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Podcast Summary: The Dollar in an Increasingly Multipolar World ft. Luke Gromen & Larry McDonald
Podcast Overview The Real Vision Podcast presents insights and expert analysis in finance and investing. In this episode, titled "The Dollar in an Increasingly Multipolar World," hosts Larry McDonald and Luke Gromen delve into the implications of the U.S. dollar in today’s evolving global economy, particularly in the context of multipolarity and fiscal dynamics.
Episode Details
- Release Date: September 11, 2023
- Key Guests: Larry McDonald (founder of The Bear Traps Report) and Luke Gromen (founder and president of Forest for the Trees).
- Theme: Examining the U.S. dollar's role and its future amidst shifting global powers and economic dynamics.
Key Themes and Concepts
- Multipolar World vs. Unipolar World
- Historical Context: The podcast posits that from 1970 to around 2020, the U.S. operated in a unipolar world, enjoying a dominant position. However, the rise of China and other emerging markets suggests a shift towards a multipolar world.
- Impact on the Dollar: The overuse of sanctions and weaponization of the dollar has resulted in creating adversaries and driving countries towards alternative currencies for trade.
- The Role of Oil and Commodities
- Peak Cheap Oil: Gromen discusses the notion that while oil is not running out, the era of inexpensive oil is ending. As energy prices rise, countries may struggle to maintain dollar reserves, leading to economic crises similar to the late 90s Southeast Asia crisis.
- Commodity Pricing in Dollars: The ongoing pricing of oil and crucial commodities in dollars presents a national security concern for energy-importing nations, compelling them to seek alternatives.
- Financial Dynamics and Investment Strategies
- Investment Shifts: The conversation suggests a potential shift away from traditional financial assets (like bonds and stocks) towards hard commodities and energy resources.
- Portfolio Construction: The guests argue that future portfolios may prioritize investments in hard assets, including energy and commodities companies.
- Fiscal Dominance and Financial Repression
- Fiscal Policy Trends: The discussion highlights how fiscal spending, especially post-COVID, has overshadowed traditional monetary policy, effectively placing the government in control of the economy rather than the Federal Reserve.
- Financial Repression: This concept is introduced as a means of managing debt—keeping interest rates below inflation to mitigate the real cost of borrowing. However, this strategy may lead to significant issues for the banking sector and broader economic stability.
- The Dollar's Future
- Implications of Dollar Strength: The strength of the dollar can create a negative feedback loop—while it may seem advantageous, it can lead to foreign sell-offs of U.S. treasuries, which can destabilize the U.S. economy.
- De-Dollarization: Countries are increasingly looking to conduct trade in currencies other than the dollar, particularly China with its initiatives to trade in yuan, potentially undermining the dollar's long-standing reserve currency status.
Key Takeaways
- Shift in Investment Focus: Investors should consider reallocating assets towards commodities and hard assets as inflationary pressures grow.
- Understanding Geopolitical Changes: A multipolar world requires an appreciation for how shifts in global power dynamics can affect currency strength and economic stability.
- Navigating Financial Repression: Awareness of the implications of financial repression is crucial for understanding future economic conditions and potential investment strategies.
- The Dollar's Role: The dollar may continue to face challenges as its global reserve status is questioned, necessitating strategies that account for potential declines in its dominance.
Conclusion This episode of *Real Vision* provides listeners with critical insights into the changing landscape of the global economy, the potential future of the U.S. dollar, and the strategies investors might consider moving forward. The dialogue emphasizes the need for adaptability in investment strategies to align with evolving fiscal and geopolitical realities.
Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.
Transcript
Automatic transcript. May contain errors.0:02Hey, everyone. If you like this podcast, go behind the paywall to get privileged access to the smartest minds in finance. Visit realvision.com slash rvpod and use the promo code podcast10. That's podcast10 to get 10 % off our essential membership for the first year. Join the Real Vision community and learn how to become a better investor. And now to the top analysis of today's markets.
0:35Hi, everyone. Welcome to the latest in our special series, Crash or Boom? How to Profit from What's Coming Next. In the conversations that have taken place so far, we've had agreement on a key point. The support coming from fiscal spending in the U.S. and Europe has offset the tightening response from central banks and made timing this cycle much more difficult. But opinions on where we go from here and what assets perform best are all over the place. As you've heard, RAL is bullish tech and crypto. Michael Cerveille is worried that bonds and stocks are vulnerable to another spike in rates and inflation.
1:10He's bearish. Lizanne Saunders thinks we're in a rolling recession and period of heightened economic volatility and investors need to stick to quality stocks and bonds. David Rosenberg is down to 20 percent equities in his portfolio. He admits to being early, but warns a recession is coming and Treasury bonds will be the place to ride it out. In the conversation you are about to hear, Larry McDonald and Luke Groman bring up yet another factor that must be considered. the performance of the U.S. dollar in an increasingly multipolar world. Enjoy the conversation. Larry McDonald here with Luke Roman.
1:48I'm really excited about this conversation. I've been a big fan of Luke's for a long time. And, you know, we're going to get into, you know, not just where the dollar is going, but what's the big secular trade for the next decade. Our next book is called When Markets Speak. It'll be out with Penguin in the next quarter. And our first book was a New York Times bestseller about the failure of Lehman Brothers. It's now published in 12 languages. And I'm very proud. It's a CFA Institute top 20 all time, a colossal failure of common sense, the inside story, the collapse of Lehman Brothers. Our new book connects the Lehman debacle with COVID in this new world that Luke is a spectacular skill set in analyzing where we are now and looking forward.
2:40And so I want to bring in, Luke, one of the themes in my book, When Markets Speak, Penguin will be out next quarter, is really the multipolar world versus the unipolar world. And so in the book, I sat down with James Baker, I sat down with David Einhorn and different figures in the market and in politics. And it It feels like in terms of the dollar, everybody knows about this dollar bear thesis around, okay, we've used sanctions and we've used weapons over and over and over again, weapons that probably should be used once a decade or you being used five or six times a decade. And we've built up a tremendous amount of adversaries in the world.
3:26In a unipolar world, it's really like from like 1970, well, maybe we're like 75 to 2020 to some extent, the US was really like the sole power in the world. I guess you'd have to say after the 80s. So after the fall of the Soviet Union, where we were really a unipolar world, and where the United States was really a strong, pretty much the sole superpower. Now we have a situation where we've got China is strengthened, but also other emerging market countries because of the aggression with the sanctions and the US Treasury. We've built up some adversaries. We're heading toward a multipolar world.
4:05Is that your view on it? And how do we look at that going forward in terms of investing? I do think we're heading toward a multipolar world. I do think part of a big part of that driver has been the over weaponization of the dollar and the dollar system through sanctions. I put to me, at least as big a part, probably a bigger part is a real politic slash geological reality, which is as long as oil and critical commodities are only priced in dollars, we are now in a peak cheap oil world where we're not running out of oil, but the cheap stuff's gone. And so oil prices need to rise secularly on average over time.
