's also, I think, in a world in which it's beginning to split apart, countries like that, which I guess are kind of upper -middle powers are going to become more and more significant.

28:08Their money, their ability to get involved in helping crises, Canada's often really taken the lead on things like humanitarian crises around the world. I think we'll really matter. So we've got to keep watching that. How optimistic you at the moment about the ability to defeat Polly Ev after you've said that he's such an impressive performer? There's nothing going to be very difficult. The labour party here was what 20 points ahead and for quite a long time and that sort of is what happened, that was the outcome. Now, I guess there was a possibility that the Tories could have changed the lead a last minute, which is what the, the liberals are doing.

28:42There is some kind of suggestion in the polling that Trump sort of arriving as this 300 -pound guerrilla is, is having a detrimental effect on the populace. Right, because they've always been so pro -Trump as it were, but it's going to be a very, very tough fight for whoever gets there. There's a question here from Rob Steele, which allows us to talk about what I think has been really fabulous interview on leading this week, which we've just posted. Rob Ask, we hear a lot about the role of Netanyahu and Hamas in the Palestine Israel conflict. Can you talk about other political actors, EG Herzog, Israel's president, Palestine Authority, etc.

29:17What role will they play in negotiations, what power do they have? And before you answer that, let me just say a little bit about Uzairra, former head of intelligence at Mossad, former foreign policy adviser to Netanyahu. When we announced that we had him on, we had a lot of people say, this is an outrage, you're giving this guy a platform on Holocaust Memorial Day and blah, blah, blah. I thought, if ever there were emails and tweets coming in, the underlying this idea that you really don't want to listen to anything, because for the start, what is wrong with speaking to Jewish Israelis who perhaps, he didn't actually talk much about the Holocaust, but maybe it's quite a good thing to do around that time.

29:59But also, the idea that this was some kind of Israeli government stew, he had some very, very sharp criticisms of the current government, particularly Netanyahu and Benghaveir, who he thinks is just an abomination. But also, I thought some very, very thoughtful analysis, which maybe was aimed at trying to get us to think a little bit differently about the Israeli perspective as well. I thought it was really interesting, and I thought it was interesting both in the ways that it will have provoked and angered some people and also in the ways that it will have surprised people. And I think as we move into territory where we are infusing people on the edge of conflict, we're going to find this more and more on me.

30:40Just quickly on the question from the subscriber, let me just lay out the problem. So the problem is that of course Gaza was run by Hamas. It was a disputed election back in the late 2000s, then there was effectively a coup d 'état, and Hamas took over the territory and ran it for just under 20 years. And then of course, after October 7th, huge response, normal number of people killed, and the Hamas leadership killed. So you had not just the killing of the military leadership, but also the killing of the civilian leadership, the Smalhania. So then the question is, if we think about reconstruction or trying to bring some normal seat back to Gaza, and it's a big if, who can play a role?

31:31Well, obviously the most sensible thing has to be a Palestinian lead. Israel neither once nor could, I think, try to run a full occupation in Gaza. They've tried it before, they tried in Lebanon, but this is going to be the most horrendous costly experience for Israel if they tried to run a permanent occupation of Gaza. So which Palestinians though? Well, the problem is that Smotrich and Ben Gavir, who are the far rights of Netanyahu's government, hate the idea of doing anything that would strengthen the Palestinian authority on the West Bank, and they'd be very worried if the Palestinian authority on the West Bank took over Gaza, and was successfully in Gaza, then you have more and more pressure for a two -state solution.

32:18In addition, of course, Hamas may well not want the Palestinian authority coming in. I mean, they were at violent loggerheads, they fight each other, and there could well be a civil war if the Palestinian authority tried to assert itself, and Hamas resisted. Then you add to that possibly Egypt, which of course has a land border with Gaza, huge interest in what to do with the Palestinian community, Jordan, the majority of whose population were originally Palestinian refugees, maybe countryside Saudi, but all of that depends on the United States because it was the US that was trying to bring together the deal, and Biden and Blinken had put this whole thing together with all these different moving parts.

