Julia Ioffe Wants You to Know Russia Is Bigger Than Putin

7 Nov 2025 · 40 min · 18 chapters

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In short

Julia Yoffe argues that Russia is bigger and more complex than Vladimir Putin, and uses the history of Russian women to explain authoritarianism, state violence, and how institutions (especially the penal system) transmit power. She also compares Russia’s political trajectory to current U.S. democratic backsliding.

Guest background

Julia Yoffe is a Russian-American political journalist and interpreter of Russia, based in Washington. She has reported from and on Russia for over a decade and is the author of Motherland, a book tracing Russian history through women, including her own family.

Key claims

Putin is not the whole story; gendered issues and sexual violence are tools of the state; Soviet-era egalitarian reforms were later reversed; war in Ukraine is framed as existential and sustained through indoctrination; U.S. institutions are being hollowed out quickly, similar to authoritarian consolidation elsewhere.

Notable examples

Alexandra Kollontai’s 1918 reforms (divorce, maternity leave, free higher education, legalized/free abortion in 1920) and her later erasure; Valentina Drozdova’s rape by Beria and the long suppression of such accounts; Lyudmila Putin’s out-of-print interview-based biography portraying Putin as a “bad” husband; Alexei Navalny’s anti-corruption rise, anti-Semitic nationalist rhetoric dispute, and death after years in detention; Putin’s 2012 “skripe” (binding ties) framing; parallels to the U.S. Iraq war and to Hungary/Russia one-party dynamics.

Written by AI. May contain mistakes. Listen to the episode to check what was said.

Chapters

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Exploring Julia Ioffe's Background

0:00 to 0:59

Michelle discusses Julia's journey and her new book 'Motherland'.

“Most people see a busy cafe, but I see precision at every step.”

Exploring Julia Ioffe's Background

2:35 to 3:56

Michelle discusses Julia's journey and her new book 'Motherland'.

“To set out to tell the story of an entire country over more than a century is such an immense undertaking that it's almost hard to imagine, let alone deliver.”

Julia's Childhood in Moscow

3:56 to 4:44

Julia shares memories of her early years in the Soviet Union.

“I actually was born in a country that no longer exists in many senses of the word.”

Alexandra Kollontai's Impact on Soviet Women

4:44 to 8:03

Julia discusses the revolutionary actions of Alexandra Kollontai in Soviet Russia.

“you were living in Russia for those first seven years of your life, what do you remember of that time?”

The Tragic Story of Valentina Drozdova

8:03 to 12:21

Julia reveals the harrowing story of Valentina Drozdova and the impact of abuse.

“You grew up in the U.S., West Beking, here in Washington.”

The Complexity of Russian Politics

12:21 to 14:08

Julia explains the multifaceted nature of Russian politics beyond Putin.

“He told me that, so Beria eventually impregnated her and she had the baby at 17.”

Uncovering Lyudmila Putin's Story

14:08 to 17:16

Discover the hidden narratives behind Vladimir Putin's ex-wife and their tumultuous relationship.

“We're there again, though, with Trump and Putin, which we may come back to.”

Uncovering Lyudmila Putin's Story

18:10 to 19:17

Discover the hidden narratives behind Vladimir Putin's ex-wife and their tumultuous relationship.

“Brokered services by Open to the Public Investing, Inc., member FINRA and SIPC.”

Returning to Russia: A Personal Journey

19:44 to 24:42

Julia reflects on her return to Russia and the changes in society and culture.

“I know after emigrating with your parents, you went back once as a visitor, but then you returned in 2009 in your own right.”

Meeting Alexei Navalny: Charisma and Conviction

24:42 to 28:00

Julia shares her experience meeting Alexei Navalny and his impact as a leader.

“And then, of course, they would wake up to realize, I think I'm paying my girlfriend an allowance, but I'm not sure.”
Show all 18 chapters

The Charisma of a Leader

28:00 to 31:17

Julia Ioffe discusses her initial meeting with a charismatic Russian leader and the hope he represented for a better Russia.

“And it was before the FSB had figured out the Internet, period, let alone how to police it.”

The Tragic Death of a Hope

31:17 to 33:18

Ioffe reflects on the loss of a hopeful leader and the implications of his death for Russia's future.

“that is so different from the Russia that it became, that he was the last living representative of that, and they killed him.”