4:49And as a result, that guarantees that dollar FX reserves will run out. And when they run out as basically being spent down to buy energy, because energy gets more and more expensive every year and these emerging markets are growing, so they're using more and more energy every year, they then all are mathematically guaranteed of heading toward a late 90s Southeast Asia crisis where you have to devalue your currency, After you run out of reserves, you have an economic crisis, a political crisis. And so to me, it's a combination of the over-weaponization of the dollar and the dollar system, which I agree 100 percent, but also this geological reality of peak cheap oil where it is simply a matter of utmost national security for both the world's energy importing creditors of the United States, the Japan's of the world, the China's of the world, the Europe's of the world, and also the energy exporting creditors of the United States, the Russians, the Saudis, the Gulf, the GCC nations more broadly.
6:04They simply can't afford to store surpluses in treasuries whose value is guaranteed to fall against oil and other commodities over time in a peak cheap oil world because it just means they are on a guaranteed highway to a global Southeast Asia crisis, which is simply not in their interest and something they're not going to abide. And so I think that's really been sort of a turbo charge alongside these over over weaponization of the dollar over the last 10, 10, 10 years, as you've noted. So when you think about central planning, we have central planning in Beijing. And I often say the 10 most dangerous men in the world might be sitting there in that in a room in Beijing because central planning is dangerous.
6:49Right. But in some ways, we have central bank planning in the United States. So we've taken 5 million jobs out of the United States. We've decimated the Rust Belt. We now have a massive dependent class of human beings that fathers wake up in the Midwest, that 20, 30 years ago their grandfather woke up and really was proud and represented the family. And now we have people that have been displaced by technology, by cheap labor overseas. The good news is we've raised the standard of living dramatically in the developing world. Young people in India today in a call center are making maybe 10 to 100 times more than their great-grandparents.
7:34And so, haven't we created a new class of energy consumers? So, because we've raised the standard of living in India, raised the standard of living in Vietnam, But at the same time, if you look at the capital expenditure investment track from 2014, where we were, and if we were on that same pace to today, we probably would have spent an extra $2 to$3 trillion on oil and gas and metals and all the things that we need for the world. Since 2014, the global population's up about 600 to 700 million human beings. And so there's a billion people in India that don't have air conditioning. There's a billion people in China that don't have an automobile.
8:20Isn't this a recipe for a problem? Because like you said, those resources that we need, the investments in uranium, in copper, in oil and gas, We need those investments to find those minerals and green metals and oil and gas. But we've raised the standard of living globally. This sets up a pretty toxic talk tale based on what you just told me before about the balance of payments. It does from multiple standpoints too, right? If you look at per capita oil consumption in India, it's one-fifteenth of the United States. In China, it's one fifth the United States. China is already the biggest oil importer in the world.
9:03They surpassed us four or five years ago. And so I, from time to time, read about peak oil demand, and I laugh. Because, number one, human demand for energy is infinite. It's a question of price. If I could fly a G5 on vacation everywhere and take a helicopter everywhere I went, I would. And if energy was free, I would do that. so would everybody else on the planet. So it's a question of rationing infinite demand for energy with price. Historically, that's been done via the dollar effectively, right? Oil was only priced in dollars. And so, again, here too, it ties back to that initial point where if the dollar strengthens too far against the Chinese yuan or against the Indian rupee, energy gets more and more expensive.
9:56they reduced their usage. By creating this gigantic middle class, so those two that I said are one-fifteenth and one-fifth, India and China respectively, per capita usage of oil of the U.S., that's 35 % of the world's population. And they have infinite demand for oil, just like every American does. And so this is why I think the energy situation is a forcing factor to multipolar and to the de-dollarization of global commodity markets. Because if you're China, you can very clearly see how China has been working to set up the infrastructure to to pay for energy in yuan. And people say, well, who wants to take yuan?
10:52We've seen, well, the Russians are taking yuan. The Venezuelans are taking yuan. The Argentinians are not taking yuan. There's a lot of different commodity. The Australians are taking yuan, the Brazil. So if you want to turbocharge per capita consumption of oil and other commodities, the single best way to do it is you start to form a middle class and then you gain the ability to print your own currency for commodity imports. That's exactly what the United States did. Form a middle class after World War II and then in 71 you can print dollars for oil and guess what? Our per capita oil consumption is still the biggest in the world for any non-oil producers and the reason that is is because we're the only nation up until just recently that could print our own currency for oil and other commodities.
11:42So we can see this happening. Middle class was formed by these trade deals in China in particular, increasingly in India. And now both by strategy, in the case of China, they've been working on yuan oil and commodity purchases very methodically over the last, boy, 10 to 15 years. And employing gold settlement mechanisms, it appears, to facilitate that. And now, more recently, the sanctioning of Russia has accelerated this paradoxically. I don't know that it was the intention. and people will frequently say, well, the Russians are only selling oil to the Indians in rupee or in yuan because we sanctioned them.
12:37And who cares? It doesn't matter. Once you kind of go to that, you're probably not going back. And so the way to think about when you read increased share of Chinese oil purchases in yuan is China's per capita oil consumption is going to go from one-fifth of the United States to one-fourth, to one-third. And the capita is so big in China that as you go from one-fifth to one-fourth, it has enormous implications for global oil demand, let alone if India goes from one-fifteenth to one-tenth to one-fifth. And at the same time, what's happening in U.S. shale, U.S. shale's peaking. by virtue of some of these same sanctions where we implemented price controls in the United States with SPR.
13:28We dumped the SPR. That was a capping of oil. It was price controls. They always work in the short term. They always end in tears in the long term. So this peak cheap oil dynamic went overlaid with what's happening with shale because of U.S. sanctions last year, and more importantly, with the strategic shift led by China, facilitated heavily by Russia initially, but it's now being more broadly supported to allow China to buy more of their commodities in yuan, is going to facilitate significant per capita increases in oil and other commodity consumption in China because they can print yuan for these commodities.
14:08And again, it's being facilitated through gold, which means I think is ultimately really good for gold, which is a whole separate discussion. But absolutely, it sets up a dynamic where it's really good for demand for oil. So there's not a lot of increasing supply for oil. The marginal supply for oil has 90 % of it's come from U.S. shale, which has been put under pressure by what the U.S. did last year with the SPR and with rate hikes. And then the final sort of, you know, creme de la creme or piece de resistance of this whole crazy setup is the U.S. bond market and the Western sovereign bond market more broadly is so over levered.
14:47They can't afford any kind of oil inflation. You get oil inflation going. The bond market in the West globally is going to revolt. And that then forces the whole world towards what Japan's been doing with yield curve control. Hey, everyone, we're going to take a quick break right now to hear a word from our partners. We'll be right back with more of the day's top analysis on the Real Vision Daily Briefing. Have you ever wanted to trade Bitcoin but haven't dared try? With Plus500 Futures, you can trade crypto without the hassle of opening a wallet. With just a few clicks, you can register and start practicing with their free and unlimited demo.
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16:15Yeah, so if you think of normal commodity cycles of the last 50 years, there always are the normal booms and busts because CFOs make poor investments as many CFOs did in the natural gas space in 2011, 12, 13, 14. Poor Aubrey McClendon, a victim there, Chesapeake. And you've got these booms and busts where these companies make these tremendous investments in the uranium space. We've seen a 10-year bear market with lower and lower highs and now a new bull market. But when you have a normal commodity cycle, you have CFOs that make bad investments. Those CFOs get fired. And new CFOs today on the ground in the natural gas space, in the oil space, in the copper space, They're looking at their last five or six bosses that all got shot and fired, and they're making much more conservative decisions around capital investments.
