This Is Why Credit Card Interest Rates Are So High

28 Nov 2025 · 45 min

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Odd Lots Podcast Episode Summary: "This Is Why Credit Card Interest Rates Are So High"

Episode Overview In this episode of the Odd Lots podcast, hosts Joe Weisenthal and Tracy Alloway engage with Itamar Drechsler, a finance professor at Wharton. They discuss the high interest rates associated with credit cards, exploring why these rates are often much higher than expected, even when considering a borrower's credit risk.

Key Topics Discussed

The Credit Card Landscape

  • Usage Patterns:
  • Some credit card users pay off their balances monthly, avoiding interest, while others revolve balances, often incurring high-interest charges.
  • Approximately 60% of credit card users revolve their balances.
  • Market Dynamics:
  • The credit card industry is competitive but opaque.
  • Credit cards are a significant source of consumer financing, with intense advertising efforts to attract users.

Understanding Credit Card Interest Rates

  • High Rates:
  • Average credit card interest rates hover around 23%, which is substantially higher than other forms of credit.
  • Revenue Sources for Credit Card Issuers:
  • Swipe Fees: A portion of each transaction goes to card networks (like Visa and Mastercard) and the issuing bank (interchange fees).
  • Interest Payments: The bulk of revenue for credit card banks comes from interest on balances revolved by users.
  • Default Rates vs. Interest Rates:
  • The average default rate on credit card balances is about 5.75%, which does not justify the high interest rates charged.
  • The risk premium for borrowers with lower credit scores can significantly contribute to the high interest rates.

Factors Influencing High Interest Rates

  • Marketing and Operating Costs:
  • Credit card companies invest heavily in marketing, contributing to the overall cost structure and, consequently, the interest rates charged to consumers.
  • Higher operating expenses can lead to the ability to charge higher rates, despite the competitive landscape.
  • Consumer Behavior:
  • Many consumers are not aware of lower-cost borrowing options (like personal lines of credit) and are less sensitive to interest rate changes.
  • Marketing effectiveness plays a crucial role in retaining customers and justifying higher rates.

Regulatory Implications

  • Credit Card Act: This legislation limited certain practices but did not significantly lower rates.

Possible Future Changes

  • The discussion touches on the potential for fintech innovations and regulatory changes to impact credit card interest rates, though signs of rates decreasing are not immediately evident.

Key Takeaways

  • Consumer Awareness: There is a lack of consumer awareness regarding credit card interest rates and alternative borrowing options, which perpetuates the cycle of high interest rates.
  • Marketing's Role: Significant investments in marketing by credit card companies drive up costs, which are ultimately passed on to consumers.
  • Interest Rates and Default Risk: The relationship between high interest rates and default risk is complex and not solely dependent on the likelihood of default.

Conclusion The episode provides insightful commentary on the opaque yet lucrative nature of the credit card industry, revealing the interplay between marketing, consumer behavior, and regulatory factors that contribute to persistently high interest rates on credit cards.

Listeners are encouraged to think critically about their credit usage and the broader implications of the credit card industry's structure on financial health.

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Transcript

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1:41Radio. News.

1:53Hello and welcome to another episode of the Odd Lots podcast. I'm Jill Weisenthal. And I'm Tracy Alloway. Tracy, are you good about like frequent flyer miles and hotel rewards and cash back and using your credit card to get like good seats at the U.S. Open or dining? Are you good about maximizing that stuff? Nope, I am not. I'm trying to be better. You know, I'm finally signing up to a bunch of frequent flyer programs and things like that. But in general, I am not a point strategist. Some people get really into it. I know. I do not. I have a very busy life. I do not have mental energy towards, you know, maximizing points or learning about the newest cards.

2:35Like, oh, is this card worth a$400 fee because I can get upgraded to platinum faster this year? I do not want to think about that stuff. I'm not that interested. But I get the impression that means I'm probably paying for someone who is or something like that. Or maybe, you know, I'm paying these fees on my credit cards or these interchange fees, etc. Maybe I'm leaving money on the table by not doing that. I don't know. I find credit cards to be a weird business. Like, I don't really know what Visa does relative to, say, the bank that issues a Visa card, et cetera. I don't know how they slice them.

3:06I don't know anything about credit cards. It's a very opaque business, for sure. And it's a weird business. I would say, like, it's competitive, but also it's, like, not that much. You know, like, everyone's kind of doing the same thing in many ways. So we should talk about it. It's also, I imagine, kind of sticky in the same way that deposits at banks are sticky. We spoke with Joe Abate about that a while back. So I don't know. Some people cycle through them a bunch and stuff like that. And there's so much credit card advertising. I don't know what's good or bad or whatever. Look, I use my credit card as a payments card because I don't carry a balance from month to month.

3:42So I don't know anything about interest rates or whatever. I pay it off at the end of every month because I just basically use it for payments, et cetera. So I just don't know much about them, but they're a huge major consumer financing source. And everyone's talking about fintech and BNPL and all these other things and stable coins and all this other stuff. And it's like, yeah, but the big one, who's talking about the big one? Credit cards. Well, that's the thing. So points have become a bigger attractant, I guess, to credit cards. And so people are spending more with their credit cards and carrying a bigger balance, which means that the rate that you're paying on the credit card is actually more important, potentially, than something like your mortgage rate.