Putin's Vision for Russia

33:18 to 35:20

The discussion centers on Putin's plans for Russia and the implications of the ongoing war in Ukraine.

“You write in Motherland that part of what undoes Navalny is the Ukraine war.”

The State of American Democracy

35:20 to 38:08

Ioffe compares the erosion of American democratic institutions to those in Russia under authoritarian rule.

“Or do you think this is a personal obsession with this war?”

Personal Reflections on Loss

38:08 to 41:37

Ioffe shares her feelings of loss regarding her connection to Russia and the impact of the ongoing conflict.

“and for fun, you know, with funny posters, but real protests.”

Hope for Russia's Future

41:37 to 42:35

Amidst the somber reflections, Ioffe hints at potential future changes in Russia's political landscape.

“and so many people have either left or died or been killed.”

Hope for Russia's Future

44:30 to 45:00

Amidst the somber reflections, Ioffe hints at potential future changes in Russia's political landscape.

“For midsize and large companies, risk can affect multiple parts of the organization at once, from property and liability to cyber and regulatory challenges.”

Hope for Russia's Future

45:05 to 45:24

Amidst the somber reflections, Ioffe hints at potential future changes in Russia's political landscape.

“Policies provided by Hartford Fire Insurance Company and its property and casualty affiliates, Hartford, Connecticut.”
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Transcript

Automatic transcript. May contain errors.

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1:46Bloomberg Audio Studios. Podcasts. Radio. News. A quick note that this episode includes a discussion of sexual violence that some listeners might find distressing. Is Motherland part of a response to being asked so much about one man, Putin? God, yeah. Absolutely. Yeah. I'm just so sick of talking about him. Julia Yoffy, political journalist, interpreter of Russia, and now author of an epic book on the women of Russia. On one hand, I get it. He is the sole decision maker, effectively, in a dictatorial state. But I know from my own experience that Russia is bigger and more complex than that. From Bloomberg Weekend, this is The Michelle Hussain Show.

2:38I'm Michelle Hussain.

2:46To set out to tell the story of an entire country over more than a century is such an immense undertaking that it's almost hard to imagine, let alone deliver. And I think I got interested in Julia Yoffe, first of all, because of the scale of that ambition and because the country that she's revealing is one that's important for all of us to understand. The Soviet Union was a major part of defeating Nazism in World War Two. And yet today, Russia is engaged in a war of aggression against its neighbor, Ukraine. Julia is a Russian-American journalist. journalist. She's based in Washington now, but she has spent more than a decade reporting from and on Russia.

3:31And in her new book, Motherland, she is telling the story of Russia through its women. Some of them notable, who've been airbrushed by history, others who would have thought their lives completely unremarkable, but whose experiences tell us something about authoritarianism, what it meant and what it means today. Within it, too, are the women of Julia's own family, her mother, her grandmothers, her great-grandmothers, many lives which resonated with me, as I hope they will with you through the course of this conversation, which begins with Julia herself and her early years in 1980s Moscow. I actually was born in a country that no longer exists in many senses of the word.

4:19I was born in the Soviet Union and no longer does that country not exist, but also the emancipatory experiment it embarked on in 1917 vis-a-vis its women also evaporated. Yes. And before we get to the stories within the book, I'm keen to understand more of your own story because you do weave between the big history of Russia and individual stories. When you were living in Russia for those first seven years of your life, what do you remember of that time? The little things that I really liked that were ultra specific, you know how kids like very specific things. So there was never orange gum. I really liked orange gum.

5:00I had it once and then I never saw it again. This was the era of deficits and empty store shelves. I remember a lot of time spent with my grandmother, my maternal grandmother, who was a cardiologist and quite a formidable woman. And she lived four floors down from us. She had a very vibrant social life. On the evenings she was home, I would saunter down to her apartment and we would read and write stories. And I was her Cinderella and she was my prince. I'm going to pick out a few stories of individual or women from the book. And I'm conscious as I do so that this is a very limited choice of the massive tapestry that you have.

5:39But to go back to the foundations of Soviet Russia into 1917 and the revolution, tell us about Alexandra Kollontai, who is at Lenin's side and is the one who lays the framework for women in Soviet Russia and the way that they do have an equality that is unusual for that time. So the Bolsheviks were unusual in that while all the revolutionary parties were grappling with what at the time in the late 19th century was called the woman question, the Bolsheviks were by far the most egalitarian of all the underground opposition parties to the Tsar. And while Karl Marx and most of the kind of the old guard, the Marxist founding fathers, kind of yada-yadded the part of how communism and socialism was to liberate women specifically.