17:15And then you throw on top of that the global dynamic around ESG, the multipolar world. It's more difficult to make investments at some parts of the world politically. If you look at Chile and Peru, you've got, what, about 40%, 50 % of US global copper production comes from certain parts of the world that have this political stress. So you've got the political stress, you've got the regulatory suppression from environmentalists and EFG, and then you have the normal commodity cycle of capital discipline into what you just described around a global dynamic of higher demand and higher energy consumption per capita.
17:55Doesn't this set up for like, and we're thinking about like, let's construct a portfolio of the next decade. The previous decade's portfolio was really designed around financial assets. So your Fed stocks, your growth stocks, your bonds, financial assets did well. And to the point where we almost have$20 trillion in the NASDAQ 100 today. I think it's about$18 trillion now versus a high of, say,$20 trillion in 2022. So it feels like the entire planet's wealth is still in the financial assets. And meanwhile, you just set up a dynamic where the next 10 years, it looks to me like your BHP bulletins or your chevrons could end up in the top 10 or top five market cap companies.
18:44So a transition into hard assets, a hard asset decade. How are you looking at that financial assets versus hard assets and investing over the next 10 years? absolutely uh i i think the 60 40 portfolio of the last 40 years that has just sort of been buy it and forget about it and go to the beach i think that's dead uh i think uh the 60 percent equities i think will still work i think 40 percent bonds you know i think you always want to have some short-term bonds for income. But when I lay out and consider everything we've just talked about, Larry, I don't know why you own long-duration bonds at all in a portfolio.
19:31I don't know what they do, especially when they're yielding below short-duration bonds. With an inverted yield curve, as an investor, not a trader, as one of my best relations on Wall Street calls, it's just blood sport. For what? I don't see the purpose. So I think we're in the very, I mean, we not, it may not even be in the first thing. We may be in pregame batting practice for a shift where the 60 portfolio, 60, 40 portfolio goes from 60 % stocks and that 60 % alternates between growth and value over the course of, you know, various I think within that, the bonds are going to be a very tiny part.
20:19And I think there'll be mostly shorter duration. And I think you have a vicious sector rotation within the 60 of equities of commodities, industrials. Because we haven't even talked on top of all of what we just talked about, hugely bullish secular dynamic for commodities and industrials. We would have even gotten to the whole, the U.S. is reshoring because the Defense Department is saying, hey, guys, we took this too far. We can't even make masks. We are running out of shells in Ukraine, and this is not even a full war against Russia. We would get, you know, if we were in a real full war against Russia, we would run out of shells in days, as some defense officials are saying.
21:06so then you layer on the industry the reshoring of the united states which is going to take as much as people say all we need is the dollar no my wife's truck doesn't run on dollars that the d the truck the trucks that will reshore u.s factories they don't run on dollars they run on diesel my wife's truck runs on gasoline uh and they're built with commodities not with dollars And that's a dynamic that I think we're in very early innings. And I have described it to clients by saying for this financialization that has gone in over the last 40 years overall, but that's been turbocharged, like you just referenced, in terms of these financial assets, these tech assets, they have separated in the minds of policymakers and in the minds of a lot of investors.
21:58the dollar and commodities. They've come to think of them as the same thing. They haven't had to think about it. And they're going to start to realize that there's a difference. There's commodities and there's dollars, and they're not the same thing all the time. And what the real value is, right? Everyone knows the price of a barrel of oil, right? Today, it's whatever, or 76 bucks or something. Not a lot of people understand the value of oil, which is 25 ,000 man hours of work per barrel times$20 per man hour. The value of barrel of an oil is closer to$500 ,000. Now, of course, the world economy couldn't run at that, but there's a lot of room to run in terms of the price at 75 and the value at 500 ,000 for that price of oil to run and the price of other commodities to run as the dynamics we've discussed, including reshoring, force a reappraisal, a re-rating of price somewhere closer to the direction of value.
23:10Obviously, we're not going to$500 ,000 a barrel, but$120 ,000,$150 ,000,$200 ,000, I don't see why not in this. I mean, I just don't see why not. And of course, that will spur more production, et cetera, because it's peak cheap oil. It's not peak oil. It's peak cheap oil. But that is what, if we want to grow to support the debt structure, we need those commodities. And to grow those commodity supplies, you need price. You need a price impulse. And that price impulse at current levels, to your point, is not there. They need to get those CFOs who've seen five previous bosses shot for capital misallocation.
23:49they need to, the prices need to rise enough to get those guys emboldened to say, you know what, I know the guns at the back of my head, but I don't care. You know, at$200 oil,$150 oil, I can, I can sell this to the board at, you know, whatever,$8 copper, I can sell this to the board. I can sell this to investors and I'm not going to get shot. And so I think that's, I think, I think you're exactly right. I think to me, setting aside the wiggles that is, you know, So in 10 years, I think we wake up exactly, we see that top 10 list and it's exactly, it's BHP, it's ExxonMobil. It sort of looks like the late 70s again.
24:27We're going to take another quick break to hear a word from our partners. We'll be right back with more of the day's top analysis on the Real Vision Daily Briefing.
24:38Yeah, like 1980, people forget in 1980, after that kind of hard asset 12-year run from the 60s. And remember, the 60s, one thing Neil Ferguson said to me on Real Vision, right after COVID, says, you know, wars bring out sustained inflation. And so you had Vietnam War and the Korean War, and you've had that 1968 to 80 run for hard assets. And now we have COVID plus a war. And so, but in 1980, say the composition, the S &P was 50 % industrials, metals and materials and oil and gas. So 50%. And now that component of industrials, metals, oil and gas, materials is like, I think it's probably less than 12 % all in.
25:32And so the probability that that composition of the S &P goes from 12%, maybe not back to 50%, possibly, but definitely back to 30%, I think is high. One of the things I talked about in my first book, The Colossal Failure of Common Sense about the collapse of Lehman, is the fiscal and monetary response to Lehman and the financial crisis was about$3.5 trillion of fiscal and monetary. But the response to COVID and the war in the Ukraine is upwards of fiscal and monetary, fiscal and monetary. So all in fiscal. I think it's close to nine. The rest is monetary. So you're close to$14.3 trillion of fiscal and monetary.
26:19And one of the things I said in my book was, if you take a trillion dollars and you put it in a box, right? Take a trillion dollars, you put it in a box. It won't create inflation. And essentially, after Lehman, that's what they did, where we had a crisis in the banking system. They needed to fix the banks. So they needed to have that little bit of a curve where you could fix the banks. The banks could borrow here, lend here. And over time, over trillions of dollars or trillion plus dollars, they could repair their balance sheets. So if you had a$50 billion loss over time, and that's why if you look at the chart of Citigroup or any one of these stocks, You've had this huge drawdown.
26:59The financial crisis went over time. They've been able to make that money back. So that's one of the reasons why I think that we didn't have any inflation post Lehman. Really, we took a trillion dollars, we put it in a box. We weren't injecting money into people's bank accounts. Now, here we are today, out of that$14.3 trillion of fiscal and monetary, we've deposited hundreds of billions of dollars in people's bank accounts, whether it be through COLA adjustments to inflation. Now, 70 million Americans, 70 million, got a 9 % pay raise this year. That's one of the reasons why the fiscal side is up, I think, 15 % year over year.
