181. What Are Kemi Badenoch’s Economics?

15 Jun 2025 · 52 min

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In short

The Rest Is Money - Episode 181: What Are Kemi Badenoch’s Economics?

Podcast Overview

  • Hosts: Robert Peston and Steph McGovern
  • Episode Title: 181. What Are Kemi Badenoch’s Economics?
  • Description: A discussion with Kemi Badenoch, Leader of the Opposition, focusing on her vision for the Conservative party, including policies on the NHS, energy, and appealing to young people and small businesses.

Key Themes and Discussions

Kemi Badenoch's Economic Philosophy

  • Background and Influences:
  • Kemi shares her personal story of growing up in Nigeria and the impact of economic policies on her family's wealth.
  • Emphasizes her fear of inflation and the importance of prudent government spending.
  • Economic Education:
  • Discusses how her understanding of economics has evolved through personal experiences rather than formal education.
  • Cites American economist Thomas Sowell, whose teachings on supply, demand, and price controls have influenced her thinking.

Key Policy Areas

  • NHS Funding and Reform:
  • Badenoch highlights the need for reform in the NHS rather than merely increasing funding.
  • Concern over the inefficiency of the current system despite rising expenditures.
  • Advocates for a focused approach on how government spending is justified and its actual impact on the economy.
  • Green Energy and Net Zero:
  • Badenoch's skepticism towards rapid transitions to net zero without considering economic implications.
  • Advocates for a balanced energy approach, incorporating nuclear and renewables, without rushing away from oil and gas.
  • Young People and Small Businesses:
  • Emphasizes the need for a supportive environment for small businesses, which are essential for economic growth.
  • Acknowledges that young people are feeling disenfranchised and that the Conservative Party must address their concerns.

Economic Challenges and Proposals

  • Cost of Living Crisis:
  • Badenoch reflects on her understanding of financial anxiety shaped by her past.
  • Acknowledges the struggle of many to manage living expenses and the importance of government accountability in financial management.
  • Competitiveness and Innovation:
  • Discusses the need for a thriving business environment to encourage entrepreneurship and innovation.
  • Critiques the UK's regulatory framework that hampers business growth and investment.
  • Infrastructure and Housing:
  • Advocates for addressing housing supply issues and the implications of immigration on demand.
  • Critiques past government policies that have led to increased house prices without adequate supply solutions.

Conclusion of the Conversation

  • Kemi underscores her commitment to championing small businesses while ensuring that the policies of the Conservative Party align with the needs of the youth and the broader public.
  • The discussion highlights the necessity for a shift in political rhetoric towards a more supportive business culture, emphasizing that small businesses are the backbone of the economy.

Key Takeaways

  • Economic Reform: A clear need for reforms over just increasing funding, especially in public sectors like the NHS.
  • Balanced Energy Policy: Advocating for a mix of energy sources to ensure economic viability while pursuing environmental goals.
  • Support for Entrepreneurs: Emphasizing the importance of nurturing small businesses and startups as essential drivers of economic growth.
  • Political Accountability: A call for realistic discussions on economic challenges without resorting to oversimplified solutions.

Feedback and Contact

  • Listeners are encouraged to provide feedback to improve the podcast and its partnerships.
  • Contact information:
  • Email: restismoney@gmail.com
  • Social Media: @TheRestIsMoney on various platforms.

Production and Credits

  • Assistant Producers: India Dunkley, Alice Horrell
  • Producer: Ross Buchanan
  • Head of Content: Tom Whiter
  • Executive Producers: Tony Pastor, Jack Davenport

More Information For more episodes and resources, visit [Goalhanger Podcasts](http://www.goalhanger.com).

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Transcript

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1:18Hello and welcome to The Rest is Money with me, Robert Peston. Steph's otherwise engaged and Kemi Badenoch is with me, not as a Steph stand-in, but we're going to have a conversation not about detailed Tory policy because Kemi has very loudly said she hasn't got any. It's all in development. But I did really want to have a broad conversation about, I suppose, God, I hate the word philosophy in this context, but essentially your approach to economics and business and the sort of framework within which over coming months you'll develop policy. So, I mean, I just really wanted to start by asking you, you cannot escape as leader of a party having economic views.

2:03And therefore, when were yours set? Where was your economic education? It's been very much personal experience. And I think I've had a lot of economic education, most of it forced, not just read. But I don't know when I would say they set. I know when they started. But as a kid, were you interested in the economy? Were you in a household where people talked about economic ideas? Not ideas, but actual real life, what is going on, what is happening. And I often tell people about growing up in a different country, having my childhood in a country where all of the bad ideas were practiced. Run us through what they were.

