Jon Stewart on the Perilous State of Late Night and Why America Fell for Donald Trump

31 Oct 2025 · 46 min

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The New Yorker Radio Hour: Episode Summary

Episode Title

Jon Stewart on the Perilous State of Late Night and Why America Fell for Donald Trump

Host

David Remnick

Guest

Jon Stewart

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Episode Overview In this episode, recorded live at The New Yorker Festival on October 26, 2025, Jon Stewart, a prominent figure in political comedy, discusses the current challenges facing late-night comedians, the role of media in modern politics, and the reasons behind Donald Trump's rise to power. The conversation addresses the precarious situation of political satire and the shifting landscape of American media.

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Key Discussions

Current Challenges in Late Night Comedy

  • Shifting Landscape: Compared to the era of George W. Bush, late-night comedians face a more dangerous environment for free speech.
  • Recent Incidents: Jimmy Kimmel faced suspension for remarks about MAGA supporters, highlighting the threats comedians now face from corporate and governmental entities.
  • Stewart's Position: The environment at Comedy Central is also uncertain due to new leadership sympathetic to Trump, raising concerns about creative freedom.

Responsibility of Media and Institutions

  • Critique of Institutions: Stewart emphasizes that not only Trump is to blame for the state of media and institutions; these entities have their own deep-rooted issues. He notes that credibility in media has been lost over time, making it vulnerable to attacks.
  • Democratic Party's Role: Stewart criticizes the Democratic Party for being complacent, likening its Senate to an "assisted-living facility" and arguing it doesn't represent the interests of the populace.

Insight into Trump's Appeal

  • Public Dissatisfaction: There's a broad sentiment that government does not serve its citizens, which aids Trump's narrative that "the system is rigged."
  • Emotional Connection: Stewart notes Trump’s ability to articulate frustrations resonates with many Americans, an insight he suggests Democrats have failed to counter effectively.

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Major Themes

Media and Freedom of Speech

  • The episode highlights how freedom of expression is under threat, with comedians acting as a visible manifestation of broader societal issues.
  • Stewart discusses the importance of satire and its historical role in democracy, suggesting that its suppression can be a precursor to more significant issues.

Political Analysis

  • Stewart presents a nuanced view of the political landscape, noting that the rise of Trump reflects deep dissatisfaction with both political parties and their failure to connect with the electorate.

The Role of Social Media

  • He examines how social media amplifies outrage and hostility, which distorts public discourse and complicates political communication.
  • Stewart argues that the digital world contrasts sharply with the analog world of traditional governance, leading to significant disconnects in political engagement.

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Key Quotes

  • "You don’t compromise on what you do. You do it till they tell you to leave."
  • "Credibility is not something that was just taken. It was also lost."
  • "Suppression creates opportunity... a populace that is thirsty for inspiration and leadership."

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Closing Remarks The episode concludes with Stewart expressing a hopeful yet realistic view of the future, emphasizing the importance of integrity and the necessity for new leadership in the political landscape. He encourages action and engagement rather than complacency in the face of adversity.

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Production Credits

  • Producers: Max Balton, Adam Howard, David Krasnow, etc.
  • Theme Music: Composed and performed by Meryl Garbus of Tune Yards.

Next Episode Release: New episodes drop every Tuesday and Friday.

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This summary encapsulates the key discussions and themes from the podcast episode featuring Jon Stewart, shedding light on the intersection of comedy, media, and politics in today's America.

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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

0:02This is the New Yorker Radio Hour, a co-production of WNYC Studios and The New Yorker. Welcome to the New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remnick. In September, right after Jimmy Kimmel was suspended from his late-night talk show, Jon Stewart went on the air with a special episode of The Daily Show. From Comedy Central, it's the all-new government-approved Daily Show with your patriotically obedient host, Jon Stewart. The joke, of course, was that they'd done a full rebranding and the high style of MAGA was on display. Flags flying, jet fighters soaring, the studio slathered in gold, and the desk is gigantic.