27:36This year, we're spending 15 % more this year than we did last year. And so when you think about the interest on the debt, because of all this fiscal and monetary, if the Fed keeps rates here for 12 months, they lecture us over and again, over and over again, higher for longer, higher for longer. If they really keep rates here for 12 months, a year from now interest on the debt is not a trillion, but really like 1.3 trillion. And then that crowds out your defense spending and all of your discretionary. And I noticed, you know what the worst performing equity sector right now is in the last four months?
28:18It's defense stocks. I mean, defense stocks are underperforming the S &P, I think since April, by over 20%, whether it be Lockheed or Raytheon or whatever. How do you see this dynamic where you've got the fiscal and the monetary response and then that crowd out of certain spending next year? And how does that play out in Washington with the budget? It's a great point. I would start by tying it back to the tail end of the prior discussion, which is in the late 70s, when Volcker did what he did, U.S. debt to GDP was 25 to 30 percent. It's 120 now and rising again. When Volcker did what he did, deficits were anywhere from 1 % to 3 % of GDP.
29:10Trailing 12 months, they're 8.5 % and rising because of what the Fed's doing. So it is a very, very different dynamic. And what that all speaks to is, again, another overlay on top of, we overlay the reshoring on top of all the bullish commodity, secularly bullish commodity and industrial stuff we talked about. But now you're in a Western sovereign debt position in particular that these sovereigns simply cannot afford to let rates do what they did in response to higher commodity prices. Mathematically, they will have to implement yield curve control because, like you said,$1.3 trillion a year from now pro forma if rates just stay here.
29:56That is 150%, almost 160 % of the defense budget. Something I've said multiple times to people on Twitter. People say, well, until someone else demonstrates a military ability to take down the U.S., the way empires work and reserve currencies work is there's not a replacement. I said, empires are, you know, compounding interest is undefeated all time against empires. We're seeing it happen. You know, so you're going to have inflation go up. So let's say they just stay here, trillion, three hundred fifty percent of the defense budget. And so the question then becomes, there's really only three things they can cut.
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30:36Right now, if you look at entitlements, all in, that's Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, and Health and Human Services. So it's a broad, broad category. But that is, this year, it'll be about$3.1 trillion, which is almost 70 % of tax receipts. Almost 70%. Defense is another 20 % of tax receipts. That gets us to 90 % of tax receipts. Now we look at treasury spending. It's running over a trillion. That's another 25%. You're at 115 % of tax receipts. Tax receipts are highly dependent on the margin on U.S. stocks going up. If stocks go up, receipts go up. If stocks go down, receipts go down. You're at 115 % on the big three.
31:22Nothing else you can cut matters. You can cut parks and services. Nobody gives a crack. department of labor education you know all this stuff doesn't matter uh the only things you can cut to make a difference to try to shrink it doesn't matter in terms of you're not going to save that much money for the problem you're not going to say you're going to get a lot of crying yeah you're exactly and you just can't cut that so you've got to cut entitlements defense or interest all right well the only way to cut interest is is by cutting rates so you know we're going to re-incite. So let's take that one away.
31:56Now you're left with entitlements or defense. Okay. We're going to cut entitlements in an election year? There's no freaking way. Now, so are we going to cut the fence in the middle of a rising cold north? There's no freaking way. So what are our release valves? Our release valves, our rates are going to keep going up or the Fed's going to print the difference. The Fed's going to implement more QE and yield curve control, which now we overlay that on all these other bullish overlays for commodities. It's like, oh my God, number one, if you're looking out 10 years, how can you not have a bigger allocation to commodities and industrials, gold, et cetera?
32:40And what are you doing buying the 10-year treasury at 4.3 when the short term's at 5.3? Stop. It's a blood spoil. It makes no sense as an investor. The other thing I would say that most people, when I lay out this second part, I see their body language just drop because they realize how trapped the Fed is. And that is, I frequently hear, we just need to run a balanced budget. We just need to run a balanced budget. Let's just cut to run a close door, or not even a close. Let's just cut deficits back to 2 % of GDP, which is kind of where they should be, given where unemployment is, given where the economy is, what GDP is doing, where it was under Volcker.
33:26Okay, let's do that. I just said before, trailing 12-month deficits are at 8.4 % of GDP. So we need to cut 6.4 points out of government spending, out of the fiscal side, right now. to get the two. 8.4 minus 6.4 is 2 % of GDP. 6.4 % of GDP cut right now would drop GDP by 6.4 % right now. By way of comparison, when Lehman blew up, four-year GDP was down three, and that was enough to nearly take down the whole system. In COVID, when we shut the whole frigging economy down. Full-year GDP, I think, fell six annually. Maybe at the worst, it was down eight or 12 and one quarter. But the point here is, and this is what people don't realize, is it's too late.
34:22Unless you get an energy productivity miracle or you have a time machine, we get into an 84 DeLorean with a flux capacitor. We go back to 1989 and we go to our politicians and do the biff, like, hey, stupid, hello, hello, being a doll, there's no fix for this. And we know this. This isn't speculation on my part, because we can go back to 2014 with Obamacare, which the Supreme Court says was a tax increase. It was functionally a tax increase. The Supreme Court said it was a tax increase. What did it do? You go back to the Wall Street Journal, December 2014, Obamacare will help reduce the deficit by pushing the government's biggest expenditure, a bigger share of that, onto U.S.
35:02consumers. It was a tax increase. You raise taxes on small and mid-sized businesses, increase premiums to reduce the government's health care expenditure. OK, great. That's what we should do. Right, Luke? Oh, wait. Fast forward 15 months in 2016. Guess what the deficit did as a percent of GDP? It rose. The U.S. implemented an effective tax increase to reduce the deficit. and within 15 months it increased the deficit because guess what happened when people had to pay for more of their health care to take it off the government's plate? They didn't buy as many cars. They didn't go out to eat as much.
35:38The dollar went up and that weighed up because we were crowding out global dollar markets. So what I'm saying is we know that if they tried to cut pretty much 6.4, the system would collapse. Even if they cut three, which the system would probably still collapse. Within 15 months, the deficit's not going to be 5.4. The deficit's from 8.4. The deficit's going to go to 10 because you're actually going to be reducing current incomes and people don't understand the dynamic that it's a little bit, and I don't want to make light of being sick, but if you wait too long to get treated for certain diseases, they don't say, well, it's okay.
36:19They say, here's some opiates and we're going to make you comfortable. We're going to put you in palliative care and this is all we can do for you. And so the palliative care in this case is more QE or yield curve control or miracle. And miracle is productivity, massive productivity boom from any number of different things, technological, demographic, et cetera. We can talk about that. But I find that it's just very poorly understood that they're this cornered. Now, behind me, we run a conversation on Bloomberg with institutional investors in about 20 countries. And it's all 99 % buy side. So it's hedge funds, mutual funds, pension funds.
37:05And we're constantly talking about these things and different trading themes. And one part of the conversation that's been talked about in recent months is on the fiscal side, a lot of this fiscal, the Democrats quite brilliantly, they've approved a lot of fiscal because they knew the Republicans would potentially take the House and stop them. And now they're slow walking a lot of this fiscal in from spending that from what from what from the debate is a debate. But from all the spending that's been approved in recent years, especially in the last like 18 months, there's a certain amount of it that hasn't really gotten into the economy yet.
