Why China Is Gaining the Upper Hand in Trump’s Trade War with Arthur Kroeber

22 Oct 2025 · 32 min

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In short

Trumponomics Podcast Notes: Episode - "Why China Is Gaining the Upper Hand in Trump’s Trade War"

Episode Overview

  • Podcast Title: Trumponomics
  • Episode Title: Why China Is Gaining the Upper Hand in Trump’s Trade War
  • Guests: Arthur Kroeber, co-founder of Gavkal Dragonomics and China expert
  • Host: Stephanie Flanders, Head of Government and Economics at Bloomberg
  • Air Date: October 17, 2023
  • Focus: The dynamics of the US-China trade war and the shifting balance of power favoring China.

Key Discussions

Current State of US-China Trade Relations

  • Recent escalations in the trade war following US expansion of export controls:
  • The US expanded its entity list at the Bureau of Industry and Security, which imposes restrictions on companies.
  • China retaliated with restrictions on rare earth exports.
  • The balance of leverage appears to be shifting towards China, which showcases its readiness to utilize economic instruments for power.

Events Leading to Current Tensions

  • Initial progress in negotiations in Madrid regarding issues like TikTok ownership.
  • A subsequent US move to expand the entity list, increasing the compliance burden on companies.
  • Increased scrutiny over US companies selling to Chinese firms, requiring extensive due diligence.

Weaponizing Interdependence

  • The concept of weaponized interdependence suggests both countries are using their economic ties against one another.
  • The US has traditionally relied on its financial systems and technology controls.
  • China has demonstrated its ability to exert pressure through its rare earth dominance and battery supply chain.

China's Strategic Position

  • China’s control over rare earth elements underscores its significance in global supply chains, especially in technology and defense sectors.
  • The notion that US and China have both developed mutually assured destruction capabilities economically, making both sides cautious of escalatory moves.

Economic Impacts on Multinational Corporations

  • Increased compliance burdens and transaction costs for multinationals operating between the two economies.
  • Companies must navigate complex regulatory landscapes, leading to higher uncertainty and planning costs.

Future Negotiations and Strategic Planning

  • Both countries desire a deal, but the nature of the agreement remains unclear, particularly from the US side.
  • China may be more interested in relaxing US technology export controls than in reducing tariffs.

Key Takeaways

  • China's Growing Leverage: The recent trade tensions reveal a strengthening position for China, with the capability to retaliate effectively against US measures.
  • Economic Interdependence: The interdependencies between the US and China have become a double-edged sword, as both nations can cause significant disruptions to each other's economies.
  • Need for Strategic Planning: Multinationals face heightened uncertainty and compliance complexities that require careful strategic planning to mitigate risks associated with US-China relations.
  • Potential for Change in Strategy: Both nations are at a critical juncture where new negotiations could reshape their economic interactions and potentially offer pathways for resolving the ongoing trade tensions.

Conclusion The podcast underscores the evolving nature of the US-China trade war, emphasizing the shifting balance of power and the implications for global economic dynamics. With both nations leveraging their respective advantages, the future of trade relations remains contingent on strategic negotiations and adjustments from both sides.

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Transcript

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0:00Hello, I'm Stephen Carroll. I'm in Brussels where many of Europe's biggest decisions get made. And I'm Caroline Hepker in London with the hosts of the Bloomberg Daybreak Europe podcast. We're up early every weekday keeping an eye on what's happening across Europe and around the world. We do it early so the news is fresh, not recycled and so you know what actually matters as the day gets going. From Brussels, I'm following the politics, policy and the people shaping the European Union right now. And from London, I'm looking at what all that means for markets, money and the wider economy. We've got reporters across Europe and around the globe feeding in as stories break So whether it's geopolitics, energy, tech or markets you're hearing it while it happens It's smart, calm and to the point And it fits into your morning You can find new episodes of the Bloomberg Daybreak Europe podcast by 7am in Dublin or 8am in Brussels, Berlin and Paris On Apple, Spotify, YouTube or wherever you get your podcasts

1:02Bloomberg Audio Studios. Podcasts, radio, news. I think we're going to be fine with China, but we have to have a fair deal. It's got to be fair.