4:19Totally. Well, very pleased to say we do, in fact, have the perfect guest, someone we've had on the podcast before. I think the last time we were talking about Red Q, which is bank lending in the 70s. I like his work because he goes back to the simple things like, let's just talk about how this works. Let's talk about how this works, because I think we move on too quickly without sort of understanding the basics. Maybe there are stones left unturned. Literally the perfect guest, Itamar Drexler. He is a finance professor at Wharton, and he was the co-author of a fairly recent paper sort of looking at the question of why are credit card rates so high?

4:54Because if you actually do borrow from them, sometimes the rate's like 20-something percent. It seems way higher than any other sort of lending. So, Itamar, thank you so much for coming back on OddLots. Thank you very much. It's really nice to be back. Thank you for having me. When I was doing some prep for this episode, there is not a ton of actually like fresh academic work on the credit card industry. There's not a ton of papers, but it's this huge space. Why did you see a reason to go back and revisit the sort of basic, simple question of looking at interest rates on credit cards? Yeah. So my interest is usually, like we talked about when I was here last time, is monetary policy macro and a lot of banking.

5:34And I had some students who are co-authors now on this paper. A couple of years ago, I want to talk about fintech because fintech is a very popular topic. And then I was thinking, well, how do we analyze fintech and what's the potential room for fintech to grow if we don't really understand how the dominant incumbent players, the credit card banks, work. And then we look at this, and I was very surprised to see something kind of simple, which is that the return on assets for credit card banks are just way higher than the average bank. So bank ROAs are typically 1, 1.2%. They move a couple basis points are very exciting.

6:12Credit card banks, ROAs, and most banks are not just credit cards, so it's actually even higher than this, are in the three and a half, often 4%. So I was very shocked by this. How come it's so high when it's so hard to squeeze out a couple basis points? And then one of the reasons is just they charge really high rates. Like, okay, how did I get away with this? What is going on here? Just very simple question about how to decompose that rate into the pieces and kind of what's left over at the end. In the spirit of starting at basics, walk us through the revenue that credit card issuers or credit card banks are actually earning, the different types, and who the players are in the system.

6:49Yeah. So let's separate first into two categories. One are people who revolve their balance. And that's what most of the paper is about, because I think that's the more interesting part. And there's more details, and it's kind of the banking part of it. And there are actually a lot of people who revolve. Often I find people are surprised to hear this, but about 60 % of the credit card users actually revolve. So meaning that they don't pay in the grace period at the end of the month. And so they're hit with these very high, usually interest charges. And then the other part are what people call transactors.

7:20So they're the kind that do pay during the grace period. So they're not paying interest. Okay. So for the revolvers, there's again, multiple parts. So you pay interest on the balance that you have. But before then, there's the part which applies both to the transactors and revolvers. When you swipe the card, then there's immediately a percentage taken, people call it the swipe fee. And that is split up into a bunch of pieces. The ones that I used to be aware of, that most people are aware of, is the card network like Visa, MasterCard, Amex, there was Discover, which is now part of Capital One.

7:55And that's, there's a whole menu, but basically it's like 15, 20 basis points. Okay. Okay. It doesn't sound like a lot, but there's like$10 trillion of purchases between debit and credit cards. Turns out when you take 20 basis points of$10 trillion, it kind of adds up. Nice business if you can get it. It's really nice. Actually, you'd be surprised that usually Visa and JP Morgan are the two most valuable financial services firms. They change who's number one. So Visa's been worth over$600 billion. It's a lot. Yeah. And MasterCard's gigantic too. So there's that. Then the majority of that swipe fee, the majority that remained there actually goes to the bank that issued the card to the consumer.

8:37So that's called the interchange fee. And again, they don't make this like very easy to tell. But in our data, it's a little over 1.8 % on average. I think it's largely been trending up over time slowly. So the bank gets that. It actually gets the vast majority of that. And then they pay your rewards and things from that. A lot of that goes to just pass through to the rewards and things. and they keep a small portion of it for themselves. But the big part of their business where most of the money comes from that we analyze here is all these people that revolve, they pay an interest rate and that interest rate now is on average 23%.

9:12Wow. Which is just was like a shockingly high number. I mean, I guess I've seen that. It just, when you work on assets and like, you know, think the kind of things you guys talk about, bonds and bonds pay, you know, whatever, 5%. Investment grade spread is not even 80 basis points now on top of it. high yield spreads under 3%. Like how the hell do we get to 23 %? Yeah. When you hear this number, 23%, and you think about the fact that credit card users can be decomposed into transactors and revolvers, my first instinct would be, well, the transactors are very on the ball. They're not credit risks.

9:49I've always been just a transactor. I've never revolved. How much of that increased spread can just be explained by likelihood of default from the revolvers, which I presume are perhaps a little more financially precarious and maybe less financially sophisticated. Right. So I think if like me, you didn't know much about this, your assumption, if I think if you ask most financial economists, the first thing they would think is, well, it must be that most of the remainders is a charge offs, right? Defaults. And that's not true. So you can find that pretty easily. So the average charge off rate on the revolvers.

