Uncovering the Truth About Capitalism: Brett Christophers & Mo Gawdat Expose the Real Estate Game

16 Sep 2024 · 1 h 6 min

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Podcast Notes: Slo Mo - Episode on Capitalism with Brett Christophers

Episode Overview

  • Title: Uncovering the Truth About Capitalism: Brett Christophers & Mo Gawdat Expose the Real Estate Game
  • Host: Mo Gawdat
  • Guest: Brett Christophers, Political Economist and Author
  • Theme: Exploration of the underpinnings of capitalism, focusing on real estate and rentier capitalism.

Introduction

  • Mo Gawdat expresses a desire to understand the world beyond the scripts he has been told, prompting the mini-series "It's Not What They Told You."
  • He aims to explore hidden truths about capitalism and the economy through discussions with experts.

Capitalism Defined

  • Brett Christophers' Definition:
  • Capitalism encompasses the production of goods and services for sale in markets but is heavily defined by the relationship between capitalists (owners of production) and workers (laborers).
  • Emphasis on private property rights.

Key Discussions Personal Experiences with Capitalism

  • Mo identifies as a "recovering capitalist," having previously believed in the benevolence of capitalism.
  • Brett shares a similar sentiment, stating that while some benefits of capitalism exist, the mainstream narrative oversimplifies its realities.

The Promise of Social Mobility

  • Discussion on the gap between perceived social mobility (especially in the United States) versus reality, where most workers see little upward mobility.
  • The inherent promise of capitalism is examined: while some achieve success, most remain "stuck."

Rentier Capitalism and Private Equity Definition of Rentier Capitalism

  • Concept of a rentier economy where a small number of corporations control critical economic assets, including housing and infrastructure, leading to increased rents and economic inequality.

Role of Private Equity

  • Private equity firms have increasingly acquired residential properties, raising rents and minimizing maintenance expenses to maximize profits.
  • Brett describes the business models of private equity: they do not own their capital but manage investments for wealthy backers, profiting from higher rents and property sales.

Impact on Housing Market

  • The discussion highlights how private equity influences rent prices by owning significant portions of housing in specific neighborhoods, thus having pricing power.
  • This ownership trend began to accelerate post-2008 financial crisis, benefiting from cheap foreclosures.

Implications for Renters

  • Higher rents and increased eviction rates were noted in neighborhoods dominated by private equity ownership.
  • Irony identified in the fact that tenants contributing to rising rents may unknowingly be funding their own housing through retirement savings invested in these equity firms.

Suggestions for Thriving in Current Economy Options for Individuals

  1. Become a Capitalist: Embrace entrepreneurship and business ownership to create wealth.
  2. Work for Capitalist Enterprises: Recognize that most jobs are within capitalist frameworks, and navigating this reality is essential to financial stability.

Realistic Outlook

  • Mo emphasizes the importance of committed acceptance of the current economic realities, suggesting that individuals adapt by being flexible, geographically mobile, and financially savvy.
  • Encouragement to invest wisely in the market rather than relying on government solutions.

Conclusion

  • The episode stresses the importance of understanding the hidden dynamics of capitalism and residential markets.
  • Call to action for listeners to reflect on their economic realities and consider how to navigate them effectively.

Recommended Reading

  • Brett Christophers' Books:
  • "The Price is Wrong"
  • "Who Owns the Economy"
  • "The New Enclosure"

Final Thoughts

  • Mo Gawdat emphasizes the value of being informed about economic systems and encourages continued reflection on these themes.
  • Upcoming episodes may delve further into the truths behind economic systems, inviting listeners to engage with the material critically.

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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:01I am so glad you could join us. I'm your host, Mo Gaudet This podcast is nothing more than a conversation between two good friends sharing inspiring life stories and perhaps some nuggets of wisdom along the way This is your invitation to slow down with us Welcome to Slow Mo

0:34Today, I start a new mini-series with you that is actually driven from a very personal side of looking at the world. For years and years, I assumed that I understood what was happening in the world. I believed in scripts and stories that were told to me, whether through my upbringing in the East or during my education and career in the West. and they were all lies. And I think more and more the events of 2023 and 2024 have opened my eyes that perhaps one of the biggest responsibilities I have is to understand the world more, not as I am supposed or told to understand it, but as it really is. I'm starting this mini-series which I will call It's Not What They Told You, to give you an overview of the reality of some of the learnings that I found about the economy, capitalism, the geopolitics of our world, and the reality of the hunger for power and for wealth.

1:51As always, I'm not going to be negative in any of that. I'm not going to even take a view. I will just curiously try to understand from our guests what it is that they know that is not available in the mainstream media. When I'm done with this mini-series, I will take a bit of a vacation from slow-mo. I think it's very clear for me that even though this has been an incredible journey for me, that perhaps there are other things that need my attention. I'll talk to you a little bit about that when the time comes. But for now, let's dive in and think about the reality of our world in this new idea, new concept that I would like you to become curious about.

2:37It's not what they told you. So for my first episode of this mini-series, I want to talk to you about the economy. I have to admit to you, I am a recovering capitalist. Is that the way to say it? I believed in capitalism. Remember, I was raised in the East, educated in the West, and I learned all of the principles, all of the alleged freedoms that capitalism brings, the benefit of the free economy to the world. And I believed in it. And I myself have started more than 20 businesses. I've worked in the largest corporates in the world. And as I started to revisit my beliefs, I realized that it's not all what they tell us.

3:26And my guest today is probably the best to start this conversation. Brett Christophers, a geographer, if you want, a professor of economics who is known for his critical analysis of contemporary capitalism. He's a prolific author with many incredible books. I personally love The New Enclosure. I love Who Owns the Economy. And of course, his latest book is just a bomb that is a must read. The Price is Wrong, which is fantastic, fantastic title. And it basically talks about why capitalism won't save our planet. And he's probably a reformed capitalist like I am. In all of it, I think Brett tries to wake us up to the realities of what capitalism behind closed doors is really all about.

