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Episode Notes: The Rest Is Politics - Episode 397
Podcast Overview Title: The Rest Is Politics Hosts: Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart Description: A critical analysis of current affairs in the UK and globally, focusing on political debates, insider perspectives, and maintaining civil discourse.
Episode Summary This episode discusses several significant topics, including the implications of the UK's Supreme Court ruling on gender identity, the legacy of Pope Francis, and the influence of Donald Trump on global right-wing populism.
Key Topics Covered
- The Legacy of Pope Francis
- Polarizing Figure:
- Pope Francis is viewed as a divisive leader within the Catholic Church, appealing to many but also facing criticism from conservative factions.
- His communication style was seen as both accessible and occasionally reckless, leading to mixed reactions.
- Key Points:
- His approach to controversial topics (e.g., sexuality, gender, poverty) has sparked debate.
- He emphasized humility and connection with marginalized groups while also being criticized for not providing enough doctrinal guidance.
- The upcoming conclave with the potential successors raises questions about the future direction of the Catholic Church.
- UK Supreme Court Ruling on Gender Rights
- Context of the Ruling:
- The court ruled that the term "gender" in the Equality Act 2010 refers specifically to biological sex, not gender identity.
- This ruling has reignited discussions surrounding trans rights and single-sex spaces.
- Debate Dynamics:
- The ruling is seen as unclarified by some, highlighting the complexity of the debate in Britain, which differs from the American context.
- Key figures, including JK Rowling, have taken a stand against perceived excesses in transgender ideology, leading to a highly charged political atmosphere.
- Campbell and Stewart discuss the implications of the ruling for public spaces and safety.
- Trump’s Impact on Global Politics
- Right-Wing Populism:
- Trump’s influence is analyzed in terms of its effect on right-wing parties worldwide, particularly in Australia and Latin America.
- The episode examines how Trump has reshaped political strategies and alliances among populist leaders.
- Case Studies:
- The election in Ecuador showcases the complex dynamics where populist leaders draw inspiration from Trump's approach.
- The discussion reflects on the shifting political landscape and the challenges faced by traditional parties in maintaining relevance.
Key Takeaways
- Pope Francis' Impact: His complex legacy includes a blend of progressive and conservative stances, making his influence on the Church multifaceted.
- Gender Debate in the UK: The Supreme Court ruling on gender identity highlights deep divisions on the topic, with implications for legislative clarity and human rights.
- Global Populism: Trump's presence as a figurehead for populism complicates strategies for traditional political parties struggling to maintain voter loyalty in the face of far-right movements.
Closing Remarks
- The episode concludes with a discussion on the importance of recognizing the nuances in political debates, the need for comprehensive understanding in addressing complex issues, and the future of global politics in the context of populism.
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Social Media
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Production Credits
- Assistant Producers: Evan Green, India Dunkley
- Video Editor: Josh Smith
- Producers: Nicole Maslen, Fiona Douglas
- Senior Producer: Dom Johnson
- Head of Content: Tom Whiter
- Exec Producers: Tony Pastor, Jack Davenport
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These notes encapsulate the essence of the podcast episode while elucidating the significant discussions carried out by Alastair Campbell and Rory Stewart.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Transcript
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1:34Welcome to the rest of politics with me, Alistair Campbell, and me Rory Stewart. I'm really thinking common with virtually every public media organisation in the world, which we should talk about is holiness Pope Francis, RIP, funeral to be on Saturday, has been announced. I think then we should talk about this Supreme Court ruling in the UK, seeking to answer to the question, what is a woman, which it is claimed is brought clarity to debate. I'm afraid I don't think it's brought clarity to the debate at all. And then I think in the second half, we promised on the back of our leading interview on the weekend with Prime Minister of Australia and the Albanese, that we do our normal post -leading debrief.
2:12So we'll do that as part of a discussion about whether Donald Trump is a help or a hindrance to politicians around the world. No doubt that Albanese has been helped. or more to the point Peter Dutton is opposed and has been damaged by Trump, Mark Karnie and Canada has been helped, but we also want to talk about Ecuador because there there's been an election where very much the Trumpian has won. So lots to talk about but let's you're the man of God in the team. Let's let's start with the Pope. What do you want to say about the Pope? I think the the first thing and I've been talking to friends who are clergymen so I talking to my friend Father Yaroslav this morning, who are, admittedly, as an Anglican, but it's very interesting understanding how the Pope was a very polarizing figure, maybe in ways that is less obvious to people like you and me who aren't in the heart of the Catholic controversies.
3:00And in fact, the very fact that I guess the Pope was pretty popular with people like you and me irritated some Catholics. So that's the first thing. A polarizing figure, for a couple of reasons. One is actually on the doctrinal messaging, So there are conservative Catholics who were uncomfortable with the positions that he took on sexuality, transgender, divorce, where he sounded more liberal. He was pretty conservative there on things like abortion and contraception and... Yep, you wouldn't define him as a radical in some of these cultural issues, would you? No, certainly not. Certainly not. So no, very much he was very much remained a Catholic.
3:37Their second complaint, which I'd like to talk to you a bit about, is his style. They thought that he wasn't careful enough that he shot too much on the hip. He really understood they reckoned the media. He was good at handling a social media age. He was a great communicator. But the result was that sometimes they felt he wasn't careful enough as somebody who was responsible for a billion people and this very complicated church. So people would say, you know, what do you think about, you know, transgender and he would say, who am I to judge? Which on the one hand is a very good humble question message.
4:10On the other hand, they would argue, well, actually that is slightly your job, because you are the Pope, right? You're supposed to give us a bit of a guidance on this stuff. You are basically God's man on earth. Yeah. Who might have judged the answer as well? That's really what we want you to do. You want you to judge. Let's pause with that for a second. Did you have a sense of him as a communicator on what his strengths and weaknesses were and whether you felt as an observer that he occasionally shot a bit from the hip and maybe that was the sign of a certain kind of skill, a sense of informality?