33:02Israel very, very but the only way the Palestinian authority would sign up, the only way the Saudis would sign up is if there was a two -state solution at the end of the line, and Netanyahu doesn't want that, smutch, just doesn't want that, Ben Gavir doesn't want that, and now it looks very much as though Donald Trump doesn't want it either, which basically means everything I've been saying for the last minute can be ignored because Trump is destroying the whole thing. I know President Hurtz saw quite well because when he was leader of the Labour Party and when he was the Labour candidate in the 2015 election I think it was, and I went out there for quite a few visits to Israel and meetings with him, and he wanted to pick my brains about this and the other, and I find it very likable, I didn't think at the time he was going to win, so it goes on to become the president, I mean his politics are way away from Netanyahu, but as president in this current situation, he is absolutely full on essentially part of the government communications machine in a way that I suspect his basic views at that part of his politics haven't changed, how much power the Israeli president has in this situation, I think in terms of policy it feels to me like he is quite closely integrated, but whether that's power or just the reflection of the decisions that you're taking by those who have the executive power, I don't know, and of course the problem with the Palestinian leadership, the Palestinian authority is partly its reputation down the years for corruption, for counter -interlocacy, and people just sort of staying well past their cell by dates, including the leader Abel Martham particularly.

34:48Absolutely, yeah, absolutely, so I think until, unless and until it becomes a bit clearer, what the structures are going to be, who the outside players are going to be, I think it, I mean it's a great question that I don't actually have the answer, and I think that it's going to evolve as the post war, Gaza situation develops. Well, we mentioned this in the main part, but of course your 300 pound gorilla, I'm afraid again, is the fact that Trump has said that he's called the Egyptians and the Jordanians and told the Egyptians to take a million people from Gaza and Jordan to take a million, which is the whole population Gaza, which is called ethnic cleansing, and at the same time he's put out tweets saying he sees it's got great potential as a kind of Mara Lago beach resort on the med.

35:31Incredible, absolutely incredible. Now listen, I know you say that I don't criticize the Labour government enough or anything, I talk about my punches, and maybe I do. Lin Williams, why is the Labour government so intent on targeting and using damaging rhetoric about disabled people? Why do ministers keep conflating PIP with income support benefits? Both points are linked, really says then. Now, whether it's targeting, I'm not sure I do accept, using damaging rhetoric, I do. I think there is far too much, and I understand you've talked about this a lot on the podcast, the need, if our economy is going to recover, then we are going to have to get a grip of the scale of welfare spending, and we're going to have to make some pretty difficult choices.

36:15But the most important thing is actually I think to give people a positive sense of an economy that can work for them, jobs that can give them a good life, etc. I think there has been too much of this sort of, you know, the sort of Ausser born thing, the Labour aren't quite at the sort of people peaking out through the curtains to see if the bailiffs are coming around, but it's too much for me about, you know, they're there spongy off the state as opposed to being in genuine need, needing help. And I think you've got to do a bit of both. I think the problem is real, the government is right to take it seriously, the government is right to try to get the the budgets under control, but I think using the kind of language of sonnet tutorials is really not not the way to do it.

36:57Remind me, just just back in the day when Tony Blair's government came in, how did you handle this? Because I guess this story around benefits, cheats, or people living off the state's been around for a long time, and there's a big chunk of the British public who want to hear politicians in their minds saying as it is and calling out people who they think are cheating on benefits. Were the moments where you did sound a little bit more daily mail like? Yes, there were, where there was a real plan and a real approach to try to deal with specific issues. So for example, benefit fraud is a massive thing.

37:37The scale of benefit fraud during COVID was another example of it, and that was something that we went have to pretty aggressively. And I do understand why this government feels it has to get these budgets under control, but I've just felt watching some of the recent communications. And actually we see it a little bit more broadly into the, for example, the planning stuff recently. Now we know that Nimbism is a problem. We do know that Nimbus is a problem, but we're not all Nimbus. And I think what gets round that kind of thing is if you give people a bigger strategic argument about what you're trying to do as a country.

38:14So with planning, it's about, you know, do we want to get building again or not? Do we want to get innovation? Do we want to get infrastructure not? And with the benefit system, I think it's the sense of giving people a vision of what the economy looks like if we can get people back into work. It's about saying we're going to do something that's going to be uncomfortable for a group of people. You know, maybe we're going to build some housing estates which are going to affect the quality of life for people or we're going to reduce benefits for people who are currently getting disability benefits without necessarily saying that you're doing it because those are bad people.