4:15Brett, thank you so much. As I told you before we started, I'm a big fan. So thank you so much for being here. Well, thanks for having me. And that was obviously a very generous introduction, for which I'm grateful. And I think the way you sort of styled the type of writing that I do and what I've been writing about is about right, actually. And I think that my, you know, without wanting to kind of oversimplify things. I think my take on capitalism, to the extent that we can talk about capitalism as kind of one coherent thing, sounds like it's broadly like yours, which is to say I've increasingly come to the view that it's not everything that it's cracked up to be by the mainstream narrative.

4:59Now, that's not to say that some of what is typically said about capitalism and some of the alleged benefits of capitalism are not true. I think that some of them are. However, there's much, much more to the story than that. And I suppose the way I think of my work is trying to kind of dig beneath the surface and say to people, look, some of what you've been told, including some incredibly important stuff, just does not match up to the reality. And I guess that's what I've been trying to do in those recent books that you mentioned. Which I have to admit more and more is something I'm convinced of.

5:37Can we start in the very basics? Because believe it or not, I speak, for example, quite frequently about artificial intelligence. I think it's the most used word in 2023, but very few people actually know what AI is. So I normally start with like a definition. So can we define capitalism? What is capitalism? It's one of those words that gets defined in different ways by different people. But from my understanding, at least, what we're essentially talking about is production of goods and services for sale in markets is obviously a very important part of it. However, that's definitely not all it's about.

6:13And that's arguably not even the most important part. You had markets for goods and services long before capitalism came along and essentially became the dominant mode of social organization. So I think as well as production of goods and services for sale in markets, I think the other crucial component of it is the relationship between capitalists on the one hand and workers on the other. So you have the means of production of goods and services are owned and controlled by one group of people who are typically referred to as a class, the capitalist class. And the rest of the world essentially is workers who really have very little other choice but to sell their labor power to those capitalists for a wage.

6:59It's that relationship between capitalists and workers and the wage relation, which I think is really at the center of things. And so obviously private property rights are very, very central to it. So if you think about capitalism historically, one of the things that really shocked me is that if you think of the world pre-capitalism, the world of feudalism, if you want, where the king or the emperor owned everything, everyone else was a peasant. and basically the peasants sort of bartered between them and nobody owned anything other than the royalty and the ones that they favored. And then capitalism, I think perhaps maybe in the British empire, the traders start to bring the spices and they start to trade and make money.

7:49And even though they're still scruffy and still peasants, if you want, they become very rich peasants, okay? So the original promise is that, hey, you know what? Capitalism is giving opportunities to everyone. Yeah. You know, and I think that it's clearly the case that that promise holds different degrees of truth in different parts of the world. There's no doubt that that's true. One of the things that's always interesting to do is look at, you know, relative degrees of social mobility, for example, in different parts of the world. And one of the really interesting things there, maybe this is a tangent, but I think it's interesting, is that in the kind of what we tend to think of as kind of the home of capitalism, the home of capitalist freedoms, and not least the home of kind of capitalist promise, which is the United States, you have the biggest gap anywhere between on the one hand, people's perceptions of social mobility, which is that anyone can kind of rise above their station and join the capitalist class and the class of the wealthy.

8:52and the reality which is that there is almost no social mobility at all and actually countries like Sweden for example where I live are they're not perfect but they tend to be the flip side of that people think that social mobility is actually relatively low but actually it is here quite high certainly compared to the United States case but I think that has always been the promise and the fact that you know some people you know do embody that kind of rags to riches story is kind of part of what yeah keeps the kind of ideological momentum going right because some people do make it of course the majority don't and i think that's the you know when you said that the big side of capitalism to focus on is that wage relationship where the majority are sold the promise of capitalism of freedom of social mobility freedom of getting paid or rewarded for your labor, when in reality what you end up seeing is that yes, some make it, but the vast majority are basically stuck.

9:58And I think more and more, especially post-COVID, we're starting to see very clearly, I think post-2008, but most people didn't see it until post-COVID, that you can very clearly see that if you're stuck, you're stuck. And it gets worse and worse and worse and very much more difficult as the years pass. Yeah, as I suppose the assets that enable productive economic activity to take place get increasingly controlled by a subset of economic actors, typically large corporations. When the ability of people to kind of make a living, to subsist outside of working for those corporations becomes increasingly limited.

10:41That's one of the things I've been trying to show in the recent books that I've done, which is that we have had this growing concentration of control of all types of economic assets in a very small number of hands. And that has all sorts of implications, not least for things like economic inequality. So can we start from that? One of the topics that you completely opened my eyes to, single-handedly it was you, so I give you credit for that, is the idea of their interior economy. The idea that private equity post 2008 starts to become significant owners of residential real estate. I don't want to burn that story because I had a mega aha moment when I heard you talk about this for the first time.

11:25So I want my listeners to listen to it from you. So tell us first, what is private equity and how did we end up where we are and what's the impact of that? Your question has got lots of different kind of components to it. Again, I think before getting to private equity, if we take a step back to a term you said just before that, which is this idea of rentier capitalism. So what I've been trying to show there, and the UK economy, the British economy is kind of, in my view, kind of the prototypical case of this, but it's definitely not unique, even if it's kind of extreme. The basic argument I've made there is that when we think in terms of rent, normally, we think about land and housing, right?

12:09We think about the relationship between, on the one hand, a landlord, on the other hand, a tenant. And basically, the argument I've tried to make is that if you look at the UK economy much more broadly than that, well beyond real estate, what you actually find is you kind of get a broadly similar relationship across the economy more broadly, where on the one hand, You have a set of actors, which is typically corporations, who own assets to which ordinary people in their everyday life need access or need to use them in some ways. Things like infrastructures, for example, telecommunications infrastructures, transportation infrastructures, and so on and so forth.