4:39I tell you one of the most interesting pieces I read, and a bit like the Queen, virtually every media organisation in the world has done really big things on the death of the Pope, and including in countries that aren't necessarily even minority, really small numbers of Catholic, but he's a big, big, big figure. But one of the most interesting pieces I read was a guy who covers the Pope for the New York Times, guy called Jason Horowitz, and it's interesting, he made his act at the same point about you. He said that actually he found him more politically savvy and more accessible and humorous than say presidential candidates that this guy had been on a plane with.
5:17So this guy, Jason Horvus, flew around the world with him and he actually said that he really got a sense of him when he was in these places where there were very poor people, refugees, people who were fleeing for their lives and so forth. He really did have a genuine sense of connection, but he also made the point that he was politically very, very savvy. And he actually wrote about this a time when some of the more conservative cardinals of which there are many, and we can maybe talk a bit about the concave that is now about to take place to choose this successor. But a group of the conservatives had complained and had written to Pope Francis, what's called a letter of Dubai, a doubt, asking him to clear up the quote, grave disorientation and grave confusion that they said he was causing.
6:13And his response was completely to ignore it. And they kept asking him when he was going to reply and he just sort of shrugged it off. And this guy, this guy, Horowitz says that it was the papal equivalent of dusting off your shoulders with this stain. And he was also very, you can see in the way that he dealt with the political, the hundreds of political leaders that he met. You could see that he was very conscious of his own power and his own status in that setting, but where he felt he got his moral strength was from the other settings of where he was actually out touching people that he felt too many of the politicians didn't really do enough for.
6:53So he very unusual also in the sense that his predecessor, Benedict, was an academic theologian who really spent his whole life as it were, kind of in the ivory tower, whereas Pope Francis was right in the heart of Argentinian politics through these very, very different period, 70s, 80s and 90s. So he was there with Galthieri, with the military dictatorship, with the disappearances right at the sharp end of that because he was the senior figure in the Jesuits and the 70s there when the Jesuits were very radical and associated with liberation theology and scenes being too close to the communists and some of his colleagues were abducted and tortured by the military regime.
7:33And in that context, he was considered too close to the regime. One of those Jesuits criticized him and almost implied that he'd collaborated with the regime on getting them kidnapped. I think that's the beginning of this story of somebody who grew up in a very, very political context who presumably if he were being generous to him was trying to on the one hand defend the church and on the other hand defend his colleagues and by defending the church I mean he probably thought that he needed to get on with the regime needed to get on with the Argentinian government makes some pretty difficult compromises to keep the church going.
8:03I think also because it's worse remembering in Latin America that in Mexico there'd been a revolution which was very anticlerical many countries in Latin America throughout their Jesuits. So there's this sort of back story here of how you keep the church alive. But the strange thing about that then is that he goes from being somebody who in the 70s has taken out of his job as the senior Jesuit in Argentina because he's considered not sufficiently left -wing by the standards of 1970s Argentina. It's seen as a bit conservative. Fast forward to today where he's seen as a little bit too left -wing.
8:36Now he might well say, I didn't change the world change around me. Communist liberation theology faded and this new American more conservative form of Catholicism is now getting stronger and I'm just the same person. Although one of the interesting points that Jason Horowitz made that what was said by a lot of the people around Pope Francis was that he was somebody he was able and willing to learn from mistakes and be very open about that. The Latin American angle is very, very interesting because he was the first Latin American Pope but he was the first non -European since the 8th century. And he did change.
9:08So this conclave, and I was at a lunch not long ago and Stanley Tucci, the actor was there and I was sitting next to him and did his best. And he was saying that he was one of the co -stars of the conclave, the film about how a Pope is chosen, a fictional Pope. And he said it was one of the most enjoyable roles he has ever played because, and he is, I don't know if you've seen the film, it is a good film. I have, I have, I have, yeah. It's wonderful. You know, none of us know, unless we beat a cardinal inside a corgly, we don't know what goes on, but it really gave you a feel for the kind of raw politics that takes place there.
9:45One of the interesting things that he did was that he pointed as cardinals a lot of new cardinals from what we call the global south. Now will that influence, is fascinating to watch all the papers who, most of who don't really follow the Vatican that closely. Okay. The New York Times have a guy who follows the Pope. Most newspapers don't, but they're all giving us these runners of riders and the bookies are giving odds on who's the next Pope. But you know, it is a very, very, very strange process. But I think we'll be, he will be a very, very, very hard Pope to follow. I think he has made a mark in a way that very few popes of our lifetime have.
10:26I think that's because he... I think sincerely, but also quite publicly lived out a life of modesty and humility. I mean, he made a real central to his pepacy was taking the name Francis, Alfred St Francis, the CC, not living in the palatial apartments, are wearing more modest clothes after being selected. He's also said he wants a simple, simple coffin. He doesn't want exactly. So in some ways, he was living out something very important to the gospel message. I mean, really sincerely. But like I suppose all powerful churchmen, there's also the problem of power and the corruption of power. So he was also quite impetuous, quite contrarian, quite authoritarian.
11:07He likes stirring people up, maybe a little bit of the Anastakamble. He quite, quite like provoking people. So he would deliberately sort of poke prod and quite, quite enjoy poking and prodding. And I think maybe that's actually a bit of a theme of his whole life. I mean, remember, he made some quite radical shifts. He was engaged to be married and then decided to become a celibate Jesuit. He obviously had quite a sort of confrontational attitude towards the Jesuits in our Tunisian era in the 70s. You were in your fist there, where you was also a bouncer at one point. I was a bouncer, that's where you was a bouncer at one point.