37:45Whereas it's not really like say you have shovel ready projects in environmental. Take the U.S. power grid, for example. You take Biden's infrastructure plan. And, you know, they want to do build back better. The U.S. power grid is like in some parts 30, 40, 50 years old, some parts 20 years old. We're going to put all these electric vehicles on it. There's 200 ,000 new electric vehicles in Texas. And the grid is buckled, literally almost broken down three times since, I think four times in the last recent years. The estimates around this spending are upwards to fix the power grid that you're going to put all these electric vehicles on is anywhere between$5 trillion and$6 trillion.
38:28Now, some of that's already in the hopper. But what are the investments? I'm thinking, looking out the next 10 years, I'm thinking about aluminum, copper, because this capital is going to go to work. We have to fix the grid. But some portion of the fiscal has been implemented. Some portion has not. Have you given any thought to what's been implemented? What isn't? And why that's creating more? Because we technically potentially should have gone into recession based on a lot of indicators out there leading economic indicators. ISM, Ralph Powell's done a good job looking at some of these things, but we haven't because of this drag out fiscal.
39:08Have you looked into that at all and how that's playing out in markets? I have. We've done a lot of writing in the last four months in particular about fiscal dominance, that basically the Fed's not in control anymore. The U.S. government is. It's interesting when you go back, the weakest economy that we've had was in 2Q and 3Q last year when U.S. fiscal outlays were declining year over year. Other than that, the rates haven't impacted overall headline GDP as much as many people, myself included, initially, you know, I had 28 years of experience teaching me the wrong lesson, that the Fed is dominant and the Fed is going to drive a recession.
40:00And there have been several people who have been very influential in my thinking over the last year, really. The first was Warren Mosler, who's a monetary system expert, is known for MMT, obviously. MMT is really an explanation of flows. It's a very politically charged word, right? People think of, hey, print money and give it away. Modern monetary theory is this. Correct, correct. But it's really much more of just a description of how private public sector flows of money work in a fiat system. And Mosler earlier this year was saying the Fed has it backwards. words. No one alive in trading has ever been alive in trading when U.S.
40:50debt to GDP was 120%, when U.S. deficits were 6%, 7 % at the start of a tightening cycle, and now they're higher. Yeah. So right now, the U.S. deficit is anywhere between 6 % to 8 % of GDP. I just want to make that ... Whereas the last 50 years, it's averaged around 2 % to 3%. Yeah, exactly. And then Moser's initial point was the interest is the Fed's adding to demand because the debt's so off. And this has never happened before. And then Charles Calamiris put out a white paper with the St. Louis Fed back in early June. I read it and my jaw dropped because it talks about this fiscal dominance in much more specific terms.
41:32And when I started looking at it through that lens, what I come to conclude is the U.S. went into fiscal dominance in September 2019 in the repo rate spike. Because for all the noise about what caused the repo rate spike, yes, there was regulatory. Yes, the bottom line was there was too much supply of treasury paper and there was not enough private sector balance sheet. That's the very essence of fiscal dominance. And once that happened, how did the Fed respond? We saw rates and repo went from whatever, two to eight virtually overnight. And within 48 hours, the Fed said, no, we're printing money.
42:19We're going to bring that rate back down. At that point, the U.S. went into fiscal dominance. Obviously, we had COVID. We had the fiscal impact that you highlighted. Fast forward again, we see the banks have been getting stuffed with treasuries, encouraged to buy them for regulatory reasons, etc. There's de facto QE, particularly when the SLR, Supplementary Leverage Ratio, was exempted from March of 20 through April of 21. Again, the Fed starts raising rates and the banks get upside down. If the Fed really wanted to permanently stop inflation and permanently slow the economy, as in 2019, they should have just stood aside.
43:05But they didn't. They came in with BTFP. They quickly sort of guaranteed, kind of don't want to be explicit, unsecured depositors. Again, fiscal dominance. And so I think we are in, to answer the question of how am I thinking about the fiscal impulse, from a top-down perspective, most market participants are still playing by the old rules of the game of the last 40 years, which is the Fed is dominant, watch rates, watch the private sector. But there's new rules. 120 % debt to GDP, 8 % of GDP deficits, foreign central banks not buying any treasuries on net still. Banks now full with treasuries.
43:53The game has changed. We are fully in fiscal dominance. And so it gets to a very different outcome, which is the biggest driver for marginal GDP is the federal government and deficits, number one. And number two, Fed rate hikes are functionally acting as stimmies, just like the stimmies we all got in COVID, right? So in COVID, let's take a step back and see things for what they are. In COVID, we ran a big deficit. The federal government ran a big deficit by handing checks to people. And the Fed bought those, basically monetized that by doing QE. And global supply chains were shut down or disrupted by COVID.
44:36So you'd have a bunch of new money pumped in to the system as supply chains to provide goods against that pumping in of money was curtailed. And we got inflation on a leg, very high inflation, highs in 40 years. OK, let's fast forward to now and the Fed rate hikes. We were talking about before at 5 percent, if they just stay here, we're going to have a trillion three in interest. Trillion three. That's just a stimmy. It doesn't go to everybody. It goes to wealthy asset owners. and so it's a little bit more sterilized. A lot of those asset holders are overseas like that money actually leaves the country to some extent because people that own treasuries around the world get our interest doesn't really come back to us.
45:18It does but it does. It does yeah exactly and there's some whole bunch of perverse political impacts right so basically we're helping China fund their military to put up a defense against us by raising rates because they still own whatever 800 billion but that's again separate discussion. So you have a trillion three in interest estimates, increased fiscal impulse based on what the Biden economics are doing, Bidenomics, inflation, et cetera. Again, it's not direct to consumer, but it's defense and it's inflation reduction. It's reshoring. It's these environmental imperatives. And what's the Fed's rate hikes doing to the private sector?
45:54They're curtailing. It's not as drastic as COVID, but we We can see it in the ISM. We can see it in production indices. We can see it in all these. The private sector is shrinking. The lending, and it's going to shrink more from the lending survey. The private lending survey is done by the Fed. There's not much functional difference between what we did in COVID, stimmies, curtail production, add nine months, holy crap, we have 8 % CPI, to 1.3 trillion in interest stimmies, curtail production a little less. And yet consensus is, oh, don't worry, inflation's going to stay low. Ain't going to stay low.
46:36You're pumping money into the system via fiscal, paradoxically via rate hikes. And so most market participants are still playing the old game of, hey, the Fed's dominant. Fed's not dominant. Fiscal's dominant now. Everybody's long the last decade's portfolio. Everybody's still long. So to me, this is like, we are going to see the greatest migration of assets of wealth in the history of humanity in the next three, four years. Absolutely. Now, if you think about waste, you brought up some of the problems. Here's what I hear. So one of the people, one of the investors in our book, I think one of the most brilliant guys that I've met on Wall Street over the years, Mark Chaball was at Moore Capital for years at Goldman Sachs, now runs the family office.
47:28But Mark's point in my book and in our conversations, I can say this with permission, is financial repression. And let's just describe what that is. It's when you keep the rate of interest below inflation. And so I'm thinking about that. I want investors listening to us right now to see what the next decade is going to look like, because it's not just about, you're right, it's about yield curve control and that type of thing. But aren't they going to have to force the entire US pension system to own a greater percentage of, say, treasuries? Or aren't they going to have to force the banks to regulation to own even more treasuries?