0:47Stewart, in a red tie, looks like he's going to lose his lunch. We have another fun, hilarious, administration-compliant show. he's so anxious he's actually twitching coming to you tonight from a real shithole the crime-ridden cesspool that is new york city it is a tremendous disaster like no one's ever seen before someone's national guard should invade this place am i right

1:24That night was a real reminder of why after 25 years plus, we still very much need Jon Stewart on the air. But compared to his early years on the show, the era of George W. Bush, this is a much more dangerous time for late night and for speech and for America. Kimmel nearly lost his job over a remark about MAGA in the wake of Charlie Kirk's murder. The head of the FCC threatens broadcasters in a tone that sometimes sounds a lot like a mob boss. This administration supports free speech only insofar as it agrees with that speech. And Stewart is not too far from the hot seat himself. Comedy Central is now controlled by David Ellison, the Trump-friendly CEO of Paramount Skydance.

2:10So I sat down to hash this all out the other day with Jon Stewart at the New Yorker Festival. Hello. John Stewart. How are you? I love it. I am so pleased to have John Stewart here. Me too. I'm delighted. This is a man of New Jersey. Can I hear it for the people? That's it? That's it? That's the appropriate level of respect. A few cheers, a couple of boos, most people indifferent. I understand. I've lived there. I want to begin by reminding you of what happened not long ago when Jimmy Kimmel was tossed off the air. You had to come up with a response to something very serious. And I want to know if you, and by the way, you weren't alone.

3:10Colbert also did, John Oliver also. So was there any sense of coordination or conversation in how you would do this? No, we don't even, I don't even have their numbers. I don't know. No, we do have a text chain that goes along. I think everybody, look, we all understand it's a luxury. None of us are owed a platform or any of those things. But we also understand that it's a meaningful luxury and that there is a certain amount of strength of a society that is able to withstand the smallest of ridicule. and when that goes away when the leadership becomes you know the last time that that happened was uh i have a friend who did a show very similar to mine in egypt and he was exiled and in america we sort of assumed that satire was settled law and uh to find out that it along with dobs were going to be revisiting what we considered stare decisis uh you know it's i think it rattled everyone to some extent, but it also presented great opportunity.

4:12And so I don't know that we've had as much fun as we did that Thursday morning coming up with all the stupid little shit that you see with, I mean, including like gold pictures and red ties and, you know, it, it gave us some purpose. That being said, like, I want to be clear. I don't, the victims of this administration are not the comedians. Like, we are a visible manifestation of certain things, but the victims are the victims, are the people that are struggling to have any voice and are being forcibly removed from streets by, you know, hooded agents. You know, those are the victims of this administration.

4:57You say that this is not the issue, but I, look, I remember when Putin came to power and 2000? Sure. The first thing he did was take a program that was a satirical program about politics called Kukli puppets off the air. And people said, oh, I took the puppets off the air. Within a couple of weeks, the news was off the air. Isn't it possible that this assault, however kind of herky-jerky and back and forth it might be, is tantamount to something else? When 7 million people show up in America on a weekend for anything, I mean, honestly, anything, you know something's going on. And this is, they are attempting to graft, I think, an alien culture onto this country.

5:52We're not Russia and their history of autocracy or dictatorship or those things. That doesn't mean we're not going to be in some kind of soft autocracy where news is controlled. But we have a lot of different avenues. And suppression creates opportunity. And a populace that is thirsty for inspiration and leadership and morality and integrity and lack of corruption, that's fertile ground for that opportunity. so like as bad as this is and it's fucking bad like i knew it would be bad i did not it was think it was gonna be like flesh eating dick cancer bad like i that's that's an i yeah you know how bad it is david ellison that's my new boss paramount yes and not only does he forgive me own your enterprise, he could also affect it.

6:57And he just hired Barry West to run CBS News. So tell me what this means. Well, I wish you would mention that before I went into the dick cancer bed. This is not happenstance. This began with Richard Vigery doing a mail-in to try and get people to be conservative. This began with people buying AM radio stations and converting them to conservative talk radio. This began with Roger Ailes and the Nixon White House going, we will never allow this to happen to a Republican politician again. All of the institutions by which I mean education and media and news and academia and all those things that we relied on as a solid tent post by which to build a decent society on, they were like, yeah, no.

7:49And they built a parallel universe of think tanks and education and media. And so that they could at some point just flip a switch and move us over onto that track. Because what do these institutions have? They are the reference point for our decisions. What do you do? You quote, well, there's a study done by, and you use data and scientific method and other things to try and make as informed a decision as you can. But if you're a political movement that believes that investing those institutions with authority is against your movement, the best thing you can do is build organizations that either tear down the credibility of those institutions or you build your own.