11:40But the other thing I think which does relate to what makes it very distinct, let's take that the most difficult thing, which is the child's sex abuse scandals, which have been horrifying and very central to the Catholic Church. he appears to have been both publicly very good at expressing horror, but in actual practice seems to have sheltered people. So there's a man called Marka Rupnek who he effectively gave a sign up to in the Vatican who's accused of horrible, abusive, particularly of women. There's a very sinister American called Theodore McCarrick who was more on the sort of liberal progressive side of the Catholic Church, he was a big fundraiser from America, who's also was accused of, I think, rightly accused of a lot of abuse, and who he also covered up and protected.
12:28Now again, I suppose one also has to understand the context, which is that he's also trying to protect the whole institution of the Catholic Church and the papacy. He's also not accountable in quite the same way that the Archbishop of Canterbury, so the Archbishop of Canterbury, who not long after we interviewed him, resigned because of the view that he had not properly followed up on allegations of abuse conducted by someone connected with the Church of England. There you were going to momentarily suggest that we were responsible. Well, actually they interviewed, I mean, if people listened to it again, I mean, it's, it made a lot of conservatives, it's a sort of interesting example, very angry because it was the first time that he expressed real sympathy for gay marriage, for example.
13:03And conservatives have been in articles looking at our interviews saying, well, that showed who he really was, that's why he needed to go in relation to archbishop. But the archbishop was brought down because fundamentally the archbishop of Canterbury is very connected to Britain and it was the British media. the bottom down. The Pope is not quite accountable in the same way that Catholic Church has written out more of these sex abuse scandals. If he had been the Archbishop of Canterbury, the stuff that was going on probably might have led to cause for his resignation, but because he's responsible for a billion people, well over a hundred different countries.
13:35And the Catholic Church has very strong relationships with media and institutions, a lot of these countries. They're not quite accountable in the same way. And the Pope does have a political power in so many different countries around the world and the archbishop of Canada, we does to some extent of those that are part of the church. But he has a real power and I think you have to use it as well. I thought it was very interesting. His last meeting that we know about was with Vance and then before that he had made this, had bread for him, this very brief address on Easter Sunday. It was very, it was interesting how I mentioned Gaza.
14:11And somebody sent me actually a, we were going to talk about Israel and Gaza until the Pope died. I think we should do that in Q &A now because we get questions about Israel every single week. But I thought it was interesting that he mentioned that and somebody sent me a video of it. Apparently most days he was, he phone, he had these video calls with Christians in Gaza in the last few weeks and months. And there's one, the one that was sent me was asking this, this guy, you know, what did he had to eat that day and they were making joke about sharing the chicken wings and what have you. And he, so I think his views on Gaza were very, very clear and very, very strong.
14:47I think his views on immigration were very clear and very strong. It's pretty why didn't that happy when he was at the JD Vance, put even putting him on the side of the fact that he's not being very well. But I think when you crane, he was maybe a little bit more less clear. And I wonder whether that was because he was more conscious of the political dynamics it's there in a way that worried him in relation to some of the other countries that look more kindly upon Russia. I don't know. But listen, there's no doubt the Vatican is an incredibly political environment. The other thing really, I think it's interesting, is the rest is politics podcast.
15:22Of all the, I'm going to make a compliment to your friend here, I read almost all of the world leader statements about the Pope's passing. And I thought the two that stood out for me positively were King Charles and Mark Carney. And I thought Mark Carney both the written and he also did a very really quite moving as part of a speech I think it was yesterday. We talked about this meeting at lunch, he was at with the Pope, where the Pope was basically saying that the job of people like Carney and all the other sort of political and media and banking figures that were there was to turn grappa, which is sort of strong alcohol, back into wine.
16:04And Mark told this story in a way that sort of laden with the values that the Pope was talking about. And then it won't surprise you know the worst response. Well, Putin was pretty bad. He talked about how important humanism and peace were, but Trump, I mean, to do a tribute to the death of the Pope alongside the Easter Bunny, as you're about to do the Easter egg role in the White House gardens. And then to say, Melania and I will we'll be going to the Pope funeral, I'm really looking forward to it. It's just sort of off the scale. Did you feel anything about the, because these are hard, I've, you know, working with Tony Blair, you had so many of these where somebody really big historical figures dying, you have to find the words and it's not, it's not always easy.
16:49But I thought, I thought Charles and Karney got the tone absolutely spot on. Good, good, good. I mean, I think they're, they're people who probably do have a sympathy for what he was doing. Just to finish them with a, a, a little line from him, which I, I've mentioned before, but I thought it was sort of him at his most powerful moving, which was in response to J .D. Vance saying that there was a concentric circle and we should look after our family and nation first and then other people later. He wrote this letter to the American bishops, which was I think his last great intervention where he says, Christian love is not a concentric expansion of interests that little by little extends to other persons and groups.
17:29In other In other words, the human person is not a mere individual, relatively expensive, with some philanthropic feelings. The human person is a subject with dignity who, through the constitutive relationship with all, especially with the poorest, congratulate mature in his identity and vocation. The true auto amorous, in order of love, that must be promoted, is that which we will discover by meditating constantly on the parable of the Good Samaritan, that is by meditating on the love that builds a fraternity opened all without exception. And I thought it was so beautiful because it only he could do it.
18:02And it was combining some very unusual things in the modern world, the idea of meditating continually, maturing as a human being, how love and obligation to refugees is also part of forming you as a soul. That's what I'll remember and for. And the press release had, like I could have said, dear JD, Rory Stewart is right about this. because he was very much taking your side of the argument. My final point, Rory, here's a quiz question for you. Where was the largest ever mass over six million people attended apparently? It was in Mililla, what is it? To the Philippines. I give six million people.