10:27OK, so when you look at it, let's say you look it up online, you'll see kind of, you know, relative to the whole balance sheet includes both groups. And like you're saying, by definition, transactors don't borrow. So they can't default. That kind of makes it go down a little bit. But the majority are revolvers. So if we kind of clean that out, then on average in our sample, it's 5.75 percent of balances are charged off. So it's not trivial by any means. That's a high number. But again, we were talking about 18 % spread. So if you think, oh, it must be about 18 % charge offs, it's not even close.

10:59And it's like never been that high. So you might think, well, maybe it's just that's on average, but sometimes it'll spike to be ridiculous numbers. It does spike, but not for very long periods of time. So the bottom line is it's a substantial chunk of it, but not even close to a majority of it. So, you know, people default, but they don't default that much. Can I ask one more question on APR and the average there? Did you observe any trend over time? Like, did the rate actually get higher as time went on? So that's something we haven't spent a lot of time on in this paper. But the answer to your question is, this is obviously yes.

11:33So if you look at it, I think what can be found online is, again, it's I think there's something a little misleading there, but that has trended up pretty strongly. I think not as much as somebody, you know, goes to their computer and looks up and I'll say, Fred from the call reports, what is the average APR? It looks crazy. It looks like it's gone up 10%. It's gone up. We're going to get to the bottom of exactly how much. I think it's gone up substantially since 10 years ago, let's say. That trend is clear. I don't think it's as much as it looks like there. But yeah, it's been going up, actually.

12:02Okay. So you've established default rates for credit cards. And as you said, this business is about volume, right? So is there an argument to be made that maybe if the world, you know, falls apart, then you have lots and lots and lots of consumers who are defaulting, but, you know, potentially at a low rate of the total. But the volume makes it meaningful for banks. I mean, we are already looking at as a percentage of assets. So that kind of like valuates it, takes it all into consideration. I think the question like in our minds was at first, you know, maybe in a crisis, something extreme happens.

12:39In a sense, it does. But this is already the average default rate. So usually it's lower and then you kind of include this in there. So we'll talk, I guess, a little bit about risk premium, which it turns out to be very clear here and important, but it's just the average default rate is what it is. So it's not an expected default. Again, it's surprising, but at the same time, if you just look at where banks actually suffer default losses in an average year, not a crisis year, something like 50 % of banks' default losses are actually coming from credit cards. The thing is, is that they're not surprising.

13:10They're not unexpected losses. They're kind of the expected, but it's still really big. And the reason for that is even though credit cards only take up about 5 % of banks' balance sheet, the charge-offs or the defaults on average bank assets is very low. I mean, I know we have this impression of banks as being these crazy, risk-taking lunatics, but actually, I think the right way to look at them is that their average asset is extremely boring and low risk. They do take a lot of leverage, which is only possible because the average asset is extremely boring and low risk. But even after all that, their amount of default is not really that high.

13:45So if your average asset has about 40 basis points average charge off, and this thing has over 5%, then even if it's only 5 % of the balance sheet, it can act like it's 50 % of the charge off.

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16:47I imagine that a stretched household will miss credit card payments or more inclined to if they're going to have to miss a payment, it's going to be there versus some of these other popular areas of borrowing. Totally. So the other ones are secured and this is unsecured. So in that sense, this is an actual asset that's kind of risky and interesting from my vantage point in that it's unsecured lending to normal people. All the rest of the stuff is secured. Homes are obviously very important collateral, cars pretty much. So the rates on those are much, much lower than these. The spread there is nowhere near as juicy.

17:26I mean, when I teach students, we go through like, you know, the hierarchy of borrowing that the vast majority of borrowing is secured. You have to think it's crazy for a bank to come to somebody with a medium or lower credit score and say, here, have a line of credit of like five, ten thousand dollars. And you can default on it. You don't get shot for that. It's it's part of the law. It's part of the game. Yeah. I was reading an article from Life in 1970 where they were talking about how credit cards are becoming a big thing. And oh, my God, these credit card companies are just mailing out applications to Americans.

17:58It's like giving sugar to diabetics. That was their analogy. Speaking of unsecured versus secured, I am also looking right now at a website that claims to have invented the first credit card that's based on your stock portfolio. So borrowing against your stock portfolio with a card. I got to say, the card does look pretty nice. It's made of glass. Maybe that tells you something. An intentional metaphor. Yeah, exactly. OK, so if it's not about risk premiums, if the rate isn't compensating for something like default, could it be compensating for all the points and benefits that customers are accruing?

18:36So it's not just compensation for expected default. I want to separate that from the risk premium. The risk premium is kind of the compensation for unexpected default, which turns out to be pretty big here. But let's go back and talk about the points and stuff. So I find that people are more excited to talk about points than anything. the term rewards was really a marketing flourish. So yeah, so in total number of dollars, this interchange was, I mean, again, you have to look at, find exact numbers, but for credit cards alone, I think it was over$150 billion. So like the GDP of a medium-sized country gets transferred as interchange.