6:33Alexandra Kolontai really fleshed out these ideas about what would be needed for women to be truly emancipated, for them to be truly equal to men in a future utopian, egalitarian, socialist society. And when she is named the Commissar for People's Social Welfare... Which is a cabinet position. Yes, she was the first female cabinet minister. And in 1918, she institutes some incredibly radical reforms. Women are given the right to no-fault divorce. Women get paid maternity leave. In 1918, access to free higher education. Child support that they can claim even from a man who is not their husband, even for a child that is born out of wedlock.

7:24Regulations on maternity care, both medical and in terms of the facilities. In 1920, the Soviet Union legalizes abortion and makes it free and relatively safe for Soviet women. And yet, she would have bristled if we called her a feminist. Really? They were very anti-feminist because they were socialist. For socialists, class comes above everything, right? Everything is subsumed to class. So anything that breaks people out further by gender, nationality, religion, is seen as bourgeois splitterism. And you studied Soviet history here in the U.S., right? You grew up in the U.S., West Beking, here in Washington.

8:07Did you know about her? Is she someone who is sort of noted properly in Soviet? No. Studying Soviet history, you didn't know about her? No, I didn't know about her. What happened? She was written out of the history by the Bolsheviks. She was very quickly banished. The Bolsheviks were radically egalitarian when they were in the underground and the stakes were quite low and they weren't in charge of anything. The second they took power, they were like, OK, the men get the real positions of power. And also, the history was written by men. And they don't take these issues seriously as a rule. I think for male historians, male journalists, war is important.

8:50Economics, you know, like numbers, big factories and pipes and guns are important. And this kind of stuff is seen as soft and not serious. And I think, I don't know if that reflects your experience in the profession, but in my experience, you very much have to write about those topics to be taken seriously. And then you think those are the only serious topics when writing about a country. And that is why I was reluctant to even do a book about Russian women. I had to be talked into it because I was like, that's not serious. I want to bring out another couple of women from motherland. And one of them is really tragic and painful.

9:31It's Valentina Drozdova, who was raped by Stalin's henchman, Beria, one of many girls and women who he abducted and assaulted. How hard was it to uncover a story of someone like that who was abused and it affected the rest of her life? Very, very, very hard. Because, so on one hand, people knew anecdotally that this was happening. People even knew where it was happening. People knew where Beria lived. They knew what went on in that house, that he cruised the streets of Moscow looking for pretty young girls, that he brought them back to his mansion and raped them, that he hunted for Soviet actresses on the silver screen.

10:15And if they had husbands, you know, if they hid behind, you know, I can't sleep with you because I'm married, he would take care of that so they were no longer married. Get rid of the husband. Yeah. And your grandmother told you about this. Yeah. She pointed out the house to you. She did. She did. but then I found out my father had heard about it as a kid. His father had told him. So even the men knew. But when I went to find this in the kind of historical canon in the West, it really wasn't written about. It was usually relegated to a footnote or a kind of parenthetical as something salacious and prurient and unserious, that it's about sex and so it's not serious and it's kind of gross and let's not dig into it.

11:01And when I asked very prominent American historians of the Soviet Union, they waved me off the topic and were like, we don't really know. You know, it's a he said, she said. What was the most devastating for me though? I mean, it was very hard to research. I was able to find a collection of documents from Beria's arrest and secret trial and execution. women would write to him on behalf of their fathers, their husbands, and say, I know he's innocent, can you let him go? And his lieutenants would go and find out if the woman writing was pretty. And if she was, she'd be called in on the pretense of Barry helping with her family's case, only for the, you know, tragic inevitable to happen.

11:49But the most devastating aspect in researching this was, I pretty easily found one of Valentina Drozdova's boyfriends, one of her lovers from later in life. She was married again and then had a series of paramours. And this man told me a lot about her life and about how broken she was and how because Beria was shot and killed and then her second husband, who was a black marketeer, was arrested, shot and killed. People called her Liala the coffin as if it were her fault, as if she was the one bringing bad luck to these men. He told me that, so Beria eventually impregnated her and she had the baby at 17.