1:21I'm Stephanie Flanders, Head of Government and Economics at Bloomberg. And this is Trumponomics, the podcast that looks at the economic world of Donald Trump, how he's already shaped the global economy and what on earth is going to happen next.

1:38Our focus this week is the big lesson from the latest rounds of the US-China trade wars. The long-term balance of power between the two economies is shifting, and it's shifting in favour of China. Things had gone relatively quiet for a few months, but in the past couple of weeks, the US-China trade war got noisy again. with a tit-for-tat over expanding US export controls and China's then imposition of more sweeping restrictions on its exports of rare earth magnets. There's been the usual talk of escalation and de-escalation from President Trump. As I record this on Friday, 17th October, he's just threatened 100 % tariffs on Chinese goods, but in the same breath admitted that would be unsustainable.

2:24Right now, the president is still set to meet with his opposite number, President Xi Jinping of China at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit in South Korea later this month, APEC. I bet that meeting will be on and off again many more times before you hear this and certainly before they sit down. But whatever happens around that table, we may already have seen a permanent shift in the power dynamic between them due to the simple fact that the Chinese have shown not only that they have leverage in this trade fight with the US, but they're prepared to use it. That's why I very much wanted to talk to this week's guest, Arthur Kroeber.

3:03Arthur co-founded the China-focused research service Dragonomics in Beijing in 2002. It's now called Gavacal Dragonomics and he's the research director. He's also the author of China's Economy, What Everyone Needs to Know. I'd describe him as the China expert other China experts go to for a deeper take. Arthur, thanks so much for taking the time for us. My pleasure.

3:39There's, as ever, the noise and the signal. And one reason you are so widely read on China is you're very good at telling the difference between the two. But maybe we should spend a little bit of time on the noise of the past few weeks. For those who lost track, who started it? You could go back to the beginning of time in the, you know, who went first kind of thing. I don't think that's super fruitful. But I think the sequence of events that we've seen recently is, number one, about a month ago, negotiators met in Madrid. They had what seemed to be a pretty productive meeting. They seemed to come up with a set of ideas for resolving the ownership of TikTok, which was a big issue.

4:15And the Chinese side seemed to indicate that there was kind of a wider set of discussions on, you know, investment flows more generally. And we seem to be heading towards a meeting between Trump and Xi at the APEC summit at the end of this month where they would move the ball forward. Seemed to be good. Then what happened is at the end of September on the 29th, the Bureau of Industry and Security at the U.S. Commerce Department issued a set of rules expanding its so-called entity list, which is a list of foreign companies that if you want to sell stuff to them, you have to get an export license.

4:49It's kind of a blacklist or a graylist or a darklist. And this did two things. One is it said any company that is at least 50 % owned by a named company on the entity list is automatically deemed to be on that list. So it captures a whole bunch of subsidiaries that previously could kind of fly under the radar. And you can understand why they would want to close that loophole. That seems fairly sensible. But as a practical matter with China, it expands the number of companies on the list, perhaps by as many as 10 ,000, according to some estimates. It's a lot of companies, right? Second thing it did is it said, if you're a U.S.

5:26company, you want to sell to someone, you have to verify. You have to do your own due diligence to verify that they are not at least a 50 percent subsidiary of some Chinese company. Which means, if you think about it, that requires an awful lot of forensic due diligence on ownership, which might need to go through several layers of ownership to get to the truth. Huge, huge compliance burden on the company. So this was a very consequential move. And it appears from some things that I've heard that this move, which has been discussed for some time within the Commerce Department, the Chinese brought this up at the Madrid talks and said, we hope you're not planning to do this right away because that would create a lot of problems for the trade talks and we would have to retaliate.

6:11So it happened. And so the Chinese said, okay, we're going to have to retaliate. And then they came up with something that they also had on the shelf, which was very detailed regulations on export controls for rare earths, rare earth permanent magnets, and some things in the battery supply chain. And again, if you look at those rules and imagined that they were enforced fully, they could give China the ability to really substantially restrict the production of all kinds of products around the world that depend even on very small trace amounts of rare earth source from China. So we had these two different things.