19:12And we find that about 85 % of that gets transferred through as rewards. You You could wonder, I think it'd be natural to say, what is the point of this? Why charge people 1.8 % and then pass through 1.57 % as rewards where, well, at least some people like I guess you and I, Joe, don't pay that much attention. I think I have enormous amounts of United miles I'm never going to use because I'd have to actually travel to whatever place to use them. So why is that? I mean, I think it's a good economic question and people have tackled this. I do think it creates a very strong network effect. So you are not actually seeing a charge for this.

19:49It's the retailer that has to eat it. And if you do not use a card that gives rewards, you're not going to get, in most cases, a lower price. So there's a whole series of litigation and fights over the years, amazing, about what retailers can do to discriminate prices-based people who are using cards. And I thought a couple of years ago, or the last couple of years, I'm seeing more restaurants give you back a percentage or not charge you a percentage if you didn't do that. But it's a little bit beyond my legal expertise to sometimes understand these. Because for the longest time, I think you could give people a discount, but you couldn't do a surcharge.

20:24There was some like legal discrimination between those things. And as a result, people mostly don't pay attention to that kind of thing. And so you really want to stay inside the network. And it kind of keeps you there, even if at the end it would be a total pass through. It still helps for them to keep this business. You know, it's interesting. There's this crypto company. Have you heard of Blackbird? Yeah. It's a crypto thing and they have a bunch of restaurants you sign up and you like paying a coin. I don't know exactly how it works. But I think that they have to on some way, because in theory, it'd be nice, like maybe we'll get a little bit into stable coins as like a payments rail in the future or in this conversation.

21:01And I think it would be a nice way to circumvent this. But even they, I think, implicitly have to reinvent the rewards model to do it. Maybe you get premium seats or you get reservations, et cetera. In order to sort of like bootstrap a new network, you start end up having to reinvent a lot of the rebates and the benefits, et cetera, that come with the old network. Maybe we'll get into crypto a little bit more. But talk to us a little bit more then about like the persistence of this spread that can't fully be explained by defaults. Yeah. So the default, like we said, is like a little under 6%. Then I'll just mention it.

21:38So defaults do spike in bad times. So we estimate using kind of the cross section of different FICO scores, how much extra compensation you get as you go to lower and lower FICO scores in terms of extra APR net of the defaults. So we estimate that the risk premium there is accounting for about similar size piece. So there's a risk premium about 5 % on average, which is much smaller for, let's say you're an 800 FICO borrower. There's not that much risk premium. But if you're a 600 FICO borrower, the risk premium goes up to like 9%. So I think it means something very important. I think the person who's borrowing there may not realize that they are paying a very large risk premium.

22:17So if you're a low FICO borrower and you aren't going to default, like you know you're not, you're paying a very high risk premium. And that is because other people default in bad times. Even if you do think you're going to default sometimes, I think one should realize how much of a risk premium you're actually paying for this. So but now let's go back to something else before we maybe talk more about that is the other pieces of this. So we talked about interchange and rewards. It's not zero. They do earn a little bit from it. most of the transactors, what they make off transactors is that difference because transactors spend, you know, recurringly a lot.

22:50Borrowers tend to kind of accumulate and they don't have that much more room to spend because they've borrowed. So that's not a big portion of the revenues there. Then there's fees. That's another couple of percent is actually making the puzzle worse. And then the part that turned out to be really big that surprised us is operating expenses of which marketing, you mentioned this, turns out to be really big. This is the thing that I don't get. There is so much marketing for credit cards. And as I said, like they're all kind of similar in many ways. And I remember this was often the blockage for new entrants from the fintech space trying to get into this business.

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23:26I remember talking to Lending Club about this back when they were a thing. They were spending so much money on mail advertisements. And I just don't get why that's the primary acquisition channel and why it seems to be so important to the business model? It's a really interesting question. Maybe the answer would be like, people listening to this would be like, oh, I knew that, which is the reason you do it because it works, which means, which by wish, I mean, this goes back to Joe's question. I think you can see, we do this analysis there, that if you spend more on operating expenses, which I think largely means additional marketing, because the actual operational side of this apparently is very expensive, but there's big differences across these guys in operating expenses.

24:08And I don't think it's because their systems are like much more. And we actually see no relation between that and default. So it's once you control for FICO. So it's not about screening people for better borrowers. But what it is, it's an effective, apparently at the margin, customer acquisition strategy. So think the following thought process. You could say, well, why don't somebody just cut all this marketing out and just charge a lower rate and that'll get people. Yeah, that's your acquisition advertising, right? But apparently it doesn't work. So people are not rate sensitive, which is a recurring theme I'm starting to learn when we talk about banks and bank deposit rates.

24:44People are not completely insensitive, obviously, but they're not that sensitive to the rates they get paid and they're not that sensitive to the rates they get charged on this. So there are actually, this is a surprising thing, the CFPB has a spreadsheet. Well, when there are people still working there, they used to have a spreadsheet that they updated with essentially every single card there is. and what the rate on it. And all the cheapest cards are credit unions. And they're significantly cheaper, much cheaper than your average credit card. But I'm sure almost nobody except their customers have heard about them.