18:42So the record says, yeah, extraordinary. That just shows you. So no wonder if you're the politician in the Philippines, you don't want to get on the wrong side of the Pope. point on him seeing JD Vance, I mean I suppose everybody's made this point, but and the Queen's seeing this trust. I mean, just their sense of duty that, you know, when they must have been very, very, very ill. I mean, they were about to die, but presumably barely get out of bed. They're still putting their public duty first and pushing on. Yeah. Anyway, we'll, doubtless talk about the the Colclave aspect of this again, as it as that process goes on.
19:11Now, should we turn to the Supreme Court and the judgment last week, essentially saying that in relation to the Equality Act 2010, which was I think the Gordon Brown government's last act of parliament, that when that act refers to gender, and they're talking, and they're talking about biological sex. And the Lord Hodg, who is the deputy president of the court, who read out the judgment, and he did it in a very careful, judge -like way. And then good luck on this one, Lord Hodge. He said, this should not be taken as victory for one side against another in this argument and trans people still have rights etc etc.
19:53But I guess where I come from it. Well, first of all, what was your initial reaction on hearing that judgment and what you made you think about the issue? The first thing is that I'm in the states and interestingly in the states, it's not the same debate. This is very much a debate in the states where most people on the progressive left are on the side of transgender. And most of the opposition to transgender comes from a conservative right. Britain is very unusual because it's in Britain that you have figures like J .K. Rowling and others who are feminists from the left who are strongly opposed to what they see as the excesses of transgender ideology.
20:32So this whole dynamic doesn't exist here. And actually explaining to an American audience why left -wing progressive feminists, like J .K. Röding or Kathleen Stock, are troubled by transgender ideologies, actually quite difficult. So I've spent a lot of the last two days trying to explain it. Do you understand it? Because I get the thing about women feeling they want quote, save spaces. And I get that. And I also get, although I think it's completely blown out of proportion, I get the thing about women in sport and transgender, a man becoming a woman, then competing against women. I can see why there are all sorts of issues that flow from that.
21:09But when everybody came out and said, this gives clarity, I just don't think it does give clarity at all. And one of the most moving things I was at last year, if you only invited an event for a company, we were talking about mental health. And on the same day on the same platform, there's a guy who, a trans man, so somebody who had been a woman, now a man, working in this place, who gave a presentation, and it was just really moving how everybody accepted it, everybody saw it really as that bigger deal. And I was thinking on the basis of this judgment, if this is now, and this is the problem with this judgment, is that it's being taken as a woman, is only, you know, if you cannot change your sex, is essentially what people are saying out of this.
21:55But there's somebody who, this is the equality act 2010, there's somebody who, according to the 2005 Gender Recognition Act, actually has been allowed to redefine as a man. Now, under this ruling, and I'm just putting out this out there because I don't know the answer, if that person is out in a public place, say like a swimming pool and wants to go to the bathroom, are they going to the gents or are they going to the ladies? As I understand it, he now has to go to the ladies. Is that what was intended? Yeah, I think what the judges would say is that But people who run that establishment have the absolute right to say that only cisgender males can go to the male bathroom.
22:39They can make exceptions if they want, but the exception is then with the discretion of the institution. So what's flipped is the question of who has the rights here and who can get an exception. I was very struck by Jimina Jamila, who's a presenter, actress, quite a big thing in the States now and also an activist and also as a France. but she made the sort of post -sheetage, she made the point. Now, are we now going to be sort of checking on what she called people's tackle as they present themselves to places like bathrooms? So this is why I just think that this idea, and I saw Keir Starmer today saying, I'm very happy that this brought clarity to this debate.
23:19I don't think he's brought clarity at all. And my big worry, my big worry is that because of the way, and it's interesting what you say about America, But let's be honest, the brutish debate around trans is pretty vile, pretty notches, pretty toxic. And you just had to see, so there's the judge saying nobody should take this as a victory one side over the other. Cut two shots of lots of women popping champagne courts, pictures of JK rolling, smoking a celebratory cigar. And I just worry that, and actually we had loads of abuse you and I down when we last discussed this. And since this judgment, I don't know if you've to a greedy, really active on their sort of poking eyes on social media and what have you.
24:02And one of them said, please don't give me any of that stuff about this being a marginalized, put -upon community. It is. And that doesn't change. Let me try to do the explainer that you that you were asking for and see if I can do it. My sense is that there are two completely different positions here. There's the position of the trans community, which is that you are somebody who's biologically born male. but you identify as a woman or you're biologically born a woman, you identify as a man. Although that second category doesn't really feature in this debate oddly, very little of this debate is about people who are born women who identify as men.
24:39It's almost all the other direction is where the controversy is. Somebody in that situation, so a trans woman, somebody biologically male who identifies a woman, would want to have all the rights and access and opportunities that would normally be granted to women because they're the advice of one. On the other side, on the the J .K. Rowling -Carthine Stocks side, you have people saying that women's rights were very, very hard for for, and that the rights accesses protections and opportunities for women should not be eroded by creating an ambiguous blur around the edges of who's a woman and who isn't, because they don't might allow men to be able to claim some of the access opportunities protection of women without being women.
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25:21And the one thing that those both positions have in common is they don't like people like you and me either saying this isn't the most important issue in the world that really irritates people because it feels very existential to them. But secondly they don't like a liberal position which is my position. I mean so to put my cards on table my position would be okay this is a very difficult question of two competing claims by dentian rights. So let's try to find practical compromises. So you know in the Rory Stewart world, I would say, trans women should not be able to compete in women's sports.