12:33And this man told me that when Laleh was her nickname, when she was in labor, Beria called her at the hospital and said, you know, whatever you want, I'll give you whatever you want. And because she was just a child herself, she asked for a bicycle. And this man told me that she died in 2014. That means she was alive when I was living in Moscow. She was alive when I was traveling back and forth. After I moved back to Washington, I could have found her. I could have interviewed her. But I was so busy writing about Putin and what Putin wants and what Putin thinks and not thinking about the quote unquote quote, unserious things, like women and sexual violence as a tool of the state, that I totally missed it.

13:23And I massively regret it to this day. Is Motherland part of a response to being asked so much about one man, Putin? God, yeah. Absolutely. And what he wants. Yeah. I'm just so sick of talking about him. On one hand, I get it. He is the sole decision maker, effectively, in a dictatorial state. But I know from my own experience that Russia is bigger and more complex than that. And even a dictatorship is multifaceted when you start looking closely at it. And even a country like the Soviet Union, which was a totalitarian dictatorship, dictator to dictator, the periods were different. And I just, I, on one hand, wanted to write a book where he was a bit player.

14:12And this was one of the reasons I wrote the book, not the main one, but I, the original impetus for wanting to kind of take a time out in 2017, when all of Washington was obsessed with Donald Trump and his relationship to Vladimir Putin, that I was like, I just never want to talk about Vladimir Putin again. We're there again, though, with Trump and Putin, which we may come back to. I hope you'll forgive me if you come back to that. But Putin does feature in Lyudmila Putin, his now ex-wife, is one of the characters. Tell us about finding this one interview that she once gave about him. It's quite a feat that you managed to track it down.

14:50So she sat for a number of interviews when Putin was named interim president. He had three months to get elected, you know, quote-unquote legitimately. And his spin doctors put together this campaign memoir in the American style, and she sat for interviews for that. So that's widely available. But then in 2002, there was an authorized biography that came out, and it was supposed to be the first of several volumes. That first volume featured hours of interviews with Lyudmila, his first wife. And clearly she She was resentful and unhappy, and the resentments had piled up over the course of their marriage, over the first two years of his presidency, and the fact that he didn't even tell her that he was going to become president.

15:38She didn't even find out when her countryman did on TV because she didn't even know to turn on the TV to watch Boris Yeltsin hand over the presidency to her husband. And she pours her heart out to this interviewer and tells him all about what a horrible boyfriend Vladimir Putin was, what a terrible fiance he was, what an even worse husband he was. And after that book is published, I have no idea what happened to that author. I can't find him. And I couldn't find, I had seen people refer to this book, but I could, you know, trying to find the original source was almost impossible because the book was out of print.

16:19And even though you can get any Russian book pirated 75 different ways online for free, this one was nowhere. It had clearly been purged from the web. I found one copy on Amazon for about$200 when it was originally about$3, I think. And it was a treasure trove of information about, pardon my French, what an a**hole Vladimir Putin was at home. What a tyrant he was at home before he became a tyrant to the rest of the world.

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19:44Let's go to your return to Russia. I know after emigrating with your parents, you went back once as a visitor, but then you returned in 2009 in your own right. And you end up living back in the same apartment block that you lived in when you were growing up with your parents? Yeah, I lived on a fold-out couch in my grandmother's apartment. We had been on the seventh floor. She was on the third in what had originally been her mother-in-law, my great-grandmother's apartment. And I lived on a fold-out couch in the living room for three years and had a blast. Some of the best years of my life watching a Russia that now in retrospect, we know was in a temporary thaw under Medvedev when media outlets were sprouting up and there was this freedom to speak, to think.

20:31And there was a sense that maybe some of the powers and the freedoms and the liberties that Putin had taken away during his first two terms in office between 2000 and 2008 could be returned. Free elections, free press, an independent judiciary, a releasing of political prisoners. And it was this moment of incredible ferment and excitement and people getting rich. The riches are insane. I mean, I had never seen wealth like this, not even living in New York, because Westerners don't flaunt their wealth quite the same way. And I also noticed that women had changed. They weren't like the women in my family.

21:13It was like, Like we left 20 years beforehand and were this weird extinct species preserved in amber back in the U.S. where post-Soviet women had evolved to be these oligarch hunters, essentially. Wanting husbands rather than... Wanting rich husbands. Do you see parallels to today and the trad wives? Mm-hmm. Except the trad wife thing here in the U.S. is much more intense and kind of has this kind of homesteader aspect to it. the women in Russia who wanted to marry rich and who wanted to stay home didn't want to have eight kids and cook all their meals from scratch, you know, and make their kids cereal from scratch because, you know, I woke up this morning and my husband was craving gum.