8:41But with respect, John, this is different. This is markedly different. It's one thing to have stages of the plan. The Brookings Institution that was kind of liberal, and then you have the rise of the American Enterprise Institute. It's one thing to have a liberal newspaper and then a conservative newspaper. Fine. Fine. In fact, all the better in some ways. But this is, what's going on now is different, and with respect, you're going to face it potentially with Paramount and The Daily Show. Sure. What do you do? you you don't compromise on what you do and you do it till they tell you to leave that's all you can do that's that's all you can do so i think the line that you gave before was i'm not giving in i'm not going anywhere i think i'm i'm neurotic still i'm not you know Your contract comes up in December.

9:40You're going to sign another one? I mean, we're working on staying. Look, the other thing to remember is it's not as clear cut as all that. In other words, if it's up to you, you're staying. Oh, yeah, sure. Okay. Yeah, yeah, yeah. Yeah. Okay. It's up to me.

9:59How do you think CBS News will be affected? Does evening news even matter at this point? I don't know. In the media sphere that we live in? We are projecting things that we do not know. The ecosystem has changed. The monetization of it has changed. I will tell you this, it is a different ethos. But one thing we have to remember, and this is the hardest truth for us to get at, is that the institutions that we spoke about earlier have problems. They do. And if we don't address those problems in a forthright way, then those institutions become vulnerable to this kind of assault. Credibility is not something that was just taken.

10:37it was also lost. And that is a part of this equation that has to be considered. And the Democrats have to consider that as well. There's a reason Donald Trump came to power. And that is that in the general populist mind, government no longer serves the interests of the people it purports to represent. That's a broad-based, deep feeling. And that helps when someone comes along, he goes, the system is rigged. And people go, yeah, it is rigged. Now, he's a good diagnostician. I don't particularly care for his remedy. Tell me why you think Trump won. Because of that, because of the dissatisfaction of an analog system in a digital world.

11:20The distance between how you feel about the world and the world has never been larger. We are victims of the circadian rhythms of social media. So, and social media is incentivized to what? Not connect us, not, and I've seen the Facebook commercial and yes, it's true. If you do like a certain kind of cat, there will be other people that like that certain kind of cat and you will connect with each other. But the purpose of social media is to keep you on its platform. That's it. They want you on that platform. They want you on there as long as they could possibly have you. And the way that they have rigged our brains to figure it out is that outrage and anger and hate and hostility are much stronger drivers of engagement than anything else.

12:05Now, on the flip side of that, we have a political system designed in the 18, what? It's designed as an analog. What is the Senate? It's the cooling saucer of democracy. And what's Twitter, the thing that makes you want to rip people's eyes out. And you put those together and it's not a good mix. And so he was able to harness the anger and catastrophizing of that as a way of taking over that other thing that we have. And you didn't find Joe Biden and Kamala Harris a good remedy for that in the election? that was called to set up line i thought they were great look what's going on with mandani you know you got you finally got a guy in new york city who is getting people to vote in the affirmative for his positions who is inspiring people and giving a certain amount of leadership and what is the general status quo of the democratic party do with that.

13:14This guy is a communist. Like they go along with the caricature of this man. Look, we're in a bad situation, but it's not just Trump. It's the passivity of the Democratic Party to stick with a status quo that most people felt was not working. in January about a week after uh Trump was inaugurated uh you did a monologue on the daily show that it it was god knows it was critical of Trump but you didn't go after him so much as you went after a lot of his critics or at least the more hypocritical and pearl clutching ones you seem to be saying that instead of crying wolf calling him a fascist for every executive order was to his benefit.

14:07I agree. Do you think you underestimated how bad this would get? No, I stand by it because in that moment, that's how I felt. What I'm saying is the seeds of this destruction were not sown this year. They were sown by Citizens United. They were sown by Corporations Are People. They were sown by a Democratic Party that thinks it's okay for their Senate to be an assisted living facility. Like, respectfully, like, I mean, I could kick the shit out of the Senate.

14:52I don't mean this cynically. I mean this idealistically. I mean this as like, we better get real about this very fast. And it's coming from a perspective of having worked with our government to try and get certain things done. I was stunned by certain Republicans that would tweet out, never forget the heroes of 9-11, versus how they would vote for their medical care. But I was also stunned by the Democratic Party leadership's passivity and being told over and over again, no, no, no, you have to go through regular order. When we have this congressional hearing, I don't want you to be confrontational.