25:56Seems to me unfair. I would probably be in favour of gender neutral bathrooms in many contexts to get around this this year, right? I would also be in favour of looking at a case -by -case basis on a trans woman wanting to go into the female estate in a prison because you have to balance the fact that trans women are at a lot of threat. I mean, if you're at, you've just pointed this out right, if you go into a male bathroom and you're a trans woman and you're wearing a skirt, you can be beaten up by a man and that bathroom or you could be in a prison, you could be very badly treated by fellow prisoners.
26:30You could also theoretically, although there actually aren't that many cases of it, but it has happened, you could pose this threat to women. So I would be trying to argue that you look at this on a case by case basis and you try to navigate your way through these very difficult claims of values, but both sides hate that because if you are a trans woman, you might say Listen, I am a woman. These are my rights. These are my entitlements. I don't want to be given a case -by -case treatment I mean we don't say for example if an African American is denied entry to a country club They have to prove that they're not violent in order to be allowed to come into the country club They would say this is my this is discrimination, right?
27:07Yeah, but as you've pointed out all of this affects sport Access to puberty blockers. This is amazing a slow newstavastock podcast done by Tortoise Media, if you want to get into that, looking at the use of puberty book as single sex basis, prisons, free speech, how you talk about this in school, and my goodness, it feels polarized. It doesn't feel like somebody like me trying to say, well, here's the kind of liberal compromise on this is going to get anything other than abuse and hate from both sides. No, and that's what I worry about, the judgment, and I don't think that was their intention, but I think that's the consequence, as a danger, that's the consequence.
27:44And I also do feel, I mean, we're a political podcast. I still think this should have been resolved by Parliament. This is essentially what's happened is that there's been a sort of not a conflict, maybe like a contradiction between two pieces of legislation. And I think that could have been resolved if the politicians would want to have the debate. And I think it's about that they don't want really to have the debate. I think that could have been resolved by a code of sill, an explanatory note. It could have, you could have thrashed this out, instead of which, you have the debate going on in the media, you have the debate going on through campaigners, you have the debate going on if you like through the loudest voices within that debate.
28:22And then a kind of quits subtle, 88 pays judgment comes out with what is taken, rightly, I'm not criticizing this, that was the most important line, was the thing about their definition of what a woman is. And that is immediately turned into a reason to carry on the fight, a reason not just to say the quarters made this judgment and therefore we now proceed on this basis. But more if you look at some of the rhetoric around this, this essentially is saying there's no such thing as a trans person. Yeah. If you're born a woman, you're a woman for the rest of your life, you're a born a man, you're a man for the rest of your life.
28:59So again, this is going to make a lot of people angry, but I think that we've also got to acknowledge that we are cisgender males, so where people were born biologically men who still identify as being men. And therefore we don't connect with this debate as clearly as some other groups. It's partly formed for me by a good friend of mine who was biologically a woman but doesn't identify as a woman. And they find this issue both something that's very personal but also central to their work because they run a clinic which works to provide puberty blockers for young people, young people who are often suicidal, who feel that they desperately need support in protecting their gender identity, who don't want to transition into a gender that they feel doesn't belong to them, and feels that they're doing work which matters deeply to them personally in their own identity, but also to some very vulnerable people.
29:58But at the same time, that's balanced with the fact that as the Tabestock report showed, there are many complexities around why people want to transition and how you back the evidence on the risk of suicide against the evidence, the damage that might be done for inappropriately blocking somebody's development and how parents play into this and how social media plays into this. One of the things on the media I saw that really wound me up, the things on channel 4, there was a debate between one of the women who'd been involved in the campaign who was celebrating the Supreme Court judgement and a trans woman, I've been the Scottish Islands, who had been through the whole thing.
30:39And the woman on the, as it were, J .K. Rowling's side of the argument just kept calling her him he. And I just felt there was a sort of, there was a sneering attached to it that I really found unpleasant. I think it's a classic example of something which has become very, very complicated, which is for many people very niche. I mean, you often get bad policies when you're dealing with something which I guess probably 85 % of the British public doesn't have much of a view on, doesn't think about very much. Well, this is the only thing you look at during the last election, if you looked at the polling on the issues that people felt were important to them.
31:15And he wasn't asking about their voting tenders, the issues that were important to them. Trans was very, very low down, very low down the pecking order. I do think we have a media that's made the most of it. We now have a president in the United States who wants to make the most of it and who actually even in his acceptance speech did a big thing about you know, there are only two sexes, you're either a man or you're a woman and let's get these sports people out and all that stuff. So weaponizing if you like. And the other thing, you write that of course, you know, you and I are not women just the same as we're not black and we're not poor and we're not African and there's lots of things we're not, but it doesn't mean that we can't have empathy for other people, all that we can't study things and try to develop an opinion.
31:56And I get, you know, I actually had a real falling out with somebody at an event not long ago because, but basically said that, you know, said, you've just been brainwashed, you've been brainwashed, and what do you mean? I've been brainwashed, and then said, and you know, what do you know about any of you? You're not a woman, and I said, and it's true, my opinions on this have largely been formed by, first of all, understanding this as a debate has been weaponized, so therefore don't rely too much on the media debate, try to dig into a bit deeper. But then in terms of my opinions, I would say I've been, they've been informed by Grace, my daughter and her friends, almost all of whom I think just found this judgment really quite alarming and dangerous.
32:37Fiona, my partner, and also very good friend of ours, hella Thorning Schmitt, who we had on the podcast and her family because they have somebody that we knew going on holiday when she was a kid as Camilla is now a male, he, Milo, and it's worked for them and it's worked for them, I think, in part because they've had support, understanding and a legal framework that kind of is a bit clearer. So when I see I think here's Thomas today saying, I think it's great this is all being cleared up. I'm sorry, I don't think it has been cleared up. And I think ultimately Parliament is going to have to another look at this some point.