6:50And so basically what has now happened is that I think both sides have recognized that they kind of went too far in their efforts to gain leverage over the other person. And now they have to dial it back. And it seems like the signaling that we're now getting from both sides is that they kind of want to somehow resolve this issue and tee up a meeting between Xi and Trump at the end of the month in Korea that can allow for the trade talks to continue. So there was a lot of noise. But the signal in it is that both sides have pretty powerful tools that they can use against each other. And what's new is that generally this has been a one-way street.

7:29The U.S. has a lot of tools. Its counterparties don't have any. China has a really powerful tool that can cause the U.S. a lot of problems. And I think that's one of the things, certainly from talking to colleagues in China, you don't get to see Xi maybe necessary enough to talk about a spring in his step. But there is definitely this sort of feeling of strength and confidence that's come because a lot of countries have effectively given into Donald Trump's tariff demands and just decided it was easier to go along with a certain level of tariff and not necessarily try to impose their own in response.

8:02But China has shown that it can go toe to toe with the US and the US has effectively had to back down. So in a note that you put out, you said in the past few weeks that had shown us that U.S. and China had now weaponized their interdependence. So just talk us through what that means. Yeah, well, that's not a phrase that I concocted. That is a phrase that was coined by two very astute political scientists, Henry Farrell and Abe Newman, who wrote a book about this about five or six years ago, in which they were mainly talking about what the U.S. was doing in its sanctions regime through financial sanctions and controls on technology to take advantage of the fact that other countries relied heavily on certain kinds of inputs and networks controlled by the United States.

8:47The United States was weaponizing these in order to achieve certain political goals, right? Sanctions on Iran. We've seen sanctions on Russia, the trade war and the technology restrictions against China. et cetera, et cetera. And yeah, I think this is a very important, invalid concept and a good description of the way that the world has evolved over the last couple of decades. But what's now new, and I think has really been reinforced step by step this year, is that China is also able to play the weaponized interdependence game because they have this massive chokehold on the whole rare earth complex.

9:26And these elements are very important for a whole bunch of high-tech industries for defense products, notably. And they also have significant controls within the battery supply chain. So China is able, is in principle able, to make use of this to put pressure on people that it has political problems with. And we've seen this, you know, from time to time, but now it's very visible in terms of its relationship with the United States. And I think it's very powerful. This is something that people don't really talk about that much. There are a lot of commercial applications for rare earths. They're quite important.

10:00But the defense supply chain depends upon them quite a lot. And I think what is underneath the US sort of concern on this is that their defense production supply chain actually is quite vulnerable to restrictions on these elements by China. So they have to step pretty carefully. And we should say, actually, because you've reminded me, I mean, that book, Underground Empire, we've actually talked about it in the past. I It has stood the test of time in terms of thinking about the economic dynamics of this time. I recommend it to people. But people do often say, what's the big deal about rare earths or rare earth magnets?

10:37You know, the value of the imports to the U.S. and other countries is very small. But as you're pulling out, I mean, it's like it's the weakest link in some of these very important global supply chains, defense, consumer electronics, cars. Yeah, I think this is worth exploring. So there are a couple of things that people say. One is, you know, the values are very small. These are very small proportional inputs into various things, which is true. And the other thing they say is, you know, famously, rare earths are not rare. You can dig them up, you know, in lots of places around the world. So what's the big deal?

11:11And I've had people who spent a fair amount of time working on export controls as recently as a year ago who said, oh, well, you know, trying to export controls rarest is dumb because it's just a commodity. And then all you do is you create incentives for mining. And both of these arguments are flawed. So the first one is flawed because, as you say, it's not that these are a huge part of the value of the finished product. It is that they are things that you need. And if you don't have them, you cannot make the rest of the product. So it might only be 1 % or half a percent of the bill of materials, but it's the 1 % or half percent without which you can't make use of the other 99%.

11:50It's a bit like looking at the utilities value of the share of GDP. But if you don't have electricity, you can't do very much else. Exactly, exactly. Except maybe even more so than that. And then on the second point, the issue is that it's not the raw ores that are at issue here. is the refined ores and products, notably permanent magnets that are made from them. And these, both the refining and the products, require pretty sophisticated technology processes, which now basically only exist in China. The technologies for refining are, in fact, also export-controlled by China. So if you set up a mine elsewhere and you want to refine them, you have two choices.