15:33You have to be nice. And then what we hopefully will get to do is put the first responders and the victims of 9-11, we'll be able to put their health care into the transportation bill. Unless Mitch McConnell thinks he wants to trade that for the import-export tax that he really wants on petroleum. And I would go, that's crazy. And so this is coming from a place of, I've lived with this. Well, we're in the middle of a government shutdown, which is a different attitude this time than it was the last time. That's right. Does that make Chuck Schumer any braver now than he was before? No. And you can tell about like what Chuck Schumer has been told is you're losing and people like your glasses to be higher up on your nose.

16:18And so it's what I'm telling you is here's what they're doing with us now. The strategy is authenticity. And suddenly, people in Congress are cursing. Oh, and it seems so natural. When Chuck Schumer curses,

16:40this is a shitty bill.

16:49I'm over it all, man. I'm over it all. And I understand why people wanted to blow it up and why it's so vulnerable to being taken over by a charismatic person that says, I understand how this is done. Like even the shutdown, which I'm glad that they stood up for something, but I still think the ACA is playing the Republican in the corporate game. It's basically just subsidies to insurance companies when what we need is healthcare. And the ACA doesn't give you healthcare. It gives you subsidies to get a coupon that maybe you can take to someone that then they'll give it to you and then there'll still be a deductible.

17:2940 % of people in this country go without things like food because of their medical debt. And so like when the Democrats announce that they got the pharmaceutical companies to out of the grace of their heart, allow us to negotiate the price on 10 different medicines, only 10 and that's a victory when we're subsidizing these motherfuckers by billions of dollars a year? No, no more. I'm done with it.

18:04I'm speaking with Jon Stewart, the comedian, actor, and host of The Daily Show. We'll continue in just a moment. This is the New Yorker Radio Hour.

18:29This is the New Yorker Radio Hour. I'm David Remnick, and I'm speaking today with Jon Stewart. Stewart was hardly the first political comedian on TV, but on The Daily Show, he pioneered something new. He delivered some of the sharpest political analysis on television, interviewing serious newsmakers in a format that was also consistently hilarious. Stewart helped launch the careers of Stephen Colbert, Trevor Noah, John Oliver, and many others. And in bringing journalism or something kind of like journalism to late night entertainment, Stewart upped the game for the entire medium. I'll continue my conversation now with Jon Stewart.

19:12We grew up in New Jersey, but I grew up with another comedian, Bill Maher. I used to play basketball in a driveway with him. He was a local celebrity. You know, there's nothing better than playing basketball with short juice, I have to tell you. Yeah. You can post up on him. We used to have a game at Gary Shandling's house.

19:37Literally, we were like, I think Al Franken might be Pete Maravich. Kevin Nealon would come by and everybody would just be like, what? No! you can't do that yeah and Bill Maher is the is the comic political uh voice of the notion that the biggest problem the Democrats have uh is wokeism how do you respond to Bill's approach to the world well I don't know if that's just Bill's I mean I maybe it's shorthand for it but I wokeism is not something that enters your analysis of things for the most part? No. There is a real pressure that people feel on issues that they don't quite understand, where they don't want to offend, and it can have a censorious effect on discourse.

20:34I've seen it. And the left certainly has their, like when someone says to me, like, pregnant people, I do go, well, it's, I understand, but like, come on. But it doesn't make you crazy. Yeah. If you'd be better to be like pregnant women and Dave, like you don't have to, you know what I mean? Like you don't have to do the whole thing. So yeah, that gets a little out of control. But the idea that that has the same effect on the world as like a rich country that isn't able to give its people health care. That's where I take exception. The one thing I would give him is the most politically effective, so-called the most politically effective advertisement for the Trump campaign was the one about trans people.

21:26You know, she is for them, he is for you. That was extremely effective, unfortunately. Commercial is simple as well. Like, yes, Donald Trump is for you. If you are a convicted sex trafficker who should get transferred to a less bad prison because you're not going to name him. Donald Trump is for you if you have a jet that you will give him. And then or Donald Trump is for you if you give billions to his campaign. And so he will allow you to bypass tariffs and not small businesses. Like my problem is they don't know how to fight that effectively. They do not realize the game they're playing. I don't think in my mind, how do you mean there is a relentlessness and of bad faith to the, uh, social media algorithm.