21:59So I decided to make it from scratch kind of, you know, I think people will know which influencer I'm talking about. They wanted to not have to cook to maybe have one kid or two kids, but they wanted to just live for themselves and get their nails done and get massages and travel. And how did you fit into that? Because you're a young woman at that time. You're dating in Moscow in the 2000s. You didn't date? Not really. I mean, I was, I felt in this environment coming from the West, coming with my parents' ideas about what it meant to be a woman. You know, in my family, it was just assume that you go to college.

22:38When I was just starting out in journalism and in media, my father, who as a Soviet didn't understand what being a journalist was, said something to me that only in retrospect I realized was incredibly feminist of him without him even realizing it. He said, sure, it's fun now to be a journalist and have this bohemian lifestyle, but when you're 30 and you have a family, how are you going to support them? How are you going to make money to support them. The underlying assumption being that I would be the main breadwinner. And that didn't even, that was just the natural assumption, both for me and for my sister.

23:15Add to that Western feminism that was everywhere. I get to Russia and it's women just want to wear crazy heels and are made up all the time and are kind of cosplaying femininity and are just constantly hunting for men. That's just what they wake up thinking about, what they go to bed thinking about. And in that context, I felt like a third asexual gender or like a talking dog that didn't fit in at all. And I think Russian men found me bewildering. Do they see you as Russian in that period? I don't mean Russian men. No, they saw me as very American and as a feminist, which was a bad word, still is a bad word.

23:59I've been told that by a friend who runs a publishing house in Moscow that they can't translate my book because feminist is now essentially a banned word and it's in the feminist history. And Western men, that was the most disappointing part is Western men who are highly educated, who had gone to the Harvards and the Stanfords and the Cambridges, went to Russia and were so happy to throw feminism overboard because they had these women who were like, oh, I'll just be the traditional, very pliant, subservient, ultra feminine woman for you. And you're in charge. And I'll do anything you say. And they love it.

24:38They loved it. Plus, these women look like supermodels. And they loved it. And then, of course, they would wake up to realize, I think I'm paying my girlfriend an allowance, but I'm not sure. What did your parents make of you coming back to Russia and immersing yourself in the study of the Soviet Union, because when they emigrated in 1990, they do it, don't they? Because they fear that pogroms are going to come again. Yeah. That's why my mother gave my father the green light, is she, in 1988, had heard the widespread rumor at the time that to celebrate the 1000th anniversary of Russia becoming Christian, that there would be pogroms and that the police were handing out names and addresses of Jews.

25:21And she realized that even though nothing ultimately happened, that it was believable. And she gave my father the green light to start the emigration process, but he had wanted to leave forever. He hated the system. He hated the totalitarianism, the lying, the, you know, war is peace, the lies, the truth, kind of logic twisting. So when I went to college, a college they could not afford, as refugees who had only been in the country for a few years, they took out massive loans for me to go to this prestigious university, and I decided to study Soviet history, and I'm like, oh, I just read about Marxism, Leninism, and all the stuff that they had been forced to learn and hated.

26:09And wanted to leave behind. And wanted to leave behind. They were horrified, and they couldn't understand why I was doing it. Moreover, as my father kept saying, this country has no future. Why are you doing this? You have a future. Russia doesn't. Keep uncoupling the two. I want to talk about one of the people that you got to know in that period when you went back to Moscow in the 2000s. Can you take those headphones and have a listen to this voice? All this sacrifice made from my family, my brother, made by Boris Nemtsov, who was killed, who was shot in the back, close to the Kremlin. A lot of other people, we have political prisoners, hundreds of them all over Russia.

26:58And if I will stop, it means all this sacrifice, this, are useless. And they are not. And I do believe in what I'm doing. And I do believe that my alternative is better for Russia. and I'm absolutely sure that we will succeed and I believe in victory. That's tough to hear. Tough to hear because it's Alexei Navalny. Yeah. Sorry. There are tears in your eyes. Tell me about meeting him for the first time, what you thought of him then. I think it was 2011? 2010. He was a kind of up-and-coming blogger who was writing about corruption and the way that the Putinist regime was using state corporations to funnel money away from Russian taxpayers to the pockets of Putin's friends.