12:52And so what we find across the economy more generally is that essentially we have people who have no control over those assets but need to use those assets, essentially paying what amount to rent to this small number of corporations. And the point I've tried to make about private equity and housing, as you say, is the main example I use of this, has been that if you look at what's been happening in recent decades, growing amounts of basic housing are controlled not by individual owner occupiers, so not by people that own their houses themselves, not by government, you know, municipalities, local authorities owning housing and letting it at affordable rates to tenants, but rather by these kind of anonymous investment institutions of which private equity companies are the best example, whose business model is essentially to buy that housing, put up rent as quickly as they possibly can and as high as they possibly can, while minimizing the amount of money they spend on kind of maintaining those properties, and then selling them a profit as quickly as they feasibly can.

14:07And so, yeah, this has been happening around the world. But there are a certain number of countries where it's been a particularly noticeable and important phenomenon. The US is one, Spain is another, Germany is another for all sorts of different historical reasons and i guess what's interesting about these private equity companies in particular is what they are is what their business model are and essentially what these are is to simplify a complex story is these are companies that are investment companies but what's particular about them is that they are not investing their own money basically they are they are taking money that is given to them by wealthy investors that can be institutional investors or kind of high net worth individuals.

14:51And they're investing that money on their behalf, including in housing, but not only including in housing. And they earn fees for doing that. And, you know, ideally, they earn, or at least ideally, from their perspective, they earn nice fat profits to their investors, and they earn nice fat fees for doing that. And so this is just one, I think, very kind of striking example of the types of changes that have been happening in the global economy more broadly in recent decades. So I think this is, you know, this is just one phenomenon, but I think it's indicative of the way in which the economy more broadly has been developing, which is towards, as I call it, a rentier type economy.

15:32So there are so many implications of that. And for our listeners, I'd like to ask you a few questions. Actually, I know the answer to some, but I don't to others. What impact does that have on rent? Is that the reason why rents have been going up? So they would say no when they talk to certain constituencies. So for example, when these private equity companies talk to politicians or they talk to the media, their typical story will be this. They'll say, look, yes, we've been buying housing, but across the US as a whole, we only own whatever it is, 1 % of all the house. So of course, we have no power to shape rent.

16:18We just follow the market. That's what we do. However, if you then listen in on their conversations with their own investors, which is to say, with the investors who are buying shares in them or giving them money to invest, they tell a completely different story, which is to say, well, we may only earn 1 % of the whole housing market, but we earn a much higher percentage of the rental market. And then if you look at the particular geographic regions, the particular metropolitan neighborhoods where we're investing, look, we actually own 20 to 30 % of the rental housing in that neighborhood. And that does give us pricing power.

17:01It does give us the ability not to just follow the market, but to make the market and to put up rent higher than we would otherwise be able to do. And that's how they sell their business model to those investors, is that they precisely do have that pricing power. So it depends very much on who they listen to. But I tend to believe the latter story that they tell, which is that they do have that power. The evidence is becoming increasingly compelling. if you look at the different academic studies that have been done, that rents do go up further and faster in neighborhoods where these private equity companies have a strong presence.

17:40And not only that, but eviction rates are also substantially higher in different metropolitan regions of the US in particular, where the studies have been done, where housing is owned by this types of companies than where it is owned by other types of actors. So yes, I think there is a significant implication for tenants in these types of properties. And of course, there's a huge irony here, which is that it's not beyond the bounds of possibility that some of the tenants who are paying these inflated rents, that their retirement savings represents the money that's being used to actually buy that housing right because it's it's the retirement yeah it really is because it's the retirement savings amongst other sources of money that is being given to the private equity companies to invest in these types of assets and so there's this very kind of odd sort of circular relationship about where the money's coming from and what it's actually being used for and this is the important point which i think very very few people are aware of so you may have seen in one of the things I've written, that one of these private equity companies that is very heavily involved in buying up infrastructure, less on the housing side, but more on the infrastructure side to things like toll roads and parking meter systems and electricity networks and so on.

19:07A company called Macquarie, which is actually an Australian company, it's the same business model. It's a private equity business model. It says on its website that around the world about 100 million people every single day use the infrastructures that it owns and pay to use those infrastructures whether it's the roads or whatever else it might be i would wager that almost none of those 100 million people know that it's mccrory that owns those infrastructures or anything about what that business model is as i say this is becoming more and more the way the world works. To explain what you just said in simpler terms, if I were to invest with the ability to buy, say, a thousand homes, I'd buy 800 of them in one neighborhood where there is a school that is needed by someone.

20:02Okay. And so accordingly, if I own 800 of the 1600 homes in that neighborhood, by definition, I own a very small percentage of the real estate of London, say, but 800 of 1600 of that neighborhood gives me complete pricing power and eviction over that neighborhood. And then accordingly, very quickly, if I can raise the rent in that neighborhood, then by definition, the next neighborhood right next to it will rise in price. Because if you can't find here. You'll go to the next one. And accordingly, we're going to take the entire price up. The confusing bit for me is that in a way, of course, the other side of this is that if they mark to market when they report every year, and if the rent yield is 5%, then their property value is also increasing as the rent increases.

21:00But then the continuation of their business is about buying more properties for cheap. I think this whole trend started post-2008 where they brought up a lot of the foreclosures that happened in the economic crisis. How does that then work against them when prices continue to grow up? Yeah, it's a good question. I think my reading of what happened is this, which is this was happening before 2008. So private equity had been buying housing, not least in the States, since the early 1990s. But it really took off after the housing crisis. There was definitely a kind of a step change in the amount of investing that was going on.

21:38And as you say, a lot of that had to do with the fact that suddenly you had a huge foreclosure crisis, you had 10 million households or something across the US that were foreclosed upon. And that property suddenly became available, not just very, very cheaply, but also in kind of foreclosure hotspots, these geographical hotspots that made it really attractive because they became able to buy housing not just kind of you know that was dispersed everywhere but it was precisely in this clustered patterns that are particularly attractive for the reasons you say when i've read about this and thought about it my impression was that a lot of the companies that did this thought it would be kind of a one-off opportunity they thought look we'll kind of make hay while the sun is shining we'll buy this property cheap the prices are gone we'll sell out and then kind of we'll forget about housing and you know it was nice while it lasted but actually that wasn't what happened because I think what they found was that not only did the market recover and so when they did sell out if they sold out they could make these fat juicy profits because the market had recovered to kind of trend from before the crisis but what they found is that they were able consistently to put up rent and I don't think they had necessarily realized the extent to which they would be able to do that.