33:14Now, I know we're both going to get from various angles. We're going to get absolutely sort of lacerated. But I do feel strongly this is, we're talking about very, very, there we are talking about the Pope who liked sort of reaching out to marginalized people. And I think trans people have enough on their plate without also constantly being thrown into the middle of a political debate, the heat of which does not necessarily get us to the right place. Well, I think with that, let's take a break.
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34:56Welcome back to the rest of this politics with me, Boris Judd. And with me, Alistair Campbell. Now we said at the end of the leading interview with Anthony Albanese, which we did live, and it was very generous of him to give over an hour of his time in the middle of his election campaign. That said to me, he was feeling quite confident. I see that one of the Australian columnists has said, you know, doing foreign podcasts is what I call a luxury. Well, Alistair, you're the communications guru. I mean, do you think it was a luxury or do you think it's actually a good thing to do in the middle of an election campaign?
35:25Well, I think he's showing like Trump did that podcast I was doing during a campaign at the long form thing. He does seem, you know, we talked a lot about the Pope in the first half, but I think the Pope's death, I'm afraid, is another difficult thing for Peter Dunton to navigate, because Dunton seems to have gone from front runner to underdog, and at this stage of the campaign, because voting starts today, you can actually start to vote today in Australia. the actual final vote on May 3rd. And you know, he's got some ground to make up. Now, listen, Marie, we should just point out, I don't know if I'm sure our Australian listeners will know this, but maybe our international listeners, less so.
36:06If you want to look up a really sort of stunning campaign moment, Google Mark Laythem Handshake 2004. And this is given credit for an election that people thought that John Howard was going to lose. And what he was was that they were John Howard, who was the liberal candidate, the Tory, and Martin Leitham were meeting in a studio, and Martin Leitham was almost, he was like, you know, how Trump likes to grab people and fool them towards him, but this is like, this was like off the scale. But that was the last time when the polls were this clear. So, well, the polls are going to have to be very, very, very wrong for Albo not to win.
36:49And what did you make of him from the interview? I thought he was, I mean, his backstory is extraordinary. So, I mean, you know, we like back stories and people should really get into that. We're not gonna spoil it here, but you've got, I mean, it's incredible, his origin story. I thought he was articulate. I thought he played it very well, given where he is in the campaign. And he's showing more confidence than he probably would have done a few months ago. I mean, it is an amazing story. Essentially, this was Duffins to lose. doesn't had a pretty consistent six point lead and now it looks like there's a nine point lead for Albanese the incumbent and and why why was it his to lose?
37:25Well, you know as you've often explained this was a year where incumbents lose. incumbents lose because everywhere around the world people have peed off of their governments housing costs too much cost the living's too much and there was an obvious campaign which doesn't was running which had just been won by my friends in New Zealand, right? They just run a campaign which said this left wing government's bit hopeless. They're a bit too woke. In fact, the great phrase that Dutton produced, did you see it? Week, woke sending us broke, right? Which summed up, you know, what the right wing attack on Albanese was supposed to be.
38:00So, week, you know, not doing enough about anti -Semitism, national security, crime, woke was, he'd lost the voice to referendum, which was this referendum them around indigenous Australians. And you know, the fact that when we interviewed him, people looking close, people see he doesn't just have the Australian flag behind him. You pointed out in the interview, he also has the Aboriginal flag and the Torres Strait Island that's flagged behind him. And sending us broke, he's taken them from a surplus into a deficit that looks like it's going to be hanging around for years. There's a housing crisis.
38:31So it should have been a no -brainer. And and and Dutton pulled together a campaign that that you know, look like it had all the right elements in place. And he was going to be about efficiency and sorting stuff out, cutting the civil service, getting Australia working again. And the whole thing has has blown up in his face over to you. I sent you a couple of polling graphs, one for Canada and one for Australia. And it is you can map the spike for, well there's the several spikes for carne, one starts when Trudeau steps down and carne steps in. There's a fresh spike when Trump does the tariffs and likewise with Albanese and Dutton there's a spike when Trump is inaugurated.
39:20And another big moment was when Dutton seemed to say, a drum with a Tom and you were obsessed with the type of the cars of the Trump cars of video. Well, he was going to turn cars into a sort of Trump piece of real estate and Dutton said something about, you know, well, Trump's a great deal maker. So let's see how it kind of pans out. And I also think there is something about Albanese. He's not the most, you know, I really enjoy talking to him, but he can be quite long -winded and he can, you know, it's interesting. He sometimes he tells the same story or listen exactly the same words because he's on the campaign trail.
39:58But interesting enough, Fiona, I was with Fiona and she listened to it. And she said that what she felt came through was a sense of real principle. He just sounded like somebody with real principle. And during election campaign, that is gold -dust because, you know, now that we got loads of responses from people in Australia watching it. And again, very much splitting between the people who said, this guy's great, hope he wins, and this guy's the worst prime minister we've ever had, and that's just the way of the modern world. But I think there's something about his manner that lends itself to a kind of counter -Trumpian world.
40:35Well, it is, you're right. And again, just to play the counterfactual, Labour could have been in a lot of trouble. I mean, it looked like it might be in the position of being the first government since the 1930s not to get two terms, because as you keep on he out there's only three years, three years terms. And in Victoria in particular, we both saw Ben Carroll, the deputy leader I think in Victoria when we were there in Melbourne. The Labour Party's been in real trouble. There's been this sort of incredibly colourful story around the union there. Have you thought of the CFMEU, the militant trade union, and John Settka putting dead pigs on rivals doorsteps and fire bombing and protection rackets?