38:47I mean, I felt that a little bit actually in the way that Kier Samar communicated much better than Bridget Phillips and around the private school fees. Bridget Phillips and when I said, look, how about kids who're going to have to leave private schools and re -enter the public sector said, I don't care about the top 7%, I'm here for 93%. Kier Samar by the time he was up against Rishi Sunat had what I thought was the right answer, which is, of course, we care about everybody. And that will be difficult. Unfortunately, we have to make difficult decisions and this is the reason why we're doing it and this is why it's going to make for a better education system.

39:20So I guess what you're saying, unless I'm missing something, is that you could say, we completely understand why people find it difficult to have development. We completely understand that there are people who really need disability benefits. Unfortunately, there are tough choices to be made. And here's the big picture of growth and this is the way that I saw it at the public. Exactly. I think a little bit is about tone and about communications. It's really all the way that you know, we talked on the main podcast about the press in relation to Prince Harry, but the fact is that for me, the problem with our press and its relation with politics has always been this sense that they have a power that is about setting the agenda.

39:58And I just feel at the moment, a Labour government with a big, big, big majority that can get stuff done has them in their heads too much. They're going to slug off the Labour government whatever they do. I'm not saying you wouldn't find them like better if they didn't, but they are. You could always imagine that Labour could have played it a different way. They could have come in just sort of pretending in a way, I mean, I'm not pretending maybe it's not fair, but really going huge, positive. We've won this enormous majority. We're turning the country around. We're going to be big and optimistic and cheerful.

40:32And we're not going to get too dragged down by the madness of Trump and Farage. And you know, they're in a very, very, if you step back and look at them objectively, Labour's in a very good position. The Conservatives are in trouble because Farage is eating their lunch. They're strong electorally, they're strong in Parliament. They should be able to be kind of breezier about things instead of which they seem a bit defensive, don't they? There's an article we should put in the newsletters about somebody called Anna Watt -Shange, she's the director of the new Britain project Think Tank. And I mean, the headline will probably alarm quite a lot of left -of -centre people.

41:07Starmer must learn from Trump, act fast, prioritise visible change, keep showing voters you're on their side. But if you take away that first starmer must learn from Trump. Yes, because you come in, I was talking to somebody, a kind of shadow minister the other day. And she said, well, you know, we do still have a bit of time and I said, you haven't got long in a parliament. This four years goes really, really quickly. And obviously the positions are different. Trump is a president, he can do all this executive orders. You regularly raise the issue of Gordon Brown and Bank of England independence.

41:46Why was that such a big thing? That was the equivalent of one of Trump's big executive orders. It said, this is going to be a government of big change. And then we had the new deal, then we had the minimum wage and we had the Scottish Parliament. The Labour are doing lots of stuff, but act fast, prioritise visible change and keep showing voters you're on their side. That is a communications thing. It's like, we had a question this week, which would be basically said, the government's done lots of things, but I can't remember many of them. Right. And what that means is if you do have a press that is concert, they certainly remember Winterfuel because the press keep banging on about it.

42:27They certainly remember national insurance because it's on, it's still on the front page, his months after the event because now businesses are reacting to it. So when that is happening, you have to have a counter narrative that is even stronger. So this piece is actually quite interesting, because it's not saying, oh, let's bow down before Trump. I don't think we should, don't anybody should bow down before Trump. But it is saying he has shown way more than he did in the first time, the first days, the first weeks, the first months, they're really, really, really important about the direction you set.

42:57So there you go, Labour, at fast, prioritize visible change, keep showing voters you're on their side. And I suppose one way of putting it is that every single time you do something, it should be easy for the voters, if someone said to them, why did they do it for them to be able to answer the question? Doesn't matter what answer is, could be growth. Oh yeah, they did that because their thing is growth. Right. I mean, whatever it is, right? Here is where it gets tricky on the strategic side, because let's say they've just recently, they haven't sort of confirmed, but it's sort of in the ether that they're going to be revisiting the idea of a third wrong way of Heathrow.

43:32Now, there are very, very, very strong arguments for it. There are very, very, very strong arguments against it. Both will be met. Now, if your green growth is tricky, if you're growth, so yeah, we'll get that, we'll totally get that. That's where you have to be absolutely clear. So when I heard that, I thought, oh, I wonder what Ed Milibond thinks of that. I can guess what Rachel Riesma is thinking about, because that's growth. Right. So that's where these have to be set within this bigger strategic framing. We should talk a little bit more about that, I think, in maybe next week, because it's also an example of something that is never going to be built within the lifetime of this Parliament.