22:22It's, I'm trying to think like, okay, here's a different analogy. If you go to a restaurant and the food is delicious, it's because they probably like add a little extra bunner or they throw a little salt in there a little umami in there maybe they throw a little sugar in the marinara you know what i mean and like and you eat it and you're like wow that's decadent and beautiful and i would like to come back here but it's still within the realm of what we understand as the earthly tricks we play on each other. But there are guys in lab coats who work for craft, who are figuring out how to take the gland of like a beaver's anus and turn it into strawberry flavoring.

23:10And then there's a bunch of other dudes that are checking the consistency of it and they're designing it to get past the prehistoric reptilian wiring of your brain so that you no longer understand that two bags of chips and a quart of ice cream might not be good for you in the long run. And social media is that. What we do is we communicate and we sometimes use hyperbole and we sometimes use puns and satire and like, totally and all and parody to convey something. and it's cheating a little bit. But social media is ultra-processed speech in the same way that Doritos are food. It's designed to bypass the parts of your brain that keep you off it, that keep you from diving into those holes, from radicalizing yourself.

24:11That's what you're up against. they are designing these things in the lab to bypass our ability to collaborate and cooperate when did these guys get so bad you remember years and years ago always suck ah no but wait a minute we believed or have believed that these guys because they wore jeans and sneakers and they were kind of cool and said things like, don't be evil, and so on and so forth. Isn't that something someone evil would say? It's like Peter Thiel. Peter Thiel is always going on about, Satan, Satan, it could be amongst us. It could be Greta Thunberg. And you'd be like, or it could be a guy who runs a company called Palantir.

25:01But wait a minute, you're forgetting the early part of these guys' career. Mark Zuckerberg when is going to make it possible, Sergey Brin was going to make it possible. If you're sitting in the desert somewhere where you didn't have access to a library, now you could read Shakespeare on your phone. And this was amazing. And he was, everybody was going to be connected and this would democratize the press. Yes. And they believed it. And a large part of us believed it. No, they all want to be the next guy. They all just want to be the next must. They want to be the next person. And look, we suffer from the same thing in that we're people.

25:37Like everything that we have that's great can be weaponized against us. Like nuclear power is the, you know, as Oppenheimer once famously said, what could go wrong? John, you've been on Rogan a couple of times? Yes. What did you think of that experience, being on Joe Rogan? I enjoyed being on Rogan. I think he's an interesting interviewer. You know, there are right-wing weaponized commentators whose sole purpose is to manipulate things to the benefit of the Bannon Project or the Project 2025. Rogan's not that guy. What is that guy? How would you describe him? a curious comic who fell into this thing that got fucking enormous maybe doesn't um has opinions all over the political spectrum but has um tendencies that people on the left does not fit the aesthetic he's a hunter he's had people on who were kind of nazi curious that's not good so i mean i've interviewed kissinger like it's and he was carpet bomb curious like yeah i don't know what to say.

26:48Like, like, it's very easy to castigate those where we're like, but he had an opinion a few years back that's, uh, you know, corrosive. But the difference is when he was carpet bomb curious, you didn't say, Oh yeah, that's awesome. And what happens with Rogan sometimes is he'll hear somebody that's on the dangerous end of the spectrum and he'll just kind to soak it in. And so, and this is, I think this is a great point and it's whoever job who thinks that that information is dangerous to fight, to get their point of view out there, to counter what they think is misinformation. You can't just deputize people to say he should have known better and he should have prosecuted that point.

27:32But the reality is John, is that it might be my job or the New York Times job or even your job, but I don't have the audience that Joe Rogan does. Then get it. Yeah, go get it. Then go on that show. Then do those things. It's not acceptable to just say, well, I don't like what he does. Then do it better. Beat them at their own game. It's not enough to just complain that that guy got a platform and don't platform that guy. There's no one in this world right now that isn't platformed. And my biggest frustration, honestly, with a lot of scientists is they all go, RFK, he's so fucked up. That's terrible information.

28:12Oh, OK. What's the information? Nothing. Where are they? Get out there. Fight. I got in trouble. I was giving an interview to a German magazine. I said I would interview Hitler. And I thought that was kind of non-controversial. Is there anybody that you wouldn't interview? It depends on what the expectation is also for the interview. Because remember, a lot of what we're doing right now is we're falling into that trap that an interview, a good interview will solve the problem. I've been on the side of the good interview. I've been on the side. I interviewed Donald Rumsfeld. I lost more sleep over that interview than he did over the entire fucking war.