22:58But here's the thing, which was that what they found was, of course, that they were much more able to put up rent in specific places where there were and are constraints on new supply. And what I mean by that was that they found that they had this disproportionate ability to put up rent where there is no new building technically. And of course, that makes sense, right? Which is if there's no, particularly if these are places which are attractive and the population is increasing and people are moving there for new employment opportunities, if there isn't any new building happening, then in general, all other things being equal, your rents are going to go up.

23:37So again, if you listen to what these guys say, and they are typically guys, not always, but typically, in terms of where they're investing and why, they explicitly say, we look for places that are supply constrained we look for places where there has been and doesn't appear to be the prospect of any new construction taking place and we do so because that maintains the upward pressure and rents now that may or may not strike listeners as interesting but what is interesting is this which is that again you listen to what these private equity companies say when they talk to the media is they say look you know we're part of the solution to the housing crisis because we're going to you know more housing on the market exactly it's a complete nonsense they have no intention of easing supply constraints because that goes fundamentally against their espoused business model their business model is the absolute opposite of that they invest in supply constraints rather than investing in resolving those supply constraints.

24:49And so I think that's what happened, which is they figured out that actually we have all these tight housing markets around the world. There's all sorts of opposition to new construction, whether it's from NIMBY constituencies or whatever else. We're going to kind of exploit all the opportunities we can to buy housing in these places where there is no new building coming on screen. And that basically means that when one area is expensive enough and they've created this sort of supply-demand imbalance that's pushing the rents up and they want to continue to invest, they'll just go and invest in another area where this hasn't happened.

25:27Absolutely. Yeah, absolutely. So not being a conspiracy theorist, they clearly benefited from the economic crisis of 2008, But they didn't cause it. We know that the economic crisis of 2008 is a CDO driven. So basically it was a derivatives crisis. It wasn't that people borrowed to buy houses. It was that people borrowed when they didn't have the credit or capability to pay back and that those borrowings were instrumentalized, if you want, into instruments that were sold. too complex to talk about now. Maybe we should at a point in time. But basically, do you believe that it's in their benefit that we get economic cycles where housing goes down and then goes up again?

26:11Or does that work against their balance sheet? I actually don't have an answer to that. I think in general it is in their interest. I say that for a couple of reasons. So the first is that they have a far greater ability than other types of owners they have a disproportionate ability to ride out cycles because they are you know incredibly well capitalized actors they're very they're typically diversified so you know blackstone for example which is which is a big a big player in this space doesn't just invest in real estate it invests in you know all sorts of other things as well. And so if there's a down cycle in real estate, it can lean on the other parts of its business to essentially, you know, to support any sort of short term losses that might arise in the real estate business, whereas an ordinary homeowner doesn't obviously doesn't have that luxury.

27:07So they definitely have the ability to ride out cycles that others don't have. And then the second thing is they also have the ability to exploit those cycles in a way that others don't have. So again, go back to what happened in around 2011, 2012, in the wake of the crisis, when all that relatively cheap stock from foreclosures was coming on the market. You could say, well, why didn't other ordinary homeowners buy up that stock? Well, the answer, of course, is that they couldn't. There was high levels of unemployment. Banks had tightened up lending criteria in the wake of the foreclosure crisis that made it much more difficult for ordinary households to buy housing.

27:50So suddenly there was all this stock available relatively cheaply, but very few constituencies that had the financial wherewithal to soak it up. Even if you did, you never really could take the risk of timing the bottom of the market. So, you know, even if you had, the only way you can take that risk is if you know you can determine the bottom if you buy enough. By buying enough, you turn the market around. Yes, exactly. And then, of course, the other thing is that the Blackstones and the Black Rocks have incredibly intimate and deep relationships with the Treasury and with government more generally.

28:26And so they're having constant conversations about monetary policy and quantitative easing back in the day. And so it was pretty easy, I would say, for them to figure out when the bottom of the market had been reached when it got to the point that the Treasury basically said, we'll do whatever it takes to prevent things from getting worse. And so, you know, one of the points I've tried to make in my writing, not just in relation to this particular phenomenon, but I think this particular phenomenon is something that shows it as well as anything else, is that, you know, these types of actors, the Blackstones and so on, are so often portrayed as these kind of great risk takers, these entities that are sort of making gargantuan rewards because they're taking gargantuan risks.

29:09The reality is that that's typically simply not the case. Again, if you listen to what they're saying, they say that they do everything in their power to actually avoid risk. They're very risk averse actors. What they're very, very good at actually is offloading risk and distributing risk to other parties in the investment chain. And so the rewards that they get are not for risk taking. On the contrary, they're rewards for displacing risk onto other counterparties. And then I think the housing investment example is a classic example of that. Can I ask you then for our listener, what do we do in an environment like this?

29:49I mean, it's always been everyone's dream to sort of adult and buy a house. And, you know, it's becoming quite difficult for the average salary to actually own a property in big cosmopolitan cities like London, New York, almost impossible. Yeah, it is. And obviously, it would definitely be wrong to suggest that that's solely the responsibility of the involvement of the private equity companies. I think that, you know, there's all sorts of other important factors that play into that, not the least of which, in my view, at least, I would say that two other very, very significant factors, which are connected to what we've just been talking about, but I think need to be discussed separately.

30:36The first of those is that until two years ago, you had a couple of decades of unbelievably low interest rates, which obviously and coming on top of deregulation and liberalisation of mortgage markets around the world, which made it just so much easier and so much cheaper for people to borrow to get into the housing market. You also, in almost all of the cities where we're talking about extreme degrees of unaffordability, you have pretty restrictive planning regulations and often zoning regulations that prevent new building. And then last but not least, we have a development sector for housing now in the world, which is completely dominated by private interests.