2:48So I often tell people that I came to this country age 16 with no money, just my dad's last£100. So people assume that I was born into a poor family, but I was actually born into a wealthy family that lost all its money because of bad economic policies. I was born in the UK, but my family were sort of Nigerian oil boom, everything, people were buying houses in Knightsbridge. And then you have a government that is, it's military, but socialist. And money is no longer worth what it should be. It's hyperinflation, capital controls, trying to peg the naira to the dollar and effectively just washed away people's savings so it wasn't that the money was expropriated it was it just that its value was decimated by inflation i mean decimated you know literally does not explain what what happened and it's still going on now so did your family literally lose everything pretty much pretty much and it's inflation it's a lack of income coming in my mother went through about three years where she just didn't get paid She worked for a university, so that's public sector.

3:48And the government just didn't have money to pay people. So they add up all their savings. Yep, yep. Savings disappeared and then inflation. So I'm terrified of inflation. And I always have at the back of my mind that what you have today may be gone tomorrow. And you need a government that is looking after the day-to-day finances. And I think sometimes we end up in conversations about GDP and the macro. but we need to keep it as simple as possible. And you know, again, just... Sorry, do you want to hear about my... Oh, no, sorry. I wasn't trying to interrupt. I was trying to get you to expand, but no, you keep going.

4:25Sorry. Sometimes the conversations are often about the macro economy, but how can we make sure that we are living within our means, that we're not spending more than we earn and that we're actually creating, producing, growing? Those are the things that really concern me and also justifying what government is doing with our money. Because government can spend and say, we're spending this and they can call it investment. But what are they actually doing with the money? Is it bringing value? Is it helping to improve the country? Or is it just being spent on the day-to-day? And that's really, that's the focus.

4:56I want to drill down into this because obviously that leads on to all sorts of interesting questions. But you also obviously... That was the beginning of the education. No, totally. But you also obviously, given your history, had a highly developed work ethic. Where did that come from? Parents, family. I don't think I ever thought about it any other way. It's just what you do. I mean, today is a classic example, up at 5am, and I'm not going to be back home till midnight. You know, we're talking about a fundraiser this evening. And it's just been back to back, you know, today program at 7am, interviews, media, parliament.

5:31And it's just what you have to do. The work ethic has always just been what I had to do. I had to work when I was 16. I had to work throughout FE college and throughout university. Otherwise I wouldn't eat. So you didn't become, because you said you grew up in a wealthy household, but you weren't spoiled by that. Somehow you still retained a work ethic. Yes, yes. But when I say wealthy, I don't mean trillionaires. I mean wealthy within a third world country. That meant that we had lots of food to eat. We had a car. We lived in a very nice flat in the sense that everybody had a room. We were never hungry.

6:04That's what I mean. And when you're surrounded by a lot of poverty, there is also a mindset, this tiger mom mindset, which many people see with immigrants coming into the country, that if you're not working hard, you're going to end up like the person you can see across the road who's living on the streets or having to ply their trade. I grew up in a place where children, little children were out begging and selling things and working and so on. And when you ask questions, my parents would always say, well, that's what happens if you don't get a good education. So, of course, everybody then it's very competitive educational environment.

6:40They're not that many good schools, not very many universities. So the work ethic comes from knowing that if you don't do this, you won't survive. And the same thing happened when I was 16, moving back to London and just having to work to eat, having to work. It was either eating or going on the bus or just having to make those trade-offs day to day. So I understand what it's like when people say they don't have money. I understand when people are talking about the cost of living because I lived that life. I don't live it anymore, but I will never forget it because it keeps you awake at night.

7:14It keeps you thinking, how am I going to pay the bills? How am I going to get through each day? What's going to happen to my children? What's going to happen next week? I understand that anxiety. Now, your economics is not all about personal experience. So I've seen you refer, for example, to the conservative African-American economist Thomas Sowell. How did you come across him and what is it in his writing that you admire? So I came across him completely by accident. So I talked about personal experience of an economy that's not working. But how did I find out about Thomas Sowell? It's a very unusual story.

7:52So I was having an argument at work with some French guy who talked about some things. So this is before you're in Parliament? Yeah, well, long before I'm in Parliament. And I didn't understand what he was talking about. And I thought, I should go read up on this. So I went on to Amazon, and I just typed basic economics, you know, thinking I get like a Cliff's Notes thing. And the Thomas Sowell book came up and it had really good reviews. So I ordered it. And it was a revelation. And it wasn't for many years that I realized that Thomas Sowell was actually black, because he doesn't refer to his race or anything in the book.

8:23But it explains so much about what my sort of high school economics, I knew in theory, but I didn't really understand in practice, you know, supply and demand, price controls, rent controls, why rent controls don't work. And I saw so much of what he was writing in my life. You know, this is the mid or early 2000s. And, you know, then in the UK, comparing it to lots of different countries that I'd been in, the US, in Africa and so on. And I just thought, this is the truth. If you know when you see something and you have an epiphany, this is a revelation. So I love Thomas Al for that. Because he is a very small state, for example, very much in favour of free trade.