48:05So in terms of financial repression, and I've read some of the white papers out there, and there's some interesting white papers that are coming up. We're looking at really, I don't want to say China-like state demands, but in order to get through this, there has to be some type of pressure on the private sector to own treasuries because the Fed can't do it all. So I'm going to have three points on this. I'm going to try to remember them all here. Um, the first is yes, absolutely. And you're seeing some of these white papers. So Calamira's, for example, is white paper on the U S being in fiscal dominance highlights that, uh, the rate of inflation to get out of our current debt position.
48:51Um, if you don't do any financial repression, given current levels of deficits and given current levels of, um, uh, basically the status quo system where it's set up. You're going to need 40, 4-0, 40 % CPI inflation. No one, no, look, I read that paper and I've been thinking inflation would be higher. I think my jaw dropped. He notes that if you financially repress the banks, what you do is you increase reserve requirements. So exactly, hey, you have to own way more treasuries against your capital base, and you're starting to already hear that, right? Every time you hear the Fed come out and say, oh, the banks are a little unsafe, banks are fine.
49:38The banks are a little unsafe, we need to increase capital requirements 20%. We've seen a number of these, that is them going, oh shit, we have a fiscal problem and they're setting the stage for this financial repression. So Calamiris noted that if you significantly raise reserve requirements, so they got a lot more treasuries against their asset base, number one, and then number two, slash the reserve rate back to zero. Right. So right now the Fed is paying, paying these banks to whatever, 5.3, 5.2. I don't know what the number is percent against their excess reserves to to keep those reserves in that trillion dollar box that you refer to.
50:25Right. That's the reason that trillion dollar box is still there now that they've earned their way out of it is because they're getting paid to keep it there. The Fed's basically bribing them not to lend the trillion dollars in that trillion dollar box. So what the Fed could do is say that trillion dollars in that trillion dollar box. Now you get zero. Now, normally the Fed would go or those banks would say, well, fine, we're going to take it out. We're going to lend it across the economy. GDP up, inflation up. OK. What Calamira says, one step to doing this is you say, hey, you've got to hold that whole trillion as capital.
51:01And we're not paying you for it anymore. And if they do that, Calamira said it kills the banks, kills their profitability. but it gets inflation needed to get out of this mess down to like 16%, 16, 1, 6%. So again, yes. If you go all in with the financial freshman, freshman tools, you get inflation down to 16%. You kill your bank. And again, this ties back to my point by like, people don't understand how cornered they already are. Yeah. If you kill your banking system by stuffing them full of treasuries and cutting the reserve rate to zero, you get inflation down to 16 % in his white paper. And you go, oh my God.
51:41So, okay, that gets us to the second point. The dollar, as global reserve currency, fundamental underpinning is open and free flows of capital. And this is a side of it that I don't often hear. Yes, financial oppression, I think some version of it will absolutely happen. the problem is is you can only do a little bit particularly with foreigners you can do whatever you want to your own people problem there is is the boomers have all the money and they're net sellers like like there isn't a rate that you can raise rates to to convince a 70 year old boomer to change their time preference right like they're saying i got five good years left maybe maybe 10 I don't give a shit if the Fed pays me 20.
52:32I want my money and I want to go to Italy and I want to buy the fast car that I always wanted as a kid. And I want the third house and I want that. The U.S. government's rate sensitivity is way lower than the Fed, than these boomers. And so the boom. And that's and the boomers, I think, have 78 trillion of wealth, 78, 78 trillion of wealth. The millennials only like maybe$6 trillion,$6.5 trillion. And the oldest boomer now is 78. And when Lehman went down, the oldest boomer was obviously kind of like the early 60s. 63. It's a totally different ballgame. Yeah. But aren't those boomers at 78 more inclined to own fixed income now than they were after Lehman failed?
53:23So that's one possible thing that would help the equation. I think at some level, once you get immobile and sick, yes. But, you know, the average 78-year-old boomer is the healthiest 78-year-old in the history of mankind. And again, we just locked them down for three years and we told them they're going to die way sooner than they think. And so there's just a YOLO trade amongst boomers. I mean, go to any restaurant in any city in America and look around. You'll find that at least two thirds of the people are boomers. They go out to eat every night. They go on lots of vacation. And God bless them.
54:02Like, they've lived great lives. They're full out. But my point for this part of the discussion is they're sellers. They're not buyers on net still. And maybe in another 10 years, maybe they're buyers. Now, how can you get them to be buyers? Well, I don't want this to happen. But if you set the law so that when they die, their kids are locked up, right? Now you can financially repress their kids. So I get that$78 trillion. It passes to their kids. What do you mean by locked up? Yeah, you lock that up. In terms of what do you mean by kids locked up? Oh, their wealth, right? So the boomer dies. His estate passes to his 45, 50-year-old kid.
54:45Yeah. And the government says, sorry, we're going to take 70 % of that. Or you can't touch 70%. 70 % of anything a boomer hands you in a death benefit has to go into treasuries, into 30-year treasuries. Or no more step up in cost basis, right? No, there's a lot of different ways you can do that. Now, that brings me to my third point. So you can do that with the boomers. But again, you can't do that too much with international because that has dollar reserve currency status, right? We're already talking about this de-dollarization of commodities because out of necessity. But if you start telling foreigners, hey, we're going to pay you three when inflation is 16, you'll see what we've been seeing, which is they're going to give you the middle finger and they're going to sell treasuries and they're going to buy gold.
55:37And that's exactly what sell essential banks have been doing for 10 years because I think they've seen the writing on the wall. So that has that has that it's not just a Fed. That's a Treasury issue. Right. Because the dollar typically is the purview of the Treasury. Anyway. OK. Third point. And this is the big one that people tend to miss, which is the last 40 years have basically been about financially repressing foreign U.S. creditors. Right. For the last on average, for the last 20 years. Certainly since Lehman, the United States debt has grown by eight percent per year. CAGR, compound annual growth rate.
56:11The rate on that debt has rarely been above four and rarely been above three. That's like the greatest deal on the planet. Like I will borrow a hundred trillion dollars from anybody that will let me borrow 8 % more than that every year at a 2%, 3%, 4 % rate. It's stupid. I will do it for the rest of my life. And that's been what we've done for the last 15 years. And now the rest of the world, so basically that is akin to your kid having a drug problem and stealing from the neighbors, going in every night, breaking into the neighbor's house, stealing some jewelry, hocking it. You're like, oh, my kid's doing great.
56:52Doesn't affect me at all. Once foreign central banks stopped growing holdings of treasuries, once foreigners, in particular the central bank level, stopped growing holdings of treasuries, the U.S. has to fund more of its own deficits. And if you financially repress your own people, it's like your kid's stealing from you to have a drug habit. You end up poor. In the first scenario, your net worth, your net income isn't hit at all. You don't notice. In the second situation, where your kid is stealing your wife's wedding band and selling it for drugs and then raiding your bank account. So that's financial repression.