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27:52And people were taking notice of him just because there was a thriving blogosphere. I mean, this was a period of relative freedom. And it was before the FSB had figured out the Internet, period, let alone how to police it. so I thought I would just do a quick kind of blog post about him and I met him for lunch and immediately was like no this is it felt like what it must have been like to meet a young Bill Clinton or a young Barack Obama the force of personality the force of conviction he had his own gravitational pull and it was intoxicating in a way that he had this charisma and force of personality that was unlike anything I had ever seen before.

28:38And, you know, I had met Boris Nemtsov as well and many other opposition leaders, but he had it. He had that thing that marquee politicians, global leaders have. And I decided to pitch David Remnick about writing a profile of him. And he was like, who is this guy? I've never heard of him. I was like, we need to write about him. He was really extraordinary. I mean, we had big differences and we would get into fights sometimes. I think you told him, didn't you? At one point you thought one of his speeches was anti-Semitic. The nationalist rhetoric. And you told him that, I think, elements of this are anti-Semitic.

29:15Well, I tweeted it and then my phone rang and it was him yelling at me and said, how dare you say it was anti-Semitic? I was like, because it was. You were talking about Jewish. What did he say? He was talking about oligarchs and he specifically mentioned oligarchs who had recognizably Jewish names. And he said they were drinking the blood of the Russian people, eating the livers of the Russian people, just very kind of old school Russian anti-Semitic imagery. And he was speaking at a nationalist march where neo-Nazis were heavily represented. So he was very clearly doing something. And I tweeted about it and he immediately called me up to argue with me and we were yelling at each other on the phone.

29:58But I still had a very deep admiration for him because of how, I don't know how to put it, he was curious and he surrounded himself with smart people who disagreed with him. And his views really did evolve on issues of nationalism and how he saw migrants from the Muslim North Caucasus from Central Asia. And he was very imperfect, as all humans are and as all politicians are and all politicians who aspire to the presidency of a country. But he was an incredibly brave, incredibly charismatic person. And I think one of the reasons I teared up is because of the person he was, but also because he was people's hope for a better Russia.

30:51And when he was killed, it felt like the last shred of hope that any of us had for a better Russia post-Putin went with him. It felt like the Russia that I was a part of when I moved back, this young, democratic, vibrant, pro-Western Russia that saw Russia as a collaborative member of the international community that is so different from the Russia that it became, that he was the last living representative of that, and they killed him. The words that we heard were him speaking to the BBC in 2017, and by the time that his death was announced in 2024, he'd spent three years in detention. And the way that he died in that prison in the Arctic Circle, it was so tragically in line with so many deaths in your book, in the gulag, the extreme depravity, the senseless tragedy, the closeness to death and the way that people live, it feels like even in death, the way he died is emblematic of so much more.

31:57I think, you know, in writing this book, I got to the part where Vladimir Putin, in his annual address to the Federal Assembly in 2012, essentially says, I'm no longer dealing with liberal pro-Western Russians. They came out into the streets against me, and so I'm cutting them out. I will just no longer contend with them. I will crush them. And he uses this word skripe, meaning binds, like the traditionalist ties that will bind Russia or have bound Russia throughout the centuries. Nationalism, the Russian Orthodox Church, a patriarchal traditionalism, one that is quite violent and macho. And he talked about shoring up the institutions that are those skripe, that have held Russia together over the centuries.

32:45And I realized that one of the most important institutions was the penal one. That the penal institutions of Putin's Russia were much like the penal institutions of Stalin's Russia, which were much like the penal institutions of Tsarist Russia. that if there was one very important Russian institution that transmitted the values of the Russian state over the centuries across an imperial monarchist vision, a socialist utopian vision, and today's whatever nationalist revanchist vision, it's the penal system. You write in Motherland that part of what undoes Navalny is the Ukraine war. And in 2022, when the full-scale invasion happened, so many of his base of educated Russians want to leave Russia.

33:36Do you think Russia can sustain this war in Ukraine? It will try as long as possible. But economically, does it have the might to do it? They don't care. I think the valorization of World War II, the turning of World War II into a state religion and a state cult allows Vladimir Putin to say, look, we defeated Nazism by laying down 27 million Soviet soldiers. The war nearly destroyed our country, but we won. Right now, Russia has lost maybe a million men, both to injury and to death. Russia can, I think the message is, that's so much less than 27 million. That's a fraction of the cost. We can do that.