41:16And there's Albo said it's a very robust politics. There's a very robust politics. And some courageous journalists exposing all this stuff. But none of it seems to damage him. And as you say, it's partly because he's... And you saw that in the interview, that he's very good at being the center. You know, that moment in the interview where he says, yeah, there's media on the side of the right, there's media on the side of the greens on the left. But, you know, we're the kind of sense of all people holding said. And one last little criticism, which came from somebody who'd watched our podcast very closely.
41:48You asked him his three favorite songs and he named Cold Chisel. And Cold Chisel is an Australian rock band for 70s and 80s, which this columnist said is about the equivalent of naming crocodile Dundee as your favorite Australian figure. And that actually, if he'd been a bit savvier, what he should have done is talked about K -pop because in fact, Korean pop out of Australia is now one of the biggest exports in the world. it's a real sign of the new Australia. The Rory, Rory, Rory, does it define itself as rock music? Is that rock music? Ah, because he's a record defense. It's the rocker. The other thing to say, by the way, normally, particularly election campaigns, you're interviewing a politician.
42:28They kind of subtly or less subtly, they like to try and fight out. What's your first question? You're going to be, how long have we got? What are you going to cover? Any left -field things that I'm not thinking of? He may know effort to do that. So he was a bit thrown, but I say give me your three favorite rock songs to take to Des Islands. So I don't know. I think in the middle of in the middle of an Australian election campaign, you could be right, though, a bit of a capo wouldn't have gone down badly. One thing we did get quite a lot of questions about it, was people just wanting a bit of an explanation because it is weird that they call the liberal party.
43:03I'll just say they're basically, you've got the Labour party and the Liberals. The Liberals are often called the Coalition. And so it's confusing. The liberal is meaning essentially small government, and that's an antidote to Labour. That's sort of basically. And the reason they call the coalition is because it's a bit like the CDU and the CSU in Germany. You've got the liberals and the national party who are, and the liberals are more urban and the national party's more rural. But they effectively campaign as one. So it is annoying though. And then one my final point is worth you and I both favor compulsory voting, I wish we had it.
43:43I also think their voting system is pretty good, you know. So they've got a preferential voting system where ever to win, you have to get, be the first person to get over 50 % of the votes. And the person voting has to rank all of the candidates. So you can't just go in and say I'm voting for Albanese or I'm voting for Dutton. You have to rank them all. because that way your vote will always get transferred when the bottom one falls out and the next one moves in. So I think that's quite a, if we were to move to a different voting system, I would, I think, be in favor of a preferential voting system like that.
44:20Well, let's use a bit of a transition because and look at Australia as the sign of a bigger world. So in the introduction you talk about how Trump is affecting politics. So one of the ways which Australia helps us make that transition As obviously it's a really big example, like Canada, of where a right wing party that looked like it was cruising to win has been shattered and the centre left looks like it's going to win because the right's got too close to Trump. And those two right wing parties have wanted to be allied to the success that Trump seems to represent. I think that's the point. Exactly.
44:55And maybe what you're getting out there is that we're looking at the fundamental dilemma of right wing parties posed by Trumpism, which is the problem that Keny Bedenox struggling within the UK, which is the right is now very, very split. You've got a more populous far right and you've got a center right. And Trump has made holding those two bits together more and more difficult. You know, Cameron had to manage an awkward coalition, the Conservative Party. But Trump has raised the stakes so much, and this was beginning in Britain and the Boris Johnson, where the center right, you know, kind of classics, sort of wet to Tories like me can no longer recognize themselves or in the American context of rock of fellow Republican, can no longer recognize the kind of Trump Republicans.
45:40And so whereas I guess maybe a few years ago, the worries were the splits on the left, you know, how do you hold a Democratic Party together that's got Bernie Sanders or a Labour Party that's got Jeremy Corbyn is now the right that is in real trouble. None of them have any idea what to do. and this is part of Dutton's problem in Australia. He's got to desperately try to hold his far right because he's got people like Clive Palmer, Pauline Hansson, trying to outmaneuver him on the right. But he's also losing on the left to these people called the T .L. independence, who are the people that I really love because they're my sort of politics there, you know, conservative, fiscally, but environmental women, professionals, who he's losing in all these wealthiest Sydney seats that he should be holding.
46:23That's the problem that Keny Badenock has, And I guess that's the problem that, I guess the problem that the Germans are facing too, that the right in Germany also losing, you know, now up to 26 % of the vote going off to the AFD. How do you handle that? Listen, it's hard. And in fact, there's a debate going on in Germany right now where Jens Spahn, who was the, the Matt Hancock of the German government during COVID. I hope not in every way. I don't think so. No, I don't think so. starting to say, look, can we kind of ignore the AFD forever? He's basically saying every time we seem to back down on Merz's very big stances on immigration during the election, which the social democrats have sort of watered down a bit, that is like a sort of, you know, that is manner from heaven to the AFD.
47:14But Rory, the one you wanted to talk about, which I do think is interesting, is Ecuador, because there's an election that people thought was going to be, This is a run -off between President Daniel LeBoa and a woman by the name of Luisa Gonzalez on the left who runs the Citizens Revolution Party, which was thought was going to be either very, very close or she was probably went, okay? And LeBoa has won by 11 points. He was one of the few leaders who was at Trump's inauguration. He's very much in that sort of politics. She's come out straight away and so she doesn't recognize the result and that she thinks some terrible fraud has gone on.
47:53They've come out and said that his opponents are now trying to get him assassinated and it's all a bit of a mess. But I think you're right that it shows that we shouldn't assume in our kind of cozy, liberal, progressive world that there aren't places where being more like Trump is seen as a good thing not a bad thing. Maybe one rule seems to be that if you're an incumbent populist who's close to Trump, Trump in some way boosts you. It sort of validates you. So one of the problems for being a populous leader is that until recently you didn't have sort of global recognition, you didn't have the system around you.