9:04He's been very critical of Trump's tariffs broadly, because I think many of our listeners will be coming to your ideas, new as it were. Is his framework your framework? I would say broadly, I never think that I'm wholesale, you know, an adoptee of anyone in particular. I often find people saying, so are you Margaret Thatcher, you know, Mark II? Are you Thomas Sowell? There are always things which you'll agree with, but we need to adapt things for the age that we're in, not necessarily for the age that theories were written. And also a lot of what he talks about is American and many of the concepts stay the same.

9:43But Britain is a totally different place. We are a trading nation. Trade means so much more to us than to the US. You know, we need those global trading rules to work. We need the system to be very functional. And my trade training after sort of like basic economic priming came from being trade secretary and just having to do those negotiations and see how everybody treats trade like a zero-sum game, which it shouldn't be. But if other people aren't playing by the rules, then you need to be very careful. The thing I hate most is when we play by the rules and nobody else plays by the rules. And it's why I use this phrase that Britain is being mugged.

10:20We're always playing by Queensbury rules and other people take us for a ride. And we've got to stop that. And when I see Labour going to negotiate, I see this mindset of assuming that everybody else is playing by the rules. And when they make complaints, they're all very valid. And, you know, reparations and so on. That's how we've ended up giving the Chagos away for 30 billion pounds. It terrifies me watching them negotiate because I think they're just in a very naive space. But on this issue of playing by the rules and trade, was the prime minister therefore wrong to assume he could do a tariff deal with Donald Trump, who doesn't care about free trade at all?

10:58No, he wasn't wrong to assume that he could do a tariff deal. What he did was oversell it. You know, he said it's a historic deal. It was not a historic deal. Liz Truss did a tariff deal. Tariff deals come and go, the Section 232. It was the right thing to go in and try and get a tariff deal. What he should really have gone for was a full fat free trade agreement, which we may have lost. That's what we were negotiating. Why do you think we've lost it? Well, because he stopped talking about it. This is Keir Starmer. That's what we were negotiating with Trump. We weren't negotiating a tariff deal when Trump was first in the White House.

11:33But I think they are still negotiating it. That's not my understanding. That's not my understanding. Maybe I should ask him that at the next PM. I think they're still negotiating here, but I think they may not get it. I think that's a different issue. But also what he negotiated on the tariff deal has already changed. So the things that he was congratulating himself for have been lost. And I feel sorry for him because trade negotiations aren't easy. But the one thing you don't do is rush out and say, look at this historic thing. You've got to wait until it lands. And what he really signed was an MOU, which has changed already.

12:05It wasn't signed in ink. Well, we'll see whether, you know, we've only got a couple of weeks to see whether it gets implemented at all. We're living, as you say, with Trump in somewhat unpredictable times. And whether you're a politician or business or trying to run a household, it's hard living through this degree of unpredictability. And we're talking the day after we had Rachel Reeves spending announcements. You started the conversation by saying for you, what really matters is a demonstration that any government department is actually delivering a service that works for this country. And so I just wanted, therefore, to sort of drill down what that means for individual public services.

12:52And I guess the thing that I thought we should start with is health for the simple reason that there is this sort of extraordinary paradox about health. You know, we got some numbers yesterday which show that by 2029, there will be£240 billion of taxpayers' money in the form of day-to-day spending and capital investment going into the NHS. Now, that is an astonishing amount of taxpayers' money, depending on how you measure it. Just the day-to-day bit of NHS spending is somewhere between 41%, 42 % and 49 % of all public spending. It's jaw-dropping how vast the NHS has become. The new head of the NHS said yesterday it's pretty much the same size as the entire economy of Portugal.

13:46I saw that. Which is, I mean, you know, the paradox is there are plenty of people who are saying the 3 % a year that's going in won't fix the problems, right? Despite the fact that it is a mind boggling amount of money. So I suppose the question for you is, what would you be doing about all that? I'm glad you asked about health because I think it is the best example of what it is I'm trying to explain. I remember coming in as a new MP and we, do you remember the 350 million on the side of the bus? We're going to invest 350 in all the Brexit money. I don't think anybody in this country has forgotten this.

14:20It caused a lot of pain for a lot of people. But we did that. We put in all that money and more. I was a bit sceptical that we were going to see returns. And I remember Jeremy Hunt was health secretary and we talked about record funding. That's what people want to see, investing in the NHS, investing in the NHS. And yet the more we put in, the less we were getting out. So that means that there is something going on that is not a function of how much money you're getting. And this is why what Rachel Reeves did in that first budget was so wrong. We should have been hearing about reform. How are we fixing the things that are going wrong?