12:33One is you can send the ores to China to get refined, which is a lot of what happens. Or you can try and get the Chinese to issue a license for the technology. Or you can try and, you know, recreate the technology on your own. It's non-trivial. And then when you look at the magnets, that has an additional manufacturing process on top of that, which is distinct from rare earth refining specifically. Also pretty technical. Also something where the Chinese have a huge cost advantage. And so there are many layers here, which means that it is, these are things that are quite important. They're quite important, not only defense industries, but to a lot of new green technologies that people want to develop.

13:11And it is very, there's a big technology component. So the export controls have real bite. And there's no quick way to extricate yourself from that vulnerability. The more we talk about this, it sounds like those debates one would have or the sort of theories of nuclear deterrence from the Cold War days. It's very flawed, the comparison between the Cold War and the situation with U.S. and China. But this does feel a bit like the sort of mutually assured destruction that people used to talk about in that time. Both sides have built up things that could blow up the other country's supply chains in one way or another, or at least make things extremely difficult for them and their companies.

13:52It's obviously a somewhat extreme example, but is that sort of a sensible way of thinking about it? Yeah, I think that's kind of the flavor of it. I wouldn't want to push it too far. I mean, the metaphor that I've used is I just borrowed a phrase from Scott Bessent, who rather notoriously said in a speech a year ago, talking about Trump's then prospective tariff strategy that, as you recall, the idea was to escalate, to deescalate. And his phrase was, the tariff gun will always be on the table, cocked and loaded, but it will be rarely fired. And now there are two guns on the table, right? There's the U.S.

14:28tariff and export control gun pointed at China, and there's the China rare earth control gun that's pointed at the U.S. They are both on the table. They are both loaded. They could be used. But in fact, I think the Chinese point on this, and I actually take them seriously on this in their public statements. They say, yeah, we could do this, but not only is it not in your interest, it's not in our interest to do this because we're a globally integrated economy. We depend on being able to trade freely. We want to be able to sell this stuff to people who are going to use it for non-defense purposes.

15:02That is actually good for us, too. So we don't really want to use this weapon, but we have to pull it out because this is the only way to prevent you from using this other weapon, which is going to be really bad for us. And I think that should be taken very seriously. But it sounds like what economists might think of as a stable equilibrium, right? I mean, that is supposed to be – that was even what the mutual issue of destruction was – you were sold it as a stable equilibrium because both sides were assured of – Yeah. Real harm if anything happened. Well, yeah. So economists call it stable equilibrium because they're economists and other people call it a balance of terror, right?

15:44Okay, but it's a balance. Right. Balance sounds better than imbalance. Right. No, it is a balance. And I think this is why the U.S.-China trade negotiations have gone on for so long is the Chinese are very clear that they want to get something out of these negotiations. It's not going to be just a capitulation. And they have the tools to force the U.S. to stay at the table and do something that they might want. So I think if you look at this from a broader standpoint, I think the net effect of this for now is probably beneficial because it is useful for the world to have some constraints on the ability of the U.S.

16:23unilaterally just to impose whatever conditions it wants on everybody. You know, just as it's useful to have those constraints in China. They've done plenty of economic bullying of their own over the years when they can get away with it. So having some kind of balance there, I think, is potentially helpful. The problem is we also have some fairly volatile leadership, particularly on the U.S. side. And so you can imagine things going wrong. And that was always the worry with the MAD during the Cold War is, yeah, it was great, but we were one step away from something really bad.

17:10going back a little bit to the sort of real world implications of the network of different export controls and potential guns that could be used at various times i know you talk to a lot of multinationals and businesses active in China, but also operating around the world. What's the implications for a multinational that's actually still got very much caught up in the US and China, both as a market and as a manufacturing base? It seems like it may be useful to have a balance of terror, but in the meantime, there's a hell of a lot of paperwork, right? I think the short answer is that at a minimum, your compliance burden goes way up, right?