25:14And that's because they don't advertise much. And so you say, well, if their rates are so cheap, why don't people go there? It's like they haven't heard about them and they don't care that much about the rate is my inference from this. So the more you pay for marketing and operating expenses in the data, the higher is the average amount you're able to charge people. Yeah, that's really funny. Does some of this stuff repel the brain of the academic economist? No, for real. Like this idea that the borrower wouldn't be rate sensitive, the idea that we're actually paying more to be advertised to, et cetera, because this is their cost.

25:46The idea that there are lower cost options out there and all we have to do is search for them and they're available. Like, well, also for macroeconomists specifically, right, because we talk about benchmark rates and the importance of how those feed into the economy. And here we are talking about the credit card rate, which is actually potentially more. Yeah. Like, I'm serious, though, like rates are high because to some extent consumers just aren't paying attention to them, etc. Do you encounter people who think no, there must be something there must be some variable you're missing because we're rational and we would seek out the lower rate?

26:18I want to talk to people like you're saying. I haven't really had the chance because, you know, when you pitch this to a finance audience, not macro people. and I am a finance president, then they're more open. I mean, credit cards is the thing in finance. People like credit cards. But I think the interaction with macro and monetary is really interesting. So it doesn't bother me because I think it's interesting. I mean, I think it's kind of bad that a lot of people who are usually not in the best shape are essentially adding 6 % rate to their credit card because they're paying for the advertising that they responded to.

26:49But, you know, that's, you know, you could get it if you didn't respond to the advertising responded to the rate, they would do that instead, but they don't. So, you know, think about, you know, you guys often talk about the Fed lowering or hiking rates. At the risk of sounding heretical here, I am not a huge believer that consumers at all are very sensitive to these changes in the policy rate and the Fed funds rate, even though the standard model works through their intertemporal consumption savings decision. I think most of the evidence is very weak that they care about that. And then the credit card, I think, on top of that really makes this clear, because if you're paying 23%, and you are the kind of person that wants to borrow, I mean, obviously, because you've borrowed, how much is a half a percent going to matter to you if the Fed hikes?

27:34Plus, you could have been getting a much cheaper rate anyway, and that didn't compel you to go looking for it. So I think it kind of puts a big question mark over whether that's really the channel, which is a lot of people have said that, but it's still kind of the main way we talk about those things. Can we talk a little bit more about competition? And why doesn't someone just come in with a lower rate and disrupt the entire business? Let's give you another example, personal lines of credit. These were all new things to me. I find this, I think where you've put retail people with the financial sector, you actually get a lot of explosions.

28:07They're like weird stuff. So that's the place where sort of academics should go looking and many do, but it's not the place where I kind of having worked at like hedge fund market maker ever thought about these things. You don't think about like the fancy people, like the people who are sophisticated, do all the math, but they kind of cancel each other out. Where the real fireworks are is when you get into the retail sector. And if you look at personal lines of credit from the same companies at the same FICO, they're substantially cheaper. Plus you get all the money up front. There's something I, it's still very puzzling that there is almost no marketing there.

28:37You don't get marketed a lot on personal lines of credit. And the people who discover them do use them to consolidate these debts and pay them off in one shot at a lower interest. It's a very, I think, very logical thing to do that people don't do. But I mean, just to get back to, I think we see over and over, and you're talking about BNPL and stuff, this idea of how do you acquire customers and what role the rate actually has there is, I just keep seeing it. It's like a movie. I've seen this before. It's more effective at the margin than lowering the rates. And it explains a lot, I think, of how the finance sector interacts with retail, which is not just like canceling out.

29:15So that's the issue. It's like, oh, well, they spend 5 % of assets on marketing, then they add 5 % to the cost. I guess there's no harm in that. Well, not really, because what people have done is paid the 5 % in order to get the marketing. So if you really like the commercials, you should be really happy, but I don't think most people would sign up for that.

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31:57Maybe I should be looking at it. On the disruption front, You mentioned BNPL, and we've done at least one episode on it. We should probably do more at some point. Is that the big disruptor? You know, if they're plugged into websites and some of them are getting rewarded for being plugged into those websites by retailers, then they bypass the high acquisition costs and presumably can still acquire customers because you see them everywhere online. So I do think that has a lot to do with what their angle is, is it gets in front of you in that way. I listened to a recent episode of yours. I think you guys were talking about BNPL.

32:35I assume I wasn't going back into a much earlier episode. But I don't think the economics of the BNPL beyond that aspect of it are that different from the credit cards. And there still is a very high operating and acquisition cost. If you look at BNPL companies, first, most of them don't really make money. And so I think they're still in that stage where they're building up to it. And you mentioned Lending Club. Lending Club didn't make money. No, no, it did not. It didn't. So because I think you want to grab these juicy customers, but they respond to the marketing. And just to go even back to that.

33:07So Amex is one of it's really hard to find aggregate marketing numbers across companies. But from lists I've seen, Amex might even be it's definitely, I think, a top 10 marketer in the whole country. It might even be in top five. I'm not sure. Along with some of the it spends over six billion dollars a year on marketing. And this is not including the lounges and all this which there's been like articles about how everybody's like investing like millions of dollars in these lines that's that's a separate category and capital one spends over four billion dollars a year so i looked it up and amex is bigger than nike and coke and marketing and you think of like those being the ones that are got to be like the gigantic ones and capital one's about as big wait uh a personal line of credit yeah that's just a good classic what is that product?