34:20And I think what we've seen in Putin's most recent negotiations with Trump is that at first he tried to outmaneuver Trump and say, hey, forget about Ukraine. Let's just normalize a relationship between Russia and the U.S. And then you, your family, American companies, can come in and do business in Russia and just make an absolute killing. But he just can't let go of his fixation on Ukraine. And he doesn't care if there are business operations, like he doesn't care enough about the normalization with the U.S. to let go of this Ukrainian fixation that he has. He is willing to, I think, sacrifice everything because he has made this war existential.

35:04I think he understands that if Russia loses the war or is seen to lose the war, then he is a goner. He cannot last on the throne. And are there others who feel like him at the point where he is? Is it more likely that he's replaced by someone who is similar to him who's going to feel the same way? Or do you think this is a personal obsession with this war? I think it started off as a personal obsession, but now from everything I've seen, the state has done so much to indoctrinate the population and the younger generations about this war, that I worry that even if he were to leave power, which I think will only happen through his death, that his successors will feel the need to carry it on.

35:53And originally I had thought of Russian history, for examples, and like analogs to this. But now I think a lot about the US and the Iraq war, where even Democrats like Barack Obama, who felt that George W. Bush's invasion of Iraq was wrong and criminal and should never have happened, had to keep fighting the war even after he won the presidency as the anti-Bush and as the anti-war candidate. Because Americans, even though they felt that the war was a mistake, didn't want to lose. I want to ask you about your work today and Washington and covering Washington as you do in your day job. How has it been as a journalist?

36:35Because we are, we're seeing all these different ways in which the Trump administration has tried to restrict the press or sue the press. What's your assessment of what all of it adds up to? I think what it adds up to is that Donald Trump has been able to do in less than a year what it took Vladimir Putin two decades to do in certain cases. The speed at which he has hollowed out American institutions, the courts, the legislative body, every check and balance imaginable, the way private industry has bent the knee rather than risk their profits. And forgetting, by the way, that more than half the country doesn't like this, forgetting that those customers also have a say makes me really, I don't know how to put it, disappointed in my American compatriots.

37:29In all those years that I was reporting on Putin, anytime Putin did something restrictive, authoritarian, anytime things got a little hard economically, I would be asked to come on TV or to write a piece and people would say, well, why aren't Russians out in the streets protesting and overthrowing him? Can't they see how terrible it is? Can't they see he's a dictator? Surely young people, college students hate this, right? Because college students in their minds are by definition, liberal revolutionaries. I just want to ask all of them, why aren't Americans in the streets all the time demanding answers and demanding a change?

38:07Not protest by appointment and for fun, you know, with funny posters, but real protests. Why aren't we holding our corporations to account, our Congress to account? I mean, Speaker Johnson with Donald Trump's blessing, because he has no real power, he has said, and Donald Trump, according to the reporting in the New York Times, Donald Trump jokes that he, Donald Trump, is the speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives and the president. He's essentially dissolved parliament. I mean, if I were a foreign correspondent here trying to explain this for an audience back home, that's how I would write it.

38:40Is this a version of authoritarianism? Absolutely. You would call it that? Absolutely. And the thing is, for many of us who know this movie, who have seen this movie before in Hungary, in Russia, in China, in Venezuela, we were leaning on the horn, sounding the alarm starting in 2015, 2016. You can see where this is going and still people are like, well, no, surely that won't happen. Given the way things are going, I would not be surprised if Mike Johnson, the current Speaker of the House or the future Speaker of the House, refused to seat Democrats who win seats in the November midterms in 2026.

39:20I would not be surprised if after those midterms, we are effectively a one-party state in the way that Hungary or Russia are a one-party state, even though other parties still exist on paper, effectively a one-party state. And people say that. For some reason, every next step, and I saw it in Russia too, I saw my Russian colleagues saying, oh, well, Putin wouldn't do that. He did A, B, C, D, E, F, G, and H, but he wouldn't do I and J. And you're like, well, why not? And then he does I and J and they're like, well, he wouldn't do M, right? And I think it's time to open our eyes and see where this is going and stop pretending that somebody who has gone this far won't go one more step, two more steps, three more steps.