48:33But the people that were invited to Trump's and organisation, which include Nibir, but also include George and Meloni from Italy, or figures like Victor Orban and Hungary. A Milé. Milé? Yep, Milé and Argentina. these people are able to be now part of an international populist network with Trump and the United States right at the center of it. They're able to exchange ideas, they're able to get visits to White House, they're able to get international recognition, they're able to try to signal to their people, they might get a special deal out of it. Bukhale for example, Slovakia, Robert Fiko may benefit from this, a Benjamin Netanyahu in Israel, clearly benefits enormously.
49:12see we talked a bit on the podcast recently about Out of the One. Out of the One shows the sort of two faces of Trump. On the one hand, because Trump's a populist, Out of the One knows Trump will praise him at the same time as he's locking up opposition figures and really turning Turkey into an authoritarian state, you know, giving up on pretence of electoral freedom. But he also knows that Europe and others are so worried about what's happening to NATO with Trump that he's going to get criticized by them either. And you can see the sort of the smart populists, you know, Maloney, maybe another example of this, are able to use Trump to try to triangulate, present themselves as the root Trump, but also as people feel more short of friends, they're less likely to condemn them.
49:59Quick thing on Ecuador just to finish, because I'm really glad you raised it. So obviously my hero on this is this an economist journalist called Michael lead wrote a book called Forgotten Continent, but he's really interested in Ecuador because he points out that Ecuador is very unusual because it's very divided between a sort of populist coast around Guadalajue and the highlands around Keto. Do they have heather? They have heather. They have heather. They have grass either, to be honest. Do they not? They do have heather. They do have heather. They do have heather. Do they not? They do have heather.
50:37The guy we've talked about quite a lot, Raphael Correa. And Correa was the great kind of populist leader from 2007 to 17. He's kind of pitiful of this moment called the Pink Tide in Latin America. So Latin America broadly, if the 70s was about military rule and the 80s and early 90s were about democracy and technocracy and Washington consensus and kind of fiscal recitude, the mid -2000s becomes the Pink Tide where these left wing governments come and they coincide brilliantly with the rise of China, which demands huge amounts of commodities from Latin America and leads to a boom. So some of these economies are growing over two, three years, period, about 5 % a year.
51:16Correa takes the growth and he uses it to double the size of the government, goes from 20 % to GDP to 40 % to GDP, spends like a drunken sailor, some of it good, you know, infrastructure, schools, stuff, built, and then sure enough, at the end of it, Classic moment, the commodity boom, falters, government goes pretty bankrupt, careers steps down. Meanwhile, Ecuador begins to become infested. Having been a very safe country, it begins to be nominated by drug gangs coming over from Colombia, in particular using ports. It was at one point, very safe, wasn't it? It was like felt to be one of the safest, most peaceful countries in Latin America.
51:56Absolutely. A country maybe people talked about like Costa Rica. And then suddenly it finds itself with the highest homicide rate per capita in the world as these drug gangs come in. And so that's part of the thing going on in this election. So Nibboha is a sort of example of something that feels like very traditional Latin American politics. I mean, he's a real billionaire, a prinsling from a massive family that made its fortune in banana exporter, Ecuador, very much about banana exporter. His father ran for president five times. He had another relative who was the president of the past. So in so far as Latin American politics is about class, this guy really represents a kind of a grand Ecuadorian kind of business dynasty.
52:44He comes in against Corayism and Corayism is presented not just as left wing populism, and bankrupt government socialism, but also as corruption being too close to these criminal gangs. So a lot of his legitimacy comes from declaring states of emergency. We talked on the podcast, I think last year about this amazing moment, where suddenly the television station was rated by criminal gangs and a major drug lord got out of prison and 60 days of emergency. Things were passed. And now he's talking, you know, you're talking about Trumpism, he's talking about bringing in American troops, building these masks and Mexican security prisons.
53:22He gets photographed with Bucaylee. I mean, this time literally just right before the election, he declared a state of emergency in various parts of the country as a way I suspect of just highlighting his kind of his tough approach. The start of this year, Rory, there was an average of a killing related to the battle for control of the drugs trade every hour in Ecuador. So that's what he's going to have to take on. Interestingly, in Mexico, Claudia Sheinbaum, she, I don't know whether it's changed, but when I was looking into this, she said she wouldn't recognize him. She was buying into this idea from the Riese Gonzalez that the whole thing's been sort of being rigged.
54:05So listen, it's going to be a tough time for him. That's for sure. My final point, Roy, people often say that politics and showbiz for ugly people, this is about as good looking as a candidate lineup as you could have had. I mean, both Neboa and Gazzalis, they are not short on the kind of good looks front, which always helps. Well, let's let me make that my final point too. So on show business for ugly people, we talked about a present proboa who managed to win the election in Indonesia. This enormous economy, you know, on on course by 2050, the fourth largest economy. in the world, enormous Muslim population, are by doing really awkward dad dancing.
54:46And the reason I wanted to sort of finish with him is that at some point we should do Southeast Asia because the story about Trump changing politics has a real relevance there because if you're Prabowo who was seen as a very, you know, rejected by the international community associated with human rights abuse, now a populist president or in a different way in the Philippines, Marcos. these populist rulers are both getting a bit of confidence from Trump but they're also because Trump is disintegrating the international system now playing FTSE with China and you can see a Chinese tourist Southeast Asia where China's increasingly saying you can rely on us so at some point we should do a little bit more on Southeast Asia.
55:25Yeah absolutely. See you tomorrow. See you tomorrow. Bye.
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