17:50Because you now have to satisfy regulators in the U.S., you have to satisfy regulators in China on various things. Just the friction and the transaction costs of doing things, a lot of cross-border activities have gone up quite a lot. So that's your kind of most benign baseline scenario is that has occurred. And, you know, I think the other thing that people talk about a lot, very hard to quantify, is the uncertainty premium goes up. You're constantly kept guessing, you know, will these things be imposed? If so, when? If so, will I be, you know, victimized or are there ways to work around it? So that requires there's sort of an additional cost in terms of strategy planning, hedging planning for how you do this.

18:33I think at the moment, that's where we are. And frankly, both Trump and Xi at the leadership level have, in fact, made it pretty clear repeatedly over the course last year, that they want an agreement. They want a deal. They want to set up some kind of regime under which people can trade and invest. And the Chinese, I think, fortunately, in this case, have the leverage to make sure that deal is somewhat real rather than just a fake deal. So if we get there, that will be, I think, somewhat helpful. But even if we do get a deal, the reality is that the US and China really have this extremely adversarial relationship.

19:10You can create a deal that sort of creates a detente, if you will, to use another Cold War metaphor. But if you're thinking about the long run 5, 10, 15-year timeline investments, you have to do a lot of hedging and you have to figure out ways that you can forestall or live through situations where there might be a huge escalation in the tensions between the U.S. and China and many more decouplings. So it makes the strategic planning process a lot more difficult and more costly. But if you think of the goals that the Chinese authorities are pursuing, in many ways, they are trying, just as they try and advertise and strengthen U.S.

19:49dependence on certain things from China, China is obviously actively trying to reduce the degree of dependence it has on the U.S. And that seems to be going pretty well. I mean, that's not far off. Yeah, it is. And so if you look at, there's a bunch of work that you can do looking at sort of the OECD databases on trade and value added that shows if you just break down U.S. supply chains, supply chains for physical goods within the U.S., they are about two to three times more reliant on inputs from China as the other way around. And this is partly the result of differential industrial development, but partly the result of deliberate Chinese efforts to de-Americanize specifically.

20:32There's supply chains and they have made good progress there. Now, some areas it's really tough. So the semiconductor industry, good luck trying to de-Americanize because the U.S. position at various nodes in that is extremely, extremely strong. And despite huge investments, Chinese have made some progress there, but not a ton, frankly. So again, it's very difficult to build an alternative rare earth supply chain, probably even more difficult to build a fully autonomous semiconductor supply chain. These interdependencies, both countries would like there to be less of them. But in fact, it is very difficult to untangle them, which is why I've always been skeptical of sort of like the easy decoupling story.

21:17Oh, China and the U.S. are decoupling. It's like, yeah, you can try. And in individual sectors, you can get reasonably far. but on a macro basis, untangling the interconnections that have been built up in the global economy over the last 45 years is extremely difficult. And the other thing I would say is that as China has tried to decrease its dependency on the rest of the world from a supply side, it has increased its dependency in the rest of the world on the demand side because it's now basically an export-driven economy. They depend very heavily on markets being open to them. And this dependency has increased substantially over the last five years, has not decreased.

22:00And their own sort of supply-side obsession at home creates a deflationary, weak consumption environment, which just intensifies this dependency on international markets. And I think this is something that's not sufficiently appreciated in the world is that, yeah, on a producer basis, China is kind of self-sufficient. But they have really exposed themselves to a lot of potential economic downside if export markets close up or if just there's a global recession and people can't buy as much. And that is a real problem for them to which they have no very clear solution. I was going to ask you about that.

22:39I mean, we have, in fact, we've calculated that our economists, that China's manufactured goods trade surplus is the largest now relative to global GDP of any country since the US after World War II. And we've also shown how the amount of sort of trade diversion that's happened, just the sort of wave of exports going across Asian economies and to some extent to Europe that might otherwise have gone to the US due to these tariffs. And as you said, that itself produces a vulnerability because we see countries potentially reacting to that wave of imports. And it's funny because it's kind of the weakness on the other side of the strength, right?