40:03To close, Julia, this is the weekend interview. And I wonder if we can go back in time to your childhood in still Soviet Russia and your weekends then, especially as a Jewish family, the Sabbath in a state where, you know, religion is not... We didn't know what that was. I wouldn't call myself religious. It's just, I think in part because it's not something I grew up with. And growing up with parents who hated the Soviet Union, but were still very much creations of the Soviet Union, both in terms of the militant atheism, definitely left its mark. And Russian? Do you think in Russian? Do you dream in Russian?

40:40Only when I'm in Russia for, you know, after about a week, I switch. And I haven't been back since just before the pandemic. And I don't know when I'll ever go back, if ever. When the war first started, or the full-scale invasion happened, the war started in 2014, I would ask everybody I knew and loved from that place, like, when do you think we can go back? When do you think it will be safe for us to go back? And I don't know. I can't imagine it being safe to go back for a very long time. I think definitely not while Putin is alive. And I think Putinism will live on after him for quite a while, the same way Stalinism lived on after Stalin for about 40 more years.

41:24And how do you feel thinking that? Do you miss it? Is it a sense of loss in you? Massive, yeah. It's a massive sense of loss. In the same way that, you know, hearing Alexei's voice, just the voice brought tears to my eyes because that was, his death was also a severance of a thread tying me to that place. and so many people have either left or died or been killed. So many beloved institutions and places have closed that I think even if I were to go back now, it would be a totally alien place. So yeah, there is a massive sense of loss. Is there any source of hope that you have for Russia? Like even glimmers?

42:07I mean, Russian culture, Russian humor, always find a way, like water. And nothing is forever. But Russia certainly does have a pattern. I imagine that this will lead to a period of thaw and liberalization before another snapback and backlash. That's just how Russia does things. So I'm hoping to at least catch that little thaw in the future. Julia Yoffe, thank you very much. Thank you so much for having me.

42:41And that's the Michelle Hussain Show for this week. If you haven't subscribed, please do. That way you'll know as soon as we have a new episode. To those who've left comments or even given us some stars, thank you. And you can watch these conversations on YouTube and on Bloomberg TV. And you'll also find a written version with my notes at bloomberg.com forward slash weekend. The team is producers Jessica Beck and Chris Martlew. Guest booking by Dave Warren. Social media by Alex Morgan. This week, our sound engineer was Richard Ward and video editing was by Laura Francis. The executive producer is Louisa Lewis.

43:23At Bloomberg Weekend, editorial director of audio and special projects is Brendan Francis Newnham. And our executive editor is Catherine Bell. Our music is composed by Bart Warshaw. And this week's special thanks go to And to you, of course, for listening. Do come back next weekend.

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From the publisher

How do you tell the history of a whole country through its women? And what can it tell us about the world today? These are the questions Russian-American journalist Julia Ioffe set out to answer in her new book, Motherland: A Feminist History of Modern Russia, from Revolution to Autocracy.

Having reported from, and on, Russia for publications including The New Yorker and Foreign Policy for more than a decade, Ioffe says she has repeatedly been asked to explain the actions and motivations of one man: Vladimir Putin. 

Motherland is, she says, partly a response to Putin, through her desire to show that Russia is much more than one person, let alone one man.

In this conversation Ioffe talks to Mishal about reclaiming Russia’s women, about Donald Trump’s hollowing out of American institutions and why Putinism will endure. (Note: This podcast contains a discussion of sexual violence that some listeners may find distressing.)

02:30 - “I was born in a country that no longer exists”
03:55 - The anti-feminist at Lenin’s side during the Revolution
06:55 - Reluctancy to write about Russian women
12:55 - What a “horrible boyfriend” Vladimir Putin was
16:50 - Return to Russia, oligarch hunters and ‘trad wives’
22:13 - Alexei Navalny, “the last shred of hope”
29:20 - Can Russia sustain the war in Ukraine? 
32:32 - Trump’s assault on US institutions, faster than Putin
34:30 - American authoritarianism, risk of “one party state”

Watch this podcast: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLe4PRejZgr0Ns_wjGlmjlPz0cded0nTYS

You can find the written version of this interview with Mishal’s notes on Bloomberg Weekend: https://www.bloomberg.com/latest/weekend-interview

Contact The Mishal Husain Show mishalshow@bloomberg.net

Subscribe today on Apple Podcasts and Spotify.

See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

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