28:59And you know what he did afterwards? he wrote me a note saying that was fun yeah yeah yeah do you have any idea how that still hurts he wrote that was fun i bet if we had known each other when we were younger we would have been friends oh oh john what did you think of the recent um the business of comedians going to riyadh and being paid a lot of money what did you think of that i don't touch other people's money and you know it's hard man I want to fix my house I want to operate with integrity but I don't want to gatekeep like I'm not I don't go to the tree of hilarity and get visited by the fathers of and I think a lot of comics who came out and really shit on those guys like I know a couple of them and I know them actually to be like garbage humans so I would have preferred if they would have just come out though and said, it's money and not like, it's a way to start a conversation.

30:00Like, would you have started the conversation for$2 ,500? Well, then that's, you know, that's the difference. Look, I worked for Apple. Like there's a lot of people who believe that Apple is exploitative in a way that's horrific. You know, we all have our lines that we are willing to cross. Like we get into a problem when we're unforgiving in any way, we offer no grace. And that doesn't mean that I don't have lines that I draw that if people cross it, I won't do. But I do try to not be so rigid in the way that I think society has become. And if it goes back to that point - Do you know where the lines are ahead of time?

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30:36No. Because, I mean, as we started the conversation, you're facing a complicated situation at Paramount. Sure. And you know what you won't do, but if you see something else happening in the company, do you know where those lines are? Like with the news? Yeah, they've already done things that I'm upset about. But then if I had integrity, maybe I would stand up and go, I'm out. Or maybe the integrity thing to do would be to stay in it and keep fighting in the foxhole. Like, I love a good argument. I love differing points of view in all facets of things. But I also love grace. I've got people in my family that are to the right of Attila the Hun And when people tell me like how can you platform that person on your show?

31:25I go I platform my uncle every fucking Thanksgiving And by the way, I love him He's a three-dimensional human being who has qualities that I really admire Things about him and we've lost that We've lost the ability to love people because we litmus test at every point, in every single moment. John, you've always struck me as an idealist, an American idealist. And I remember around 9-11, you said the view from your place was the towers. And then you said, now I have a view of the Statue of Liberty. And - It was a terrific terrace, you know. And that was a really idealistic thing to say about America in many ways, small and large.

32:19I believe it. You still do. Absolutely. Absolutely. We, this is, and how can you not believe it? Because think of the amazing people that you see every day. Think of the quiet activism of living pleasantly. There's more good than bad. I always will believe that. I always will believe that the odds are in our favor. Always. I'm talking with Jon Stewart, a conversation that was recorded at the New Yorker Festival. We'll continue in just a moment.

33:08This is the New Yorker Radio Hour, and I'm David Remnick. Jon Stewart has always insisted that he's a comedian, a performer, not a journalist. But a generation of viewers came up saying that they got their news from Jon Stewart. He was also funny enough that, at least early on, he was able to appeal to viewers who didn't always agree with his politics, which skewed distinctly liberal. For people who do agree with those politics, Stewart became a voice of authority, of reassurance in dark times. And back in 2016, some fans really implored him to challenge Hillary Clinton and run for president. And much more recently, the radio host Charlemagne Tha God, who's become something of a Democratic power broker himself, suggested quite seriously that Jon Stewart get in the game for 2028.

33:57He's a celebrity who actually knows what they're talking about. We've seen him get legislation and stuff, you know, passed before. Like, we know where his heart is. He'd be somebody I'd like to see really get in the race and disrupt things in 2028. I'll continue my conversation now with Jon Stewart.

34:19You mentioned idealists in the Democratic Party and figures who are just not up to the task. You mentioned Mamdani for one. Who do you see on a national level who has promise as a national leader that you could get behind?

34:37You have 20 minutes.

34:44Somebody just said you. I thought you were just. Oh.