23:15We tend to say China politically has an ability to withstand pain that the US doesn't have. And that means it can sort of hold its ground against Donald Trump. But to your point, ignoring quite a lot of domestic economic pain. I mean, do you see, I know you're not one of those people who is continually kind of announcing there's going to be a crisis or, you know, an end of China's growth story. But do you think they are underestimating the costs of this strategy? Yeah, that's a good question. It seems to me that the government over the last several years, they've adopted a very, very sort of a techno fetishist supply side growth model.

23:55Basically, they've said all of our problems, productivity, income, growth, whatever, they will be solved by just investing massively in the technologies of the future, which will create this productivity miracle, which will then drive future incomes and growth. It's a little bit like the people who are now going around saying AI is going to solve all known economic problems because of these productivity magic. And the Chinese view is that this is the result of sort of physical technologies, at least as much, if not more so, than AI. But it's similar kind of thinking. They haven't been doing too badly on these technologies so far.

24:29Oh, no. We think they've got a global leadership position in five of the 13 key technologies and they're catching up in all the others. No, for sure. So they've done very well on the production side. And meanwhile, nominal growth in China is less than half of what it was five years ago, right? So they used to very reliably be able to count on nominal growth of 8%, 9 % very consistently. It's now down to 4%. And these things are linked because they basically say the supply side will solve all problems. We don't need to have a demand side strategy. We don't need to support consumers if they're hammered by a pandemic.

25:05We can impose a gigantic compression of their balance sheets by crushing the properties five years in a row. and that's fine because capital will move to the correct places. And that's a very, very one-sided and incomplete view of the economy. So they are paying a price for this that is material. And I guess the question is, are they unaware of that price? Are they, do they say, well, we know that's the price, but it's fine? Or do they think, actually, you, Mr. Kroeber, you're wrong about the price. Actually, this is a short-term thing. That's a harder thing to read. And I think you can make multiple different interpretations.

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25:42But what I would say is they don't look like they are changing their minds anytime soon. They may be right, they may be wrong, but they're staying the course. And everything we've said, I'm pretty sure is going to stand the test of time because we're talking fairly long term. But obviously it is dangerous these days to have a conversation which you then don't publish for a few days talking about trade issues. And as I've said at the start, it's likely that the meeting with Xi is going to be on and off and on and off several times before we get there. But I guess one way of thinking about this or that people could have in the back of their minds if and when that meeting happens and then they assess the results of that meeting, which may be Donald Trump announcing some great deal or maybe not, is it at the heart of what you were just saying?

26:27In the short term, it actually does matter, even though they're pretending it doesn't matter and they can put up with the pain. China's facing a pretty high tariff, sort of 40 percent-ish. It does actually matter to them that they bring this down. And it seems to matter to them a bit more than it matters to Donald Trump. Well, this is an interesting question. So if I look at the Chinese side on this, yeah, I think they would like lower tariffs. But actually, I don't think that is the top of their list, frankly, because the reality is they are enduring very high tariffs right now relative to the past and relative to anyone else in the world.

26:59And their exports are doing fine, right? And some of that is front-loading, but I think most of it is not. Some of it is transshipment. They're routing things through third countries that wind up in the U.S. But most of it seems to be that they've actually been very successful at developing other export markets, Southeast Asia, Europe, Latin America, you name it. And, yeah, there's some protectionist concerns there. But in most cases, in most product lines, there really aren't great alternatives at a comparable cost to what you're buying from China. And most countries don't have the same kind of security concerns that the U.S.

27:31has. So they're doing fine. So I think they've concluded, yeah, we would like lower tariffs. But if we have to live with the current tariff level, we've shown that we can, which also means that they can walk away. If they think if all we're getting is a few points off tariffs, that's not enough. We need more in a deal. And if that's all you're going to give us, sorry, then there's no deal. We'll just do our thing and we'll see how you like it because we think that we can bear more pain. So I think what they really want is they would really like to see some scaling back of the U.S. export controls on technology.

28:08That is A, number one, on their list. And I think that will be very interesting to see whether they can dislodge the U.S. on that point. Because historically, the U.S. position has been export controls are sacrosanct. Once we put them on, they are tablets from Sinai. They are the word of God. They cannot be altered in any way. So that's a big ask. My view would be, I think the U.S. has overdone it on export controls, and it would be very possible to go through and do some culling and say, here are things that are important that we really need, and here's some stuff actually that was overreach and we could pull back.