31:23Governments have almost entirely exempted themselves from getting involved in the property development and the residential development process. And it's simply not in the interest of the development industry to develop new housing that is affordable, that is accessible to people on low wages. It's just given land costs and all the rest of it, their interests are in, to the extent that they have interest in providing new housing, it's not for those who genuinely need that housing. So, again, there are lots of reasons for where the world is ending up at in housing terms. I mean, my, you know, I have a relatively simplistic, I think, take, not simplistic, but simple or straightforward take on these matters.

32:06I think that it's, I would say there are two underlying problems that you can't kind of get beyond if you want to think in terms of the situation improving anytime soon. I think the first of those is what I would refer to as kind of the ideology of home ownership. If we continue to live in a society where renting is seen as kind of a second class lifestyle, and if the media and politicians continue to portray it that way, then of course, you're always going to have this underlying excess demand for home ownership, which on the one hand, which puts prices up in the home ownership sector. And on the other hand, means you get underinvestment in the rental sector, precisely because it's deemed to be this kind of inferior tenure that people don't want to live in.

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32:53And then I think the second thing is something I mentioned earlier, which is there's no coincidence in the fact that problems around housing affordability, both on the ownership side and the rental side, have become considerably more pronounced during the period of time where, as I said, governments have exempted themselves from being active participants in that process. So if you look around the world, if you look at the UK, you look at Sweden, where I live, you look at Germany, you look at France, you look at Canada, from the beginning of the 1980s, governments basically said you know we capitalism will take over neither neither nationally or locally are we going to be in the business of building new housing and managing new housing and we're going to leave it to the private sector on the premise that the private sector can do this kind of more efficiently and more affordably and so on and there's no coincidence that those two things have occurred at the same time there's a direct link between them that's a very very interesting question, really, because if you want to think of the extremes, a democracy will say we're enabling the people to do what they can.

34:02Capitalism is part of this. You know, the government taking over and building all the houses is communism. And in a very, in a very interesting way, I think the Western societies have chosen to stay as far away from that as possible, but in a way also forgetting that it's not my job as a capitalist to solve the people's problems. It's, you know, it's my declared responsibility as a capitalist to maximize shareholder return. So there must be a middle point somewhere where... Well, let me kind of come back with one immediate thought in response to that. I mean, I think one of the really interesting things right about the kind of prevailing ideology that we've been kind of touching on here and there and what we've talked about so far is that it's actually so at least when it comes to the question of government investment and so on it's actually so far removed from what was written by the person who many people who would have espoused that ideology would see as kind of the founding father of their doctrine, which was Adam Smith, right?

35:16If you go back and read The Wealth of Nations, he has a long section when he's talking about things like housing and infrastructure. And he says, look, this is a classic case, this will be a classic case in capitalist societies of what we call market failure, by which he meant that it will often not be in the interest of private capitalist actors to provide provide public infrastructures, including but not limited to housing, because there won't be profits in doing that. And in those cases, we should and must rely upon governments to do these things in providing what he called public works more generally.

35:54So Smith was completely aware of that. And it was that thinking, of course, that was central to, for example, the New Deal under Roosevelt in the 1930s and 1940s in the US, where investment in infrastructure was publicly funded and it was publicly owned infrastructures. But we've just kind of come so far away from that. And as I say, the kind of the disjuncture between those kind of original arguments from the likes of Smith and the arguments we hear today about, you know, none of this should be something that governments are doing has become huge. Yeah, which I think is, again, I mean, I go back to the people.

36:33So are you saying now that the government's not providing this and that the private sector's sole interest is to continue to increase their profitability, that maybe the individuals should just accept that rent is going to be their reality and that the economy is turning the other way around? I think whether or not individuals should or can or do accept that, I think that is the reality. And the two best examples of that, I think, are firstly the one we've been talking about, which is housing. But I think the other one is the one I focus on the newer book, The Price is Wrong, which is renewable energy generating infrastructure.

37:13So I mean, in both what we see around the world today, with a few exceptions, of which China is easily the most interesting and important example, is that in both those cases, so housing on the one hand, and solar and wind power on the other. In both of those cases, what governments are saying is this. They are saying, firstly, we need much more of both of them. There's innumerable instances of policymakers around the world saying, look, we have this huge infrastructure gap, both on the housing side and on the renewable energy side. We need huge amounts of investment. That's the first thing they're saying.

37:54But the second thing they are consistently saying is that we, the government, it's not our job to do those things. It's not our job to finance this and or therefore to own and control these types of infrastructures. It can and must be left to the private sector. And the reason for that is, and this is them talking, not me, is A, the private sector is better at doing it than governments are. So governments have kind of persuaded themselves that they're not. Maybe, maybe, particularly if the expertise has been hollowed out of the public sector, then that is probably true. But they're saying, first of all, the private sector is better.

38:35But secondly, we don't have the money to do it. I mean, this is classic kind of fiscal conservators and fiscal orthodoxy, which is that we need to tighten our belts and we can't be borrowing because the bond markets will punish us, will put up the cost of our debt if we start investing willy nilly in these types of infrastructures. And so that's the reality we face in the world today, which is that we are essentially relying on private capitalist interests to solve both the housing crisis and the climate crisis. And as I say, that is true pretty much everywhere in the world, apart from, I think, in terms of significant exceptions, China.

39:15And I guess on the climate side, the whole argument of the book that I make is basically that, well, it's not really working. And it's not really working for a simple reason, which is that in general, investing in solar and wind farms is not a particularly profitable, not particularly attractive business. And therefore, this will not do it to the extent that we want and need them to, simply because the economic incentives for them to do that are not sufficiently there. Can you explain this a little more? I mean, one of the areas I've been really pondering is, you know, I live here in Dubai. In Dubai, there are two telcos.

39:53So theoretically, there is competition. But there isn't. Right. If you think of a utility, I have one utility company that provides gas to my apartment for my, what do you call that? Is gas the right word? You know, to light my cooker and so on. Yeah, gas. So where's the competition in that? There may be six of them in Dubai or three or whatever. I don't know. But there is one that has the pipes to my apartment building. So it's zero competition, whatever they told me to do. And they did say quite insane things like change this and do that and pay for this and do that. I had no choice if I wanted to make a cup of tea.