57:30So it is very much a decline in real living standards that, oh, by the way, suggests bullishness for a commodity portfolio over the next 10 years. So that's, you know, yes, they can financially repress their planning. There are some dollar implications in terms of reserve currency status. You can do too much the foreigners. And that's something that is almost always leapt out of these discussions of financial repression. And for a very simple reason, no one wants to talk about it because there's no easy answer. And number three, yeah, so repressing your own people. It's like, you know, your kid's stealing from you to fund a drug habit as opposed to stealing from the neighbors.
58:13You know, when we were repressing foreigners, by the way, we've run the system over the last 15, 20, 40 years. You know, and all of those back to Toteville and Teitler, you know, you go back to the late 1700s. And there were these predictions of the cycle of democracy, because no democracy has ever lasted more than 275, 250 years. And, you know, you really, with all democracies, there's like a cycle where you start off in apathy, which you think about, I'm sorry, you start off in bondage is actually the first day. Bondage, you think about the United States under the UK, right? United 1775, six, you know, Tea Party, that's bondage essentially, right?
58:53And then you've got spiritual faith. Then you've got entrepreneurship abundance, 1950s, 1960s. And then you have the apathy. Then you have a little bit of dependence, despair, back to bondage again. And you can see this cycle in the world in, say, Argentina. You can see it in the world in, say, Venezuela. You can see this cycle forming, and it's been out there. Other parts of the world, United Kingdom. I wouldn't say it's not a pure democracy. It's a monarchy turned into a democracy to some extent. It's not a real republic. But if you look around the world in that cycle, and if you look at the United States, the argument for the dollar is, we're the cleanest of all the dirty shirts.
59:40And that's essentially what's enabled the politicians to grossly be so irresponsible, right? Because we've always been the cleanest of all the dirty shirts. And now we look around the world and there are a lot of dirty shirts out there. And so, you know, how do you quantify the dirty shirts versus, you know, versus the politicians on Capitol Hill that have been so, you know, really recklessly irresponsible? You know, my friend Brad Johnson always says, well, everyone does this in all these capitals. He's 100 percent right. The dynamic that I think is grossly underappreciated is that in this whole discussion is the net international investment position.
1:00:19which in the United States from 1976 to 2012, the U.S. net international investment position was positive 10 % of GDP to negative 10 % of GDP. Basically a linear decline from positive 10 to negative 10 from 76 to 12. The way the world worked with the dollar and dollar diplomacy for that almost 40 years was Fed hikes rates, dollar rises, foreigners burn down FX reserves, their net international investment position effectively to defend their currency. They run out of those dollar reserves because they don't own that much, right? They only own zero to negative 10 % of U.S. assets on that, right?
1:01:06Even less in the 70s when U.S. net international investment position was positive. They burned out those reserves. Once they run out of those reserves, they have to devalue their currencies. The currencies fall. Their economies fall. Then there's a crisis. The Fed responds to that crisis, drops rates, and the U.S. sort of goes in and buys up foreign assets on the cheap, and we restart the whole cycle of relouching again. and that's kind of how it worked. And what most of the discussion around the dollar that I see and have seen for years fails to grasp is that the United States and international investment position since 2018 has been negative 50, negative 60, negative 70 as of 2021.
1:01:48It's bounced back a little bit, percentage GDP. These foreigners now own on a net basis$18 trillion of U.S. assets. And so in the past, when they would burn down those FX reserves, they didn't have enough dollar assets to really hurt us while they were going into crisis, especially because back then we hadn't offshort so much of our industrial base that we weren't so critically marginally dependent on asset prices rising for tax receipts, for consumer spending growth, for GDP growth, as we are now. And that's really only evolved since 2000 based on policies choices we've made. So now you've got foreigners, Fed raises rates, dollar goes up, foreigners start selling, and they keep selling, and they keep selling, and they keep selling, and they just sell more and more.
1:02:37And now they have so much in savings in the net international investment piggy bank, it's no longer them that break first. It's no longer what? It's no longer these emerging markets that run out of reserves and break first. It's now the U.S. banking system that breaks first. It's now the treasury market that goes dysfunctional first. It's now U.S. stocks that fall. So U.S. tax receipts fall. So U.S. deficits are blowing out in a good economy, in a 3 % unemployment economy, as we are seeing. And that is the dynamic of this dollar discussion that is poorly understood, which is these foreigners own so much of our assets because basically over the last 15 years, we didn't have a recovery as much as we hocked our assets to China and others to buy trinkets.
1:03:28it was petty wise con foolish. And so yes, the dollar is the cleanest dirty shirt, but not for the reason they think, which is to say the more the dollar goes up, the more they're going to sell these assets. And the more they're going to... The whole dollar wrecking ball thing, you know, the last 20 years, like 25 years ago, the dollar moved up, say, eight handles. So say from 90 to 98. What's happening is the negative feedback loop back to the United States, to your point, seems to be much greater. And I think what's fascinating about the 2016 election, the dollar strengthened so much because the Fed was focusing on a potential exit, potential unwinding of the program or raising rates or threatening QPT.
1:04:23And so this dollar strength in 2016, and all this negative feedback loop back to the United States and end up impacting the 2016 election. And now we have the dollar strength again. Is this adding to that dollar wrecking ball dynamic that you're talking about? And that's the paradox is, yes, it does, because ultimately it leads to more dollar strength, right? Because now foreigners are dumping treasuries to defend their currencies. Yields are going up. You can see the breakdown in correlations. Historically, 14-15, yuan down, treasury yields down. It was a very deflationary dynamic. 2018 to 2020, yuan down, treasury yields down.
1:05:09Now, yuan down, treasury yields up. Even though, okay, set aside 2022, say it was all inflation. We've been very disinflationary in 23, yuan down, treasury yields up. We saw it last year with the end. When oil prices increases put Japan into a current account deficit position, right? They need to sell their piggy bank. What do they do? Washington, give us our dollars back. Japan has a positive 60%, 60 % of GDP, net international investment position. What does that mean? That means they have 60 % of their GDP in assets, most of it in dollars. So when they get upside down, when the dollar wrecking ball starts to hit them, they just call it, say, sell treasuries.
1:05:52sell treasuries, sell treasuries. Well, that's fine in 2000 when Southeast Asia was doing it. The United States was running a surplus. We didn't need anybody to finance our deficit. Now we're running an 8.5 % trillion total deficit. So immediately it feeds back into the treasury market. Oh, rates go up. Well, what happens when rates go up? Oh, the U.S. banking system, we were just stuffed like, you know, foie gras full of treasuries. Now they're upside down. And this is the Treasury wrecking ball dynamic that I think is poorly. So in the short run, yes, dollar up, dollar up, dollar up. Yay, we're winning.
1:06:28No, you're not. You're losing. The dollar's going up and you're losing. If they want the dollar's super spike to continue, what will eventually be required is for the Fed to stand aside as the 10-year Treasury does what repo did. Because that's what's going to happen. because the supply demand at foreigners on seven and a half trillion in treasuries. That's his net international left decision. They have the option of saying, hey, got seven and a half trillion to go want to be done by the end of the day. We got to defend our currency against the dollar. Obviously, it's an extreme example. It's not going to happen.
1:07:01And people say, well, the Fed will just print the money to buy it. I said, exactly. And the dollar ain't going to frigging go up when they do that. We know that. We've seen it in 2019. We saw it in 2020. We saw it in 2021. And so the dollar wrecking ball is a strategy. It's generals fighting the last war. Can you make Dixie go up? Yes, congratulations. The dollar wrecking ball was supposed to break China before it broke U.S. banks. It didn't. It was supposed to break Russia before the treasury market started dysfunctioning again. It didn't. It was supposed to break China before it broke the U.K.