34:51Have we really gotten to that point? I do understand. You know what is interesting? That's also a function of frustration. A cry of desperation. You know what it is? Because I'm other. I'm none of the above. Years ago, I won a poll that was most trusted newsman in America. The poll was like, it might've been Peter Jennings, Tom Brokaw, Rather, Diane Sawyer, and me. And I was, I'm none of the above. Like, but what a dildo rolled in glitter could have won that poll. I have never in the audiences that come into the show, seen them so thirsty for leadership. and so the none of the above the democratic party is ripe for what happened to the republican party in 2016 the right and but hopefully it will be somebody who uses that power for good and not for self-aggrandizement and not for their own you know gratification as somebody i think this was i think elaine once said to jerry on this show that as someone on the fringe of the humor community.

36:08Do you think Donald Trump is funny? Funny ha ha?

36:17I think he has a performer's cadence and it would be funnier if he didn't also control the army. But what's the gift? Because it's not nothing. There is something that works for him with an audience. What has he got? He knows how to channel the frustrations of an audience. He knows how to read a room. He knows what the room is feeling, and he can articulate it back to them, and they understand it. There is an undeniable connection between him and his audience to the point where the normal rules of engagement don't apply. And the Democrats, unfortunately, continue to be Wile E. Coyote in the Acme, and they think, they always think they got him.

37:10Oh, if he's convicted of 34 felony counts, there's no way he'll win. Oh, we got him now. He just got indicted on. And every time Donald Trump just walks in and goes, meep, meep. so then what what catches the roadrunner what what what puts an end to this uh what catches the roadrunner is to offer something other than not him is to offer something that's not just the negative it's not just negative space we are stuck in a pattern where the democratic party has bought into a an agenda over 40 years that also bought into supply side economics and the general neoliberal vision of how things go and that the only way workers are ever going to get anything is you just got to unionize better.

37:57Just poor people need better lobbyists. They need a coherent vision. For whatever you think of Donald Trump, he presents to his audience a coherent vision. It's not one that I want to live in. It's not one that I think makes America great. It's not one that I think is even endemic to how America ever really was. So this is a question from the audience. John and David, you've both been sounding the alarm about the state of American democracy since 2016. After nearly a decade of saying the sky is falling, do you think that people are hearing you at all?

38:31Why even write that as a question? Dear David and John, why don't you just die?

38:40Why do you even get up in the morning? The thought occurs to me. All day long with the democracy this and that. You got an answer?

38:54It doesn't matter. I control what I can control. It doesn't matter if people, people can say like, do you think what you do is effective? I have no fucking idea. I just do what I have to do. It's, if you don't develop a barometer for morality or integrity for yourself and let that inform how you live, then you're at the whim of what you think other people view you as. And I have no control over that. I have no control over how people view you. Do you think by going into other forms, podcasts in particular, you've reached different audiences? Do you think that you're reaching them in a different way?

39:37I don't know. That's the thing about communication is you don't, I don't know. the only people I talk to live in my house. Do you get what I mean? Like people say like, what's it like to be on TV? And you're like, it's like not being on TV. It's you can see me, but I can't see you. I don't know how I affect you. Like you just don't know. I wish I knew. Or maybe I don't. Like it could, it actually could be hurting. Like I don't know. What's it been like for you to think and talk about what's been happening in Gaza for the last two years? How have you been affected by that? Super fun at Passover.

40:18It's a really fraught and complicated emotional issue, obviously, for a lot of Jews. But again, I try to speak as best I can, in my opinion, as honestly as I can. and if that means upsetting certain people. I'm always open to the conversation. But I have very strong opinions about the horror of what I see over there. On all sides. I'm on Team Human. And I don't think that...

41:00Look, I grew up, man, as David. we were all David not Remnick obviously but but biblical and and I think feeling like David became Goliath was a hard thing to to counsel for myself and a lot of people disagree and I know listen you bring this up and immediately you know you're ignoring in 1954 like I really don't I like I get it but I'm like right now there's death and sadness and starvation and horror. And I just don't, I don't think it's, I don't think it's human. And I don't know what happened. And I don't know how we can do that. And it's a failure of the world. And it's a failure of humanity.

41:51And it's the saddest thing that I can think. And by the way, the same shit's going on in Sudan and in the Congo and in all kinds of other places that don't have access to the kinds of information and light that we see and it's articulated with us and it's going on in ukraine and like you know we're this is it like this is all we got and if we can't figure this out it's it's mind-boggling this being life on earth right yeah i you know you hate to get but like when you get to be older you do start thinking like, oh, I'm going to, like, I won't be here, but. Your kids are in their late teens, 20s.

42:32That I know about. Yeah.