40:32So it seems to me that the private business that runs a utility, including electricity, has no incentive to invest because they can just hike the prices up. Yeah, that's a really important point. I mean, let me say two things in response to that. And the first of those is a more general point. And then the second of them will be more specific to the types of business you're talking about, which is like utility businesses. So the more general point is that, you know, and again, this will come as a surprise, I think, to many people. But the evidence is pretty compelling that in general, capitalist enterprises do everything they can to avoid competition.

41:12Their preferred situation will always be oligopoly or always better or even better monopoly, because monopoly power is far and away the most reliable source of enduring above average profitability. Lots of competition typically sees that above average profitability being competed away. And so the great, I think he was Austrian, was he? Joseph Schumpeter, the economy, he used this lovely term where he described actually existing competition within the capitalist economy as what he called like co-respective behavior. So very often capitalists kind of on the surface, it looks like they're competing, but actually they're being co-respectful of one another, which is to say that behind the scenes, they're actually not necessarily competing.

41:58And, you know, one of the best examples of that, one of my favorite examples, which I discuss at length in the Rentier Capitalism book, is banking, retail banking, and particularly lending, both lending and the deposits business. So what happens, for example, when central banks put up interest rates and therefore increase the cost of borrowing to banks is that banks immediately pass on those interest rate increases to mortgages, to people that are borrowing from immediately on the same day those interest rates go up. But one thing that's very interesting is they don't immediately put up the savings rate that they give to depositors.

42:41There's always a lag in kind of days, weeks or months before they eventually and reluctantly put up those savings. And that lag, that delay translates into millions and sometimes billions of dollars of excess profit. And then when central banks decrease interest rates, which is what they're typically doing now, you get the exact obverse. So immediately they will decrease the savings rates on their deposit account the very same day, whereas the rates at which they will enable mortgages and other borrowers to borrow from them, they don't come down. And again, it's just entirely co-respective behavior where the banks know that one another are not going to kind of lead the pack in kind of following those interest rate changes from the bank.

43:32And it just leads to these repeated periods of excess profitability because the banks know that that's what one another are going to do and none of them kind of steps out of line. So it's this kind of co-respective behavior in general. That's the more general one. The more specific point about kind of utility type businesses is that obviously things like electricity, things like gas, things like water and wastewater rely upon the delivery of services through networks to people's homes, pipes and wires and so on and so forth, where it makes no sense for there to be more than one such network because it's just a duplication of cost.

44:13So this is what economists call a natural monopoly. And again, back to Adam Smith. Adam Smith's view was that, again, in those types of instances, that's where the public sector should be doing these things. Because if it's a natural monopoly, then, of course, if you hand it over to private sector interests, you're going to end up with monopoly type behavior, which is putting up prices as far and as rapidly as you possibly can. So you might ask that, and again, maybe this is a bit of a tangent, but you might ask the question, why from the 1980s onwards did governments around the world take these types of utility sectors, which at that point were largely in the hands of the public sector, electricity, gas, water and wastewater, and privatise them?

44:59well they in their wisdom they thought that regulation could stand in for competition so they were aware that and for the most part in things like electricity and water and gas you couldn't have competition because it was a natural monopoly but they said okay we're not going to be able to have competition so how are we going to be able to keep prices down how are going to be able to incentivize companies to invest in their networks when competition isn't going to kind of discipline them into doing so they said oh regulators are the answer we'll have regulators for each of these sectors who will kind of keep the companies on their toes make sure that they're investing make sure that they're not overcharging customers but of course regulators dismally fail at doing that not least because they get captured by the very companies that they're supposed to be regulating.

45:54Yeah, I mean, it makes sense that if I am in a business of selling water bottles and then government says, no, water is important for the community, you cannot sell the water bottles for more than 2 % profit, I'll simply say, okay, I'll go sell something else, right? The freedom here is, if I make money, I'll stay. If I don't, you know, this is someone else's problem. That's exactly right. And what you therefore see is, and the water industry in the UK is a classic example. 100%. It's in a shambolic state at the moment. And so periodically, the government and the industry regulator, which is an entity called Ofwad, will come out and say, look, we know consumers have been charged too much.

46:43We know that the companies that have these regional monopolies are not undertaking the investment and the maintenance that they should be. And that's why we've got these terrible leaks. Effluent is being discharged into rivers and so on. And they say, OK, we know this is happening. So we're going to toughen up our regulation. We're going to toughen up regulation. We're going to make it harder for these companies to kind of abuse the consumer. And you know what happens? The next day, the companies come out in the media and say, we'll stop investing. We're going to take our money and just go to another country if you toughen up the regulatory regime and the government goes oh okay then we better not do that after all and of course the reason that governments are in that quandary where they can't toughen up regulation for fear of scaring investors away is that they've discounted the possibility of public ownership if you as a government are not willing to say look if you don't do this the way that we think it should be done, we'll do it ourselves, then you've lost all your negotiating leverage.

47:48Correct. I want to go back to that idea of housing, because when you said that, I don't know if you wrote about this, when you spoke about housing and the idea that you can manipulate pricing if you own enough of it, I found out that BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street own 88 % of the S &P. Did you know that? They own a very significant share. I don't know what the number is, but yeah, they do. 28 % of the S &P and they own the majority of the Dow 30. And suddenly it hit me so strongly why since the year 2000, when those markets should have absolutely collapsed, right? Is there ever going to be a market collapse if three players can agree between them not to sell?

48:33I mean, it's not an economic market anymore. It's not capitalism anymore. Again, it's sort of like a friendly monopoly. First of all, what do you think of that? Is that crazy what I'm saying here? So here's the thing, right? One thing that I think it's important for people to think about is that we're talking about there is a whole array of different business models here. And the way in which the kind of black rocks of this world operate is actually quite different from the way in which Blackstones operate. So the likes of Blackstone are very active investors. When they invest in things they typically take majority or controlling shares in whatever it is they're buying whether that's an apartment block or a private company or whatever or a network of solar farms or whatever and they're very actively involved in managing that asset and setting pricing for the delivery of associated services and so on so they're very active investors and they typically hold those assets privately rather than those assets being listed on public markets.