33:51I've never looked into one of those. Is that an unsecured loan from a bank? It's an unsecured loan. But this is just like classic bank borrowing. I go to the bank, I say, can I borrow some money? Surprisingly, you can look it up even like, it's so easy to look it up. It's a relatively large amount compared to a credit card. And you put in your FICO, they give you a rate. The rate's almost for sure always lower than the credit card. I don't get it either. But, you know, I, you know. And one could use these to pay off involving. That's mostly what people do, which they should. I had a journalist ask me about this and I was like, this is a great idea.

34:28Like, I should look this up and talk about this. I mean, there's no, you know, how do you explain this spread? I mean, I think largely it's got a lot of this, less of this retail focus to it. But yeah, it's the same companies too. If you go to Amex, you can Amex line of credit. Discover offers a Discover line of credit. Capital One, Capital One line of credit. It's the same thing. It's so strange. This whole conversation, it edges into some, frankly, like slightly uncomfortable territory, in my opinion, because you, right, because especially when you characterize something as like, you're kind of end up paying a lot for them to advertise to you.

35:02And you apparently like the advertisement because that's you responded to it, etc. Like you edge into this territory where it's like, these are not like it must be not the most sophisticated base. Right. It's like, why do Nigerian email scams have all kinds of typos, et cetera? And the theory is because they want to select for people who will be foolish enough to respond to them. Because if you go down the chain, they don't want you to be too savvy in asking questions. So let's just get all the savvy customers out of the way who would instantly recognize a scam email. And then you get there. Are you saying that the Nigerian princes don't pay you?

35:40I think I might be in trouble. It seems like there's a filtration process going on where you end up with the base of revolvers where all this money is made, who are just clearly not that financially savvy because otherwise they would be doing the personal line of credit or not doing these things or looking for that credit union credit card. Well, I'll say something about marketing. I mean, we all do respond. I know you guys are very not elitist here, very anti-elitist. So marketing is just a huge industry. is as a finance person, I'm like, we do have a marketing department at the business school.

36:13And I'm like, wow, there's a reason. Because you look at, let's say you look at Alphabet and Meta. Meta's revenues are almost 100 % from marketing. And Google's are like close to 80%. We're talking hundreds of billions of dollars a year and all the very sophisticated stuff. And at the end, it's to sell you advertising. It works, it works. And I've certainly been taken, I get taken in my marketing all the time. I'll just say one other thing is, I think the reason that because the ROAs here are high, when we decompose this at the end, it sort of does most, if you take the alpha of this, think of this as alpha relative to the average bank asset, we get that it's about a percent.

36:51So how do you get down to a percent? So the risk premium here is quite big. We compare it to the risk premium on bonds. You have to compare it to high yield corporate bonds. And it looks similar for all but the lowest FICO bonds versus, let's say, triple C rated bonds, where the lowest FICO seems to have a big chunk, the risk premium over and above the bonds. I'd actually see the bonds look a little low relative to that because it's the risk premium on credit cards that kind of rises linearly and it's the bonds that kind of don't. But for the not so bad credits, it's pretty similar risk premium to high yield bond markets.

37:22So NetSense doesn't look, it's big, but it doesn't look crazy. But I should say, you know, Goldman, I think they, when they got it before they got into credit cards and it did not work out, apparently it is competitive in that sense. I think they were eyeing this and saying, this is a good business. You see the highest ROEs by far of all the, you know, if you go look through the banks, 10Ks, you know, some of them break this out. I think JP Morgan, for example. And you see like that's got the highest ROE by far that it's bigger than the, you know, all the other parts of the bank. So I think they were thinking that and I got into it.

37:50They paid very high operating costs and had higher defaults than other ones. It didn't obviously did not work out because they turned away from it. Do you see any signs of rates eventually coming down? It sounds like it's probably not going to be through competition or new entrance like fintechs, but could it be something like regulation? I have vague memories of the Credit Card Act doing something on this front, but could it be something like that? The Credit Card Act, there were tons of papers on it when it came out, mostly limited your ability to increase rates on existing borrowing. OK. And it sort of put caps on all kinds of fees and charges.

38:25and then people were looking for whether banks would move that to something else. I think in the long run, the answer is yes. I don't know if they moved that or it's just something else. But I mean, so far rates, if you could just plot it on Fred, even though I think it's like a little bit distorted, it's been going up and up. I mean, before it starts going down, it's got to stop going up. So they're in a pretty strong position. But there is this buy now, pay later. They were lending club kind of things, although they largely crashed and burned. and payments in general. I mean, these companies for payments are huge because there is, you know, it's PayPal, these guys, this is just to take off a little bit off the top of this swipe fee.

39:03And then we're going to get to the interest rates on this borrowing. I mean, I think that there is constantly like movement in this space, but it has not been to drive down, I think it's driven up acquisition costs more than just driven down the actual rates. Unrelated macro question. One of the reasons I like your work sort of revisiting some of these like basic questions, which I think is useful. And of course, when we talked to you a couple of years ago, it was like, let's revisit some of what we thought we knew about the 70s and see if that inflation story is a little bit different. Just on the big macro question, these days, rates where they are, inflation sort of persistently warm.