44:12Ever. So it may or may not be a good thing to do, but of course, it's an example, a little bit like H .S .2 of a very grand and doubtless, unbelievably expensive project that will knowing Britain take 10, 15 years to come through. And by the time it's finished, the whole world of technology may well have changed, and the whole thing may turn out because it uses. Yeah. Now, Irene, what's the engage with politics without sacrificing our mental health given that everything feels so depressing at the moment? Irene and Igarly, what advice would you give to young people like me who are passionate about making a difference, but feel more disillusioned than ever by how toxic and polarised the debate has become?

44:52How do you stay hopeful and push for something better in such a divisive climate? Oh, okay. Well, let me just try a very quick one on that. I think one of the issues is developing heroes, role models, ways of describing what good public life is like. I think we've become very, our cultures become a very private and domestic when we think about morality, when we think about being a good person, we think about how you treat your family, your friends. And we tend to imagine that when you get into the bigger scale government public life, they're all a bunch of shysters. And we just don't really have a good way of describing what it would mean to be a practical and effective leader.

45:36Right? And that's about accepting that leaders are not saints, they have to compromise, they have to do a lot of politics, they have to do a lot of communications, they're going to do stuff you don't like, but that still is objectively an enormous difference between Theresa May and Kirsta Amar on the one side and Boris Johnson and Donald Trump on the other. And we need to get better at explaining what that difference is and kind of living it out. But also, I think I know conscious when I said that, you of course, that Theresa May and Kirsta Amar may be seen by some people at being at the slightly boring other things.

46:12What would it be to give a vision of somebody who is startling, exciting, lively, funny, but also represented good values? Yeah. I think that role model is very, very interesting, like who do we admire? And of course, because at the moment, and listen, let's be frank, there are lots of people who admire some of the populist leaders. I think it's hard to sort of work out who the role models are. But as you were speaking, I was thinking, remember last week I told you in Davos that my favorite event was this be hope event for the sustainable development goals and the highlight for me, if that entire event, there were prime ministers there, there were presidents, there were Bill Gates, there were all sorts of huge names there.

46:52But the highlight for me, which I've written about, we're actually going to reprint in the new European, a poem. And it was a poem delivered by a 19 year old Nigerian American, called Salomi Agbaroji, if I've got that right. And the poem is called Hope. And we'll actually put it in the newsletter as well, if she's happy with that, because it was just fabulous to see a 19 year old who wrote and read from memory quite a long poem about why she stayed hopeful. And she had this wonderful line, it was, we aren't crossing our fingers, we're crossing finish lines. In other words, hope is active, hope isn't sort of, I am hopeful because that is passive.

47:35Hope is saying, this is what I want to do, therefore I'm going to find out how I can do it. And it was extraordinary, I've never seen a poem get such a big evasion in my life. Such a great subject, and such a great word, hope, it's such a difficult word because people can always say it's kind of over optimistic or it's unrealistic. But in the end, it's the key to everything, even if we don't really know how to put our fingers on it. She had this, you know, talked about how hope in the end is a hero in it in all of history's great battles, in the end sort of, you know, hope wins through. And it was honestly, it was when you say, where'd you get hope?

48:13Where do that always be as where I get hope? And so are you. And it is hard, I've got to be on, it's my mental health's not been good in the last few weeks because of lack of sleep, because of, you know, I woke up this morning and the first thing I did was reach my phone. I wanted to see basically what's Trump done while I've been asleep. Well, that is not good for your mental health, it really isn't. And then if you add that to the sense that you and I both picked up in in Davos that, you know, Britain's really got to be watching itself, it's really got to be careful about where it fits in all this.

48:51And you sort of feel, well, you know, we're meant to be political figures, we can get engaged, we can get involved, we can make change, but then some days I wake up and think, no, this is hopeless. Now, once you've got, though, once you've got that new mind, it's very hard to shift. So actually, Satan's off. No, I don't give a shit what they say. I don't give a shit what my enemies say. Hope is about believing that it's still worth fighting for the things that you believe in. And I'm believing in a sense that something can happen, that things do happen, that the world does suddenly get better in a miraculous way that you couldn't anticipate, that you look around you and it seems very bleak and then suddenly the world surprises you.

49:30Yeah, she had this great line. I just looked it up. Hope is not the way that we cope, but the way that we conquer. Well, unsullow me, I like that. So there you go, Irene, and, uh, Rela, you just got to keep believing you've got to keep fighting. Thank you for all that word of hope. Bye -bye. See you soon.

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