1:07:36guilt market. It didn't. And that's the reason why the order is reversed this time, why it's hitting us first, is this net international investment position. and into the balance sheet constraints, into the deficit sizes. If you run the wrecking ball, you turn foreigners into sellers, $7.5 trillion to go, want to be done by the end of the day. And the Fed's going, I got$1.2 trillion to do over the course of the year, want to be done with QT, under billion a month. And Treasury's going, hey, I got$2.2 trillion to go. And the banks are going, oh, shit, we're upside down. I got to sell some because my CRE credit losses are building.
1:08:17You told me to buy this stuff as high quality liquid assets to sell in a crisis. Now I'm a seller too. Uh-oh. What do I do? So now the banks are a seller. And the boomers are like, hey, I want to go to frigging Italy and drink wine because you locked me down for three years. And I got this treasury portfolio. I'm a seller. Who the F is buying? There's no buyer. Not at these rates. There's no buyer. And this is the part like the dollar wrecking ball. Like, can you make, well, no. Will the dollar go up on that? Yeah, the dollar will go to frigging infinity. Congratulations. If you stand aside and let the U.S.
1:08:50default on treasuries, literally, we're not paying any of it. The dollar will be at 1 ,000 that day on the Dixie. Congratulations. Where do you go? Do you want? They're fighting the last war. It is hilarious to me to watch people cheer this going up. And oh, by the way, as that happens, like stocks ain't going to be going up. You know, it'll be yields up, dollar up, U.S. defaults. And oh, oh yeah. So will everybody else. Great. Who cares? Like, it's like, well, you know, my neighbor died and I died of a gunshot when he died of cancer. So I was quicker for me. Like, you're both dead. Doesn't freaking matter.
1:09:29Europe will be in trouble. And it'll be in trouble. China be in trouble. And you know what the game will turn into is. All right, everybody take your gold and put it on the table. You know, call. Who's who really has gold? because the oil sellers are going to be going like, I'm not selling for this confetti paper. I want to be paying gold tomorrow. That's what Saudi says. Yeah, and it's gold. It's a whole portfolio of hard assets. And that might be the portfolio. It's the aluminum and copper to work on the U.S. power grid. It's platinum and potentially palladium for the hydrogen, and this green hydrogen dynamic around helping to create that green meadow that we want to create.
1:10:17And so there's all of these social goals around decarbonization. And then there's this financial dynamic that we've laid out on this call today, on this conversation. And so it just all points toward a portfolio of hard assets and companies that hold these assets. because companies have these assets in reserves, in size. Absolutely. And so you can get long, hard for companies that have them in reserves. Yeah, anything in closing you want to wrap up with? But I think it was a spectacular job you did. And I really appreciate that 20 ,000-foot view, which nobody really bothers. Everybody's microscopic.
1:11:00And we need, I think now we really need to have that Toteville, Tyler, that 20, because, you know, at the end of the day, Toteville and Tyler, what they used to say is a democracy can only last until the people realized they can vote themselves largesse from the public treasury. Right. That's why democracies don't last, because each generation that goes on is a little softer, not as stronger. They're voting themselves largest and eventually the spending overwhelms the receipts, the tax receipts. And that's kind of where we're headed. That's exactly it. And it's going to force, you know, the dollar wrecking ball dynamic.
1:11:38We were just talking about it brings forward, you know, yield curve control is coming. and every tick up in the dollar brings that forward. I don't know if it brings it forward a week or a month or a quarter, but it brings it forward. And that's where this goes. And that's ultimately where I think the financial repression will be, will be in the treasury market, in the Western sovereign bond market more broadly. And I think what we've been watching over the last 15 years has been those investors with the luxury of not having to mark a portfolio to market on a monthly basis or on a quarterly basis or on a yearly basis, making that move.
1:12:12So when you see global central banks stop buying treasuries on net in 2014 and moving into, in particular, what Zoltan's talked about, storing more of your FX reserves de facto in commodities, right? So historically, China used to sell out to us. We would give them dollars. They would take the dollars. They'd buy treasuries. And then those dollars, those treasuries were the piggy bank to buy commodities in the future, all priced in dollars. And what we've seen is a move by China to gain greater ability to buy commodities in yuan, but then also cutting out the middleman of the treasury market. They're not buying treasuries, and they haven't.
1:12:50They've been selling. And while people say they are in a dollar shortage, last year or in the last six months, they've signed two 27-year-long LNG deals with Qatar. That's just buying gas in the ground. And that's the whole trade. They are. They have the China has the luxury of not needing to mark their book to market monthly, quarterly. All they're doing is saying, I want to be locked. I think LNG bought direct under the ground is going to be greater value to me than buying 27 year treasuries. And then when I need the gas selling the treasuries and buying the gas, what they're saying is, is treasuries are going to collapse against gas.
1:13:33They're going to collapse against oil. They're going to collapse against gold. They're going to collapse against the stuff we need to live and run our economy. And I think that is the trade, and not even the trade. I think that's that secular three, four, ten-year investment that you let off by talking by. So I think it's important to see things for what they are in terms of how that system is evolving, driven by the factors of financial repression and over-indebtedness and geology that we talked about before. Well, thank you, Luke. And it was a pleasure to be back on Real Vision. I haven't been on in a while.
1:14:08Our book is When Markets Speak. I hope, Luke, I can count on you for a blurb because we'll be out in the next couple of quarters. And it kind of goes into the heart of this conversation. It looks at the next portfolio for the next decade, the next 20 years. And it's been great to share this hour and 20 minutes with you, Luke. Thank you so much. It was so interesting to hear Luke talk about the dangers of spiraling debt levels. It's something Raoul also brought up, but the two come to very different conclusions about what happens as a result of that. It's exactly what we wanted to do as part of this series, bring together opposing views or diverse views and let you decide what narrative makes the most sense to you.
1:14:54So weigh in, share your thoughts in the comment pages, and then join us on Friday when we wrap up the first week with three amazing programs. Raul and Juliette de Klerk talking crash or boom. At 1 p.m., I'll bravely be joining the pro macro insiders Raul, Julian Brigden, and Harry Malandri. And then we finish off with Ryle and I live on the daily briefing, unpacking it all and taking your questions, hopefully over a drink. I hope you'll join us for all of it. In the meantime, take care and good luck out there.
1:15:29What's up, revolutionaries? Thanks for tuning in to the Real Vision daily briefing. For more content like this, head over to realvision.com and get unfiltered access to the very best, brightest, and biggest names in finance.
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In the fourth installment of our Crash or Boom series, New York Times bestselling author Larry McDonald, founder of The Bear Traps Report, is joined by Luke Gromen, founder and president of Forest for the Trees, to discuss how to think about the U.S. dollar in today’s environment. They analyze how the dollar drives monetary policy, the commodity cycle, and financial repression in this era of fiscal dominance and multipolarity. Recorded on September 11, 2023. To find more of Larry’s work, visit: https://www.thebeartrapsreport.com Larry has also provided some supplementary charts, which you can view here: https://rvtv.io/3LiElQX
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