39:43A lot of people are like, oh, talk about our star must be therefore higher than it otherwise would have been. What do you think we've learned? You know, we had this very fast rate hiking cycle, 2021 through 2023, I would say many economists would have expected the unemployment rate to rise a lot more, given that rate hike cycle has. And I don't know, maybe spending to go down or spending to go down, et cetera. But I personally am rarely satisfied by the stories that people tell about how, in fact, those rate hikes translated into lower inflation. Have you yourself sort of learned anything interesting in the last, I don't know, three or four years, five years of this macro experiment that we have post pandemic?

40:20I think this is a great topic and question. My inference was that the cycle, I'm in the group that thought that this was largely a supply shock issue, that COVID disrupted supply chains tremendously. I mean, we saw that. And I think if you look like the New York Fed has this index that they put together on supply disruptions, this predicted the trajectory of inflation with the three-month lead very well. I think we had a period where we saw that there was increased employment and yet output was going down. So usually when we talk about productivity and things, there's all these compositional issues.

40:53Do you fire the least productive people? So productivity goes up for mechanical reasons. But when you have more people being employed and yet outputs going down as it did for several quarters, that can't be the reason. So I took away from it, you know, there's harsh arguments about this, that this was largely supply driven and how it relates to the seventies is our argument there for different reasons was that it was supply driven due to credit crunches and things. So I tend to think that a lot of the business cycle things and the inflations we've seen, like after wars, we're often switching the kind of production that you do, which is a supply thing.

41:27I'm very much in the supply camp. And I think the reason that employment held up and spending held up, because I don't think that this was happening through decreasing demand and getting people fired and so forth. I think it was products, components could ship again. And so people could be more productive with the labor they had. So to me, I'm sure some people very, very highly disagree. To me, that looked like a pretty clear story. So if you're Jerome Powell and you're worried about inflation going up, and I should just mention we are recording this on October 29th. Yeah. The day of the Fed decision, which is widely expected to be a cut.

42:03Right. But, you know, inflation is still, you know, somewhat warm, as Joe said. If you're worried about it, should you be looking at credit card rates versus, you know, mortgage rates or benchmark rates or things like that. How should policymakers actually think about this problem? Between those, I think mortgage rates that people do seem very much to respond to. It is a much bigger amount. Maybe they're more sophisticated, sensitive. It lasts with you for a long time. I mean, I think that's much more important, the shifts in those spreads for the macro economy than, well, the credit card rates is just not much movement.

42:39I mean, they are literally tacked on top of the Fed funds rate. So that's completely mechanical. Didn't used to be the case 30 years ago, but the spread will move one for one with the Fed funds, except when they expand it by issuing new cards and making rates higher. So I think the mortgage market is much more important for macro kind of stuff. I mean, I don't envy, you know, Powell's job. It's a very hard job now. I'm not sure. Last time I was at the Fed, I was in the elevator when he got in, but I didn't want to bug him. So I didn't say anything to him, but I got to see him in person. Jerome, our star is fake.

43:12So going back to, you know, you're talking about fintech, et cetera. I personally, like, I actually think stable coins are going to be a very big deal. I do not necessarily think they're going to be a big deal for consumer transactions. It's not obvious to me. My guess is that they'll open up new transactions that we aren't thinking of right now, but not for, like, buying coffee or buying, you know, whatever. But from your research, whether into cards, et cetera, how would that inform your or other fintech. How did that inform your thinking about the trajectory of the stablecoin industry? Yeah, stablecoin, it's interesting.

43:47And I've heard you mention this kind of view, which I think is not one I'd considered. I was thinking a lot about consumers. I'll say this. I think for me and some of the people I talked to, my co-authors, stablecoin are, they're like a puzzle in the sense that maybe not all stablecoin, but the ones that have been around are kind of like a money market fund that doesn't pay you interest that's how i would summarize them because and that's why i think these are some like the most profitable companies ever per employee because there's they don't do anything yeah so you give them a bunch of billion dollars they just take the whole interest there's some advertising there too but not a tremendous amount compared to that and people are happy with that i don't really get it but you know now they've like you mentioned, they've started to learn the sort of tricks of the trade.

44:33They're going to do rewards. It's better than paying people actual interest. You give them rewards. So from the point of view of consumers, it is kind of a mystery. I mean, I would love to start a money market fund and not pay anybody any interest. But economically, when you don't pay any interest on a dollar ever, you've taken the whole dollar. That's what the dollar does. It pays you interest. So the net present value of all the interest of a dollar is the dollar. So if they never pay you and you stay there forever. Then if they have$8 billion, they've captured$8 billion. Again, nice business if you can get it.

45:05Yeah, it's a great business. It's weird, but it's a great business. What's your next research project? So I think from this credit card stuff, there's definitely interesting things to think about, how people default and how much this marketing stuff affects them. From another point of view is one of my co-authors in here, a former student of mine, we have a bunch of work on adjustable rate mortgages and why they kind of disappeared. So they used to be a big thing and they've kind of disappeared. And I think we kind of understand why. So that's, you know, there's been a lot of discussion about that for mortgages.