49:34The Blackstones and the Van Goghs and the State Streets are very different entities. They are, for the most part, passive investors. And what I mean by that is that the funds through which they invest are typically what are called index tracking funds, which as I'm sure you know, but perhaps lots of listeners don't know, simply means that those funds automatically make investments, which means that their investments replicate a particular index, like the S &P 100. So for example, if Microsoft represents 2 % of the total value of a particular stock market index, then that BlackRock or Vanguard fund, 2 % of it will be invested in Microsoft, yes.

50:20And so they'll replicate the index. And they are very passive investors in that sense. And so they merely track the indices and the way they make money is different. So their fees are actually very, very low. And so it's a volume business. So what they try to do is attract as much money as possible, but charge relatively low fees on that. Whereas Blackstone, it tracks much less money, but charges much higher fees because it's much more actively involved in doing the investing. Now, I say all of that because there's actually a big debate out there. And I'm not really sure where I sit in this debate on the question of how we should think about the kind of black rock state street vanguard model.

51:02So some people say, and I think this is what you were hinting at, what some people say is, look, it's crazy that so much of the economy, so much of the capitalist enterprise in its totality is owned by just these three companies. crazy because they can kind of collude with one another between them they can kind of dictate to the boards of these companies what they are or aren't doing if they own collectively so much of the share cap that's one argument the other argument kind of follows on from what i was just saying which is about this fact that they are relatively passive investors so think of it this way blackrock owns shares i don't know in like 20 000 different companies and so some people will say that the idea that they are kind of like actively worrying about what each of those companies are doing and that they're kind of talking to the state streets and the vanguards about what those companies are doing is actually a bit far-fetched because if you look at the number of people employed at BlackRock who are actively engaging with those companies it's like a handful there's not many people that actually do it and so there's that counterpoint which says yes the likes of BlackRock are powerful but their power consists not in their ability to control what the companies they invest in are doing but here's their power their power exists much more in terms of their ability to influence policy makers by virtue of the fact that they control so much money and I personally tend to lean more in that direction I actually don't think that they and the state streets and the vanguards are kind of like behind the scenes kind of controlling what all these companies do through their collective shareholdings i think their power is much more in terms of the ability to influence policy making by virtue of their sheer weight in the economy and the fact that you know one of the things that's interesting today is if you read, you know, who are the companies who have the ear of government, who are the financial institutions that have the ear of the Democrat and Republican parties in the US, it's not the Goldman Sachs and the Morgan Stanleys anymore.

53:16It's the Black Rocks and the State Streets. Of course, 100%. They are in that same space those others were in the 1950s and 60s and so on, right? Exactly. Exactly. Yeah, absolutely. That's right. I'm aware of your time. And so I don't want to take too much of it. But when you write a book that's titled Who Owns the Economy, who owns the economy? Yeah, I mean, my argument is that it's precisely those types of actors we were thinking about in particular asset management companies. So that's the generic term that encompasses both the Black Rocks on the one hand and the Black Stones on the other. They're all asset managers.

53:56And there's a very good reason that they essentially, quote unquote, own the economy, which is that the vast bulk of surplus capital, surplus money, money available for investment around the world today is managed by them. And that is something that's very, very new historically. That is something that has occurred principally since the 1970s. Before that time, that absolutely wasn't true. What you need to think about here, I think, is two different things. The first of all is like, who has surplus capital? Well, pension funds have huge amounts of surplus capital available for investment. Banks, insurance companies have huge amounts of surplus capital.

54:42So we all pay premiums for life insurance, health insurance, road insurance, whatever, motor insurance, whatever it might be, because we are worried about the risk of things occurring which we can't afford. So, of course, we pay all these premiums, but the insurance companies sit on those premiums until they need to pay it out, and they invest those premiums. So that's surplus capital. And then, of course, one of the biggest ones that's become much more important in recent decades is sovereign wealth funds. So the governments of Norway and Saudi Arabia and Dubai, where you're based, They all have huge sovereign wealth funds, which are typically based on oil and gas taxation.

55:27Now, in all those cases, the sovereign wealth funds, the pension funds, insurance companies, and so on, go back to the 1960s. To the extent that those different entities existed, they tended to invest that money themselves. So they would decide where to invest that money. So pension funds would simply carry out that investment themselves. But what's happened in recent decades is that the proportion of that surplus capital that is handed over to asset management companies, the Black Rocks and the Black Stents, to be invested by them has increased and increased and increased and increased. And I don't know what the number is today, but it's probably something like 80%, whereas in the 1960s, it was probably like 5%.

56:11So if you're looking at who controls surplus capital around the world today, Who controls the capital that can be invested in capitalist enterprise? It's asset managers. So they, one way or another, have become the dominant financial institutions in the world. Very true. Once again, I mean, the reason why I am doing this mini-series is not to tell our listeners that there is injustice in the world. I think everyone knows that. Okay. There are ways that are not accessible for everyone to make money. Once again, my real question, and maybe I have some ideas, but also I'd love to listen to your ideas.

56:53I think the number one thing that people should come out of this conversation with is to understand that there are undercurrents that are not what you're being told around housing is just supply and demand, and it keeps going up. It's not about, you know, the stock market is operating in a certain way. or when the government tells you there will be major projects in sustainable energy that any of that will follow, right? The undercurrents and my conversation with Brett today is to give our listeners a few examples of that, okay? Are things that we should become aware of, that the reality of what makes the economy is not in the headlines of the newspapers, right?

57:36Now, what would be your top recommendation, Brad, to our listeners on things like rent, on things like savings, on things like investments? How do you thrive in an economy that operates the way you see it? Cool. So when you say thriving, you mean in terms of kind of personal? Yeah, financially, economically becoming successful, you know, like playing this game. that's a very interesting question so other than getting a job at an asset manager which which which is which is pretty short pretty much yeah i mean i think i think a few years ago i read in the financial times that the average salary at blackstone was two million dollars a year that was the average yeah not bad um i said other than that i don't necessarily think that the answer to that question has changed enormously in recent decades.