42:39Oh, no, you're right. That is right, actually. Do they watch you on TV? No. They don't even watch me in the house. They don't. Do you have any idea how hard it is to get them to look at you? It's very hard. But I assume if they were in this room, and I know my kids in this room would say, half of this conversation is irrelevant because they're not watching cable TV. Sure. They're not necessarily reading magazine with 10 ,000-word profiles and gag cartoons. You and I operate a blockbuster kiosk inside of Tower Records. There's no question. Yeah. We are definitely like, we're the guys out there who are like, extra, extra.

43:30So yeah, no, they live in a completely different universe. And it gives me hope, and I don't know how you feel about this, but like in the way that social media is like poison to me, right? I'm hoping that the human spirit and the ability to sort of adapt and inure yourself to the new technology, that it won't affect them in the same way that I think it affects me, that it won't be as corrosive. I don't know that that's what it'll be, but I hope that. Final question. Sagittarius.

44:09You're prescient, you're prescient. The Mets. What accounts for your love for the Mets? I'm a loser. And losers love to lose. My family is from Brooklyn and the Bronx. And so my mother's side of the family were Yankee fans. My father's side of the family were... That was my wife.

44:43So what happened was when the Dodgers left to go to L.A., you weren't allowed to flip your allegiance. You just had to wait. And so when the Mets came, that was the... So it was really a birthright more than it was. Well, as a Yankee fan, I wish you all the luck in the world. Jon Stewart, thank you.

45:05Thank you for this. That was lovely. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

45:14Jon Stewart. We spoke last week at the New Yorker Festival, And I want to send a special thank you to our colleagues who put the festival together, including Catherine Sterling, Amanda Miller, Julia Rothschild, Nico Brown, Michael Etherington, and so many more. Thank you to all my colleagues.

45:35The New Yorker Radio Hour is a co-production of WNYC Studios and The New Yorker. Our theme music was composed and performed by Meryl Garbus of Tune Yards, with additional music by Louis Mitchell and Jared Paul. This episode was produced by Max Balton, Adam Howard, David Krasnow, Jeffrey Masters, Louis Mitchell, Jared Paul, and Ursula Sommer, with guidance from Emily Botin and assistance from Michael May, David Gable, Alex Barish, Victor Guan, and Alejandra Deckett. The New Yorker Radio Hour is supported in part by the Cherena Endowment Fund.

46:21I'll see you next time.

From the publisher

Jon Stewart has been a leading figure in political comedy since before the turn of the millennium. But compared to his early years on Comedy Central’s “The Daily Show”—when Stewart was merciless in his attacks on George W. Bush’s Administration—these are much more challenging times for late-night comedians. Jimmy Kimmel nearly lost his job over a remark about MAGA supporters of Charlie Kirk, after the head of the F.C.C. threatened ABC. CBS recently announced the cancellation of Stephen Colbert’s program. And Stewart now finds himself very near the hot seat: Comedy Central is controlled by David Ellison, the Trump-friendly C.E.O. of the recently merged Paramount Skydance. Stewart’s contract comes up in December. “You’re going to sign another one?” David Remnick asked him, in a live interview at The New Yorker Festival. “We’re working on staying,” Stewart said. “You don’t compromise on what you do. You do it till they tell you to leave. That’s all you can do.”  Stewart, moreover, doesn’t blame solely Donald Trump for recent attacks on the independence of the media, universities, and other institutions. “This is the hardest truth for us to get at, is that [these] institutions . . . have problems. They do. And, if we don’t address those problems in a forthright way, then those institutions become vulnerable to this kind of assault. Credibility is not something that was just taken. It was also lost.” In fact, Stewart also directs his ire at “the Democratic Party, [which] thinks it’s O.K. for their Senate to be an assisted-living facility.” “In the general-populace mind, government no longer serves the interests of the people it purports to represent. That’s a broad-based, deep feeling. And that helps when someone comes along and goes, ‘The system is rigged,’ and people go, ‘Yeah, it is rigged.’ Now, he’s a good diagnostician. I don’t particularly care for his remedy.”

This episode was recorded live at The New Yorker Festival, on October 26, 2025. 

 

New episodes of The New Yorker Radio Hour drop every Tuesday and Friday. Join host David Remnick as he discusses the latest in politics, news, and current events in conversation with political leaders, newsmakers, innovators, New Yorker staff writers, authors, actors, and musicians.

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