45:37Why is the U.S. in one camp and many other countries in another camp? But the U.S. kind of used to be in the adjustable mortgage rate camp, at least pre-crisis and stuff. I remember when the rate hike, when we started surging, there was this popular theory that monetary policy would have more teeth in countries like Canada, Australia, the UK, because so many more households would be more sensitive to faster resets. Has that actually been borne out? It sounds great. It's like a theory intuitively that makes a lot of sense. I guess Canadian unemployment has trended higher than American, but the inflation trajectories, I think, have been roughly the same in those other Anglophone countries versus the US where they had, I don't know, like how strong effect was that?

46:23Do you know? I don't know exactly, but I don't get the impression that it was tremendously different. I think it has impacted consumers. One thing I should note though, is there's two senses in which monetary policy can have an effect. One is that it makes people have to spend a lot of money on that. So it's expensive for them. But the other one is that here, and I don't think that's the effect we were going for, but people have just stopped taking out as many mortgages and don't move. It was a negative effect. I'm just not sure it's an anti-inflationary effect. So it's like with you, if you're going to have floating rate stuff, and that's like the case with credit cards and it shouldn't affect the volume of it that much in terms of producing it, but it's kind of people, it's expensive for them.

47:04And then on the fixed rate one, they just stick to the old stuff and we don't, you know, mortgage credits really dried up in a way, but it's not affecting the existing borrowers only to the extent that you don't want to move, which is actually a big deal. Itamar Drexler, thank you so much for coming back on Odd Lot. It's always a treat. And next time you have a new report out, let's talk arms next time. Okay, great. Thank you very much for having me.

47:39Tracy, I found that conversation to be fascinating. I have to admit, like, yeah, like credit cards are the sort of black box to me in many respects. I don't really understand the business because I don't actually use them for revolving purposes or borrowing against them. I don't think I quite realized how crazy the numbers are. And I certainly knew that there was tons of advertising, including direct mail and credit cards. But the idea that this is so substantial that a big part of what people are paying for here is the advertising. That was all very novel to me. It's very surprising. My main takeaway is that people, I guess, are not rational, at least when it comes to credit cards, right?

48:16The marketing seems to work. No, totally. I'm not rational because I don't take advantage of all the points that I could. And I don't, like, optimize the way I could. And when I, like, buy a plane ticket, only part of the time do I think about is this the airline where I accumulate. Well, you could also argue that it's rational to, like, factor in the time you spend on doing this. That's how I justify all of this money left on the table by saying I'm making a rational decision not to allocate. My time is valuable. Yeah, my time is valuable. But, you know, if there are all these other borrowing products out there that are cheaper, etc., it does feel like someone must be able to come along and make a product that is less going to compete on rate or you're going to be able to borrow cheaper.

48:57I don't know. Maybe BNPL will achieve that. I don't know. I'm going to go take out a personal finance loan right now. Go for it. Shall we leave it there? Let's leave it there. This has been another episode of the All Thoughts Podcast. I'm Tracy Alloway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloway. And I'm Jill Weisenthal. You can follow me at The Stalwart. Follow our guest, Itamar Drexler. He's at iDrex. Follow our producers, Carmen Rodriguez at Carmen Armand, Dash O 'Bennett at Dashbot and Kale Brooks at Kale Brooks. For more Odd Lots content, go to bloomberg.com slash oddlots. We have a daily newsletter and all of our episodes.

49:26And you can chat about all of these topics 24-7 in our Discord, discord.gg slash oddlots. And if you enjoy Odd Lots, if you like it when we talk about the very profitable business of credit cards, then please leave us a review on your favorite podcast platform. And remember, if you are a Bloomberg subscriber and you enjoy getting benefits and rewards, then please check out the Bloomberg channel on Apple Podcasts. You could listen to all of our episodes absolutely ad-free. Just find the Bloomberg channel on Apple Podcasts and follow the instructions there. Thanks for listening. Thank you.

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51:43And you know, when your mom came into the room when you were a kid and you're pretending to sleep? Yeah, yeah, yeah. But Riley, what a thoughtful gift. Yeah, Riley. Thank you so much. Riley, you're crushing it. But we have one more gift. Yeah, we got another one. Let's open it. Let's open it. Boom. Oh, camera. Yeah. An old-timey camera. That's right. The classic. This is awesome. Because you know how I love to take pictures on my travels. Yeah, you're always somewhere. Whether it's in Kyrgyzstan with some nomads or just New York, you know, with a nice little piece of trash or a rat. Nice little picture.

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From the publisher

Some people pay off their credit cards at the end of each month. They use the cards as a payment method and collect points and rewards, and never have to pay any interest. For other users, interest can be sky high — way higher than what would be expected simply based on a user's credit or default risk. Why is this? And how do credit card companies get away with charging interest at these levels? On this episode, we speak with Itamar Drechsler, a finance professor at Wharton, who recently co-authored a piece titled Why Are Credit Card Rates so High? Drechsler walks us through the costs of running a credit card operation and explains what borrowers are really paying for.

Read more:
US Consumer Confidence Falls by Most Since April on Economy
Gambling, Prediction Markets Create New Credit Risks, BofA Warns

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