28:41But people don't want to go there because of the principle. I think the other thing that the Chinese would like is, as we saw with the TikTok deal, some kind of a pathway that would make it easier for Chinese tech companies to invest in the United States. because they see this is coming. They see it's important for their companies to internationalize. As you grow, you can't do everything through exports. You have to get closer to your customers, build up distribution networks, build up branding, et cetera. Every country in the world, once it gets to a certain point, its companies start to multinationalize.

29:15China is the same. The U.S. is the world's biggest single market. They like to see a pathway there. And I think they also think that this would be a stabilizer in the relationship. But obviously, there are a lot of political problems with that on the U.S. side. People are very nervous about that. So I think those are the asks. On the U.S. side, I find it very hard to understand what it is that the U.S. is negotiating for. I'm perplexed. It is very clear that Trump wants something that he can call a deal, okay? And because he wants a deal and the Chinese feel that they can walk away if they don't get a satisfactory deal, that gives them a slight edge in negotiations.

29:51And it would be interesting to see if we get something out of this, what the U.S. obtains other than additional agricultural purchases, a restart of Boeing sales, et cetera. Is the U.S. after any kind of bigger game here? It's not at all clear that they are. It's quite hard to understand what the purpose of the negotiations is. The purpose of the other U.S. trade negotiations was basically to demonstrate to other countries how powerful the U.S. is and how we can, like, push you around. That was essentially the purpose of negotiations. China has said we're strong enough to not play that game. That ship has sailed.

30:30What's your plan B? And maybe some things are being talked about there that we don't know about, but it's a little obscure. You've reminded me, I mean, of course, there's the grand story of why things are happening. And then often with this administration especially, there's the sort of slightly lower story. And you talked about the export controls being a really kind of thorny aspect of this that's causing quite a lot of problems. The Commerce Secretary is obviously the one. It's his office, the Commerce Department, that's responsible for the export controls. And it's obviously the Treasury Secretary that's been leading a lot of these negotiations on the core trade issues.

31:05There is a theory that just says that Howard Lundin wants to make things as hard as possible for Scott Besson. I've heard that theory. You know, all of these stories are slightly unverifiable. What I think you can say with high confidence is that the Bureau of Industry and Security within Commerce, which supervises the export controls, has pretty hawkish leadership. And they basically feel that it is the right thing for the U.S. to tighten the screws on export controls. And I think they have a reasonable point in the sense that if you have an export control regime and you think it is valuable, you don't want it to be.

31:38You should just be on the table. Yeah, you should not have a lot of loopholes that undermine what you're trying to do. And I think that was clearly their view on these latest regulations. But for them to issue these regulations essentially goes against the policy that Trump had laid down as early as May, saying, OK, let's not have any more export controls until our trade negotiations are through. So they violated what everyone understood to be the president's wishes there. And I guess what you could say is that Lutnick, given his well-advertised problems with Besant, he didn't really have much of an incentive to stop them from going rogue if that's what they chose to do.

32:16I think we can say that. Arthur Krover, thank you so much for doing this. My pleasure.

32:24Thanks for listening to Trumponomics from Bloomberg. It was hosted by me, Stephanie Flanders, and I was joined by the founder and director of research at Gavical Dragonomics, Arthur Krober. Trumponomics was produced by Samasadi and Moses Andam with help from Amy Keene. And special thanks this week to Rachel Lewis-Kriskie. Sound design is by Blake Maples and Kelly Gary. And Sage Bowman is Bloomberg's head of podcasts. I'm pleased to help others find us, rate and review it highly wherever you listen to podcasts.

33:01Thank you.

From the publisher

Gavekal Dragonomics’ Arthur Kroeber joins Trumponomics to discuss how the latest tit-for-tat reveals Beijing’s growing leverage in its standoff with Washington.

After a period of quiet, the trade war between the US and China reignited in recent weeks when Washington expanded its export controls and Beijing hit back with restrictions on rare-earth exports. China expert Arthur Kroeber explains that both nations are using their economic networks as instruments of power, but that Beijing appears to be gaining the upper hand.

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