58:32I think it remains the case that for most people, going back to right where we started the conversation around kind of what is capitalism, for most people, there are ultimately two options that are out there. So one is becoming a capitalist oneself, which essentially means entrepreneurialism, developing one's own business, hoping you can get that business funded, and becoming a business owner and a business manager. And in a way, that always has been, by its very nature within capitalism, the way to riches within capitalism is to be a capitalist. It stands to reason. And the very last thing, hopefully you've realized from reading my books, that the very last thing I am is a kind of a moralist on these questions.

59:16The very last thing I ever say to people is, do this, don't do this. We live in a capitalist society. And therefore, by their very nature, most people will end up working within capitalist institutions. That's just the reality of the world. And to do what kind of some people do on the left, which is to kind of impugn people for kind of being a party to capitalists and strikes me as incredibly short sighted, because most people don't have the option but to work for capitalist enterprises, right, or to be capitalist themselves. So that's That's the first thing I would say. What I would then say is that if you are going to be a capitalist, hopefully you can and would want to be a capitalist that doesn't engage in forms of capitalism that are kind of overly exploitative or overly destructive to the environment.

1:00:02I wouldn't encourage anyone to become an oil and gas capitalist, for example, for obvious reasons. So there are better and worse forms of capital centre. That's the first thing. But other than being an entrepreneur and being a capitalist themselves, typically the only other option is to work for one of those companies. And that hasn't changed. And I think that's why I'm always kind of a bit leery of maybe in this series, you'll talk about some of this, but there's big literature out there that now that says, you know, we've gone beyond capitalism, we now live in a kind of a neo feudal or techno feudal society.

1:00:34I always kind of read those things. And I think, well, no, we haven't. The vast majority of people in the world continue to work for what are plainly capitalist enterprises as wage workers for those enterprises. And that hasn't changed, even though the way in which capitalism works and the types of entities which are the disproportionately powerful capitalist actors, which, as I've said today, I think are typically asset managers, that's changed. But the basic reality from the perspective of the ordinary person in terms of how one conducts one life, the opportunities available to one, I don't think they've changed that much.

1:01:11I actually have to say I'm quite intrigued by the idea of techno feudalism myself. For our listeners, basically the fact that you have to pay sort of a little fee on everything that you do. A rent. Yeah, exactly. Right. So it used to be the Lord in the old days and now it's Amazon and Google and Facebook and so on. And others. I mean, the idea that there is a small percentage of your money that will go out every month to those very specific players. I think that's a topic for another day. I will say, however, that I think I'm with you completely because one thing I don't want our listeners to expect.

1:01:50This is the first episode of this series. I don't think we always have solutions. I mean, the idea of this conversation is to say it's not what they told you. So open your mind and try to figure out what the truth is versus what you're being told. But in the process, I think my answer to all that I've learned about the economic, I don't want to call it manipulation, but the stretching of the economics of capitalism in favor of some and not the other. I think my response to it, like you said, you know, nothing has changed is what I call committed acceptances is normally I use committed acceptance as my way of being happy in life, even if life doesn't go my way.

1:02:33The idea of recognizing this and understanding that you may actually end up more and more in a rentier economy and redesigning your life in a way that allows you to benefit from that. Maybe increasing, if you can't increase your social mobility, increase your geographic mobility so that you can always fall in a place where don't get too stuck to your home if it continues to go up. I personally had a story in 2021 when, you know, Dubai was just booming post COVID and my apartment, little apartment at the time doubled in rent. Even though I could afford it, I just didn't want to play that game and I moved to another place.

1:03:12Right. And I think that kind of mobility, that kind of awareness that rent is going to continue to be on the rise and that home ownership might not be what it used to be in the 50s, 60s, you know, 70s. And I think that flexibility of being aware of what's happening and responding to it, the idea that if the vanguards and state streets and Blackstones are investing in the SNP, then invest in the SNP alongside them, right? There is no revolution here. If you live in a capitalist economy, there is a realization of what the economy is all about so that you can actually benefit from it and play to your favor.

1:03:48Yeah, yeah, I don't disagree with that. Brett, I'm really, really grateful. I hope that you continue to do what you do. I think this is very eye opening. I don't think guys, I don't think we gave enough time to The Price is Wrong. This is an incredibly powerful book and I really encourage you to read it. It is technical, but not too technical for everyone to read. So you will get the idea. And I think it's really important to recognize it so that we don't rely on government in ways that actually is not the way that things are rolling out when it comes to climate change. I know that you have another thing to do, brother, and it took way too much of your time.

1:04:23But I'm really very grateful. It was my pleasure. It was a wonderful conversation. Thank you. Yeah, well, thank you. I really enjoyed it. And I'm grateful to you for having me on. It's been excellent. Thank you. And for all of you listening, this is really my big gift in the closure of my podcast, Before I Take a Short Holiday, is the idea of giving you things to think about. Today, we spoke about how the reality of home equity is changing, the reality of how investment is changing, the reality of what capitalism sometimes promises but doesn't deliver on. And I think an understanding of those things requires more of your attention.

1:05:01It's a topic that is important. I'll bring another guest, hopefully maybe two on the topic of economics, but I definitely encourage you to read Brett's work and just investigate those topics a little more. slow-mo has always been about giving you a tiny bit of time every week to reflect on topics that you don't normally have the time to reflect on i think the economics of our world is definitely one of them so give it a bit of your attention i love you all for listening and i will see you next time

From the publisher

Welcome to the very first episode of the new series, "It's Not What They Told You." In this series, Mo Gawdat unpacks the hidden truths behind the systems that govern our lives. In the first episode, Mo is joined by Brett Christophers, a brilliant political economist and professor who's spent years exploring the gritty realities of capitalism, finance, and housing. In this conversation, they dig deep into why your rent keeps going up, who really benefits from housing market crashes,...

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