14:53And there's no discussion of reform. It's just let's just keep giving more and more money and hopefully it'll all come good. This is not a realistic proposition anymore. So their approach is put in the money and then ask for reform. You're broadly saying what your broad... Did they ask for reform? Not yesterday. He's put out a survey. But we're streeting since, I mean, actually, even before the election, talked about the importance of reform. But the point is, they are putting in an enormous amount of money. And, you know, you either trust them that they're going to reform or not. I think what you're saying is money has to follow reform, not precede reform.

15:29Exactly. Exactly. And I'm not a health expert. But even when you speak to the staff at the, you know, in the NHS, and I use the NHS, they say that it's not working for them either. Some of them will say it's funding, but others will say the whole thing just doesn't quite work. Apart from the collapse in productivity in the health service, which is sort of huge and impossible to ignore, what are the things that don't work? How do you mean? Well, you're saying we've got to be honest about what's not working about the NHS. Well, you know, there is this big thing, which is they recruited a lot more people and they've got a lot more money and the output per person and per pound spent has fallen.

16:11Essentially, how do you fix that? But also you just made a general statement that there are things wrong with the NHS and we've got to be honest about them. So I'm just asking you, above the thing I've just described, what else is wrong? Well, well, but that is the thing that if you're putting more in and getting less out, there's clearly something that is not right. Even the people who work there will tell you that. And they will give their example. Sometimes it's procurement. Sometimes it's the fragmentation within the NHS and so on and so forth. We could go into all sorts of issues. As I said, I'm not an expert.

16:41There are many other people who could go into that detail better than me. But what I'm organising is a policy programme that's actually looking at these things and that we've got advisers, we've got staff working on that so that when the next election comes, we can say, here's how we're going to fix it. But simply saying we're going to put more and more money into it to the point where we're spending more on the NHS each year as Portugal earns, that's just not, it's not sustainable, is it? I think everybody knows that. I mean, I think that is right. But equally, it is a perfectly intellectually credible thing to say that if you look at other countries where they still have enormous state support, but the structure is different.

17:19It's an insurance based system rather than a command and control based system. Or you have other countries where you have health services that are more devolved, broken up. Nobody in this country wants to talk about that kind of radical restructuring because somehow the sort of post-war Attlee settlement of the NHS can't ever be tampered with. And so I suppose the question I'm asking you is, given the collapse in productivity, the fact that at the moment the bill just goes up and up, should you and indeed other political leaders just be braver in talking about structural reform? So I'm perfectly happy to talk about structural reform.

18:00What I'm not happy to do is just make announcements without a plan. Before you talk about structural reform, you need to know what you're reforming, how you're going to reform it, what the outcomes you want to see at the end of it. That's the work we're doing now. What I'm not going to do is rush out like Nigel Farage does and says, we need social insurance and not think about what that means. How to change our system to that will probably be, you know, many decades of work. It's not something you do overnight. My view is that the NHS should remain free at the point of views, but how it's funded, who does the work, whether companies get involved in terms of the payments and so on, an insurance system, all of that needs looking at.

18:37You can't just say we should just have this instead. It would take decades to change that system. What I want to see is us having an honest conversation about what is going on with the NHS. Let's get the people who are in there out and say, what do you do? How do you do it? Let them have debates amongst each other, which is one of the things that I want to see at our party conference. We often have medical professionals within the Conservative Party who have disagreements on how you should fix these things. But having an honest conversation in good faith is quite difficult in this country. One of the things that happens is if you start to speculate on what something might look like, people assume bad faith assumptions.

19:14So, of course, a lot of people are scared. I mean, look what happened in 2017 when Theresa May talked about social care. And, you know, it went down like a lead balloon and everybody's been too scared to talk about social care. But we did all we could over those 14 years. No one can say that we underfunded it. We spent more than ever before. Now it's Labour's turn. And we've told them that we'll support them with reform. Nothing has come. And, you know, if we go back to the thing that started this conversation, which was the spending review, my worry is that while they're wasting time, we have an economy that's not growing.

19:46We're not going to have an NHS the way Labour's going because we're not getting enough money to pay for it. OK, I should just point out because otherwise listeners will be throwing things for listening to it on their iPhones. they may be throwing their iPhones out of the window. To be clear, it is true. Well, because it is true that, as you said, at the end of your government's period in office, you then did put money in the 350 million. When I was a new MP, we're talking 2017, 2018. Cameron and Osborne, four years, put way less money into the NHS than it had historically received. And COVID was a massive strain on the NHS's ability to perform.

20:27And so the idea that your entire period in office was ample funding is just not right. Essentially, the latter period was an attempt to, Jeremy Hunt would say this, to correct the damage that was done by the austerity. So I disagree. What we do is balance the books. And when Cameron came in, he went in cutting the deficit and trying to make the finances work. And I will always give him credit for that. And let's face it, we cut the deficit every year until COVID. If we did not do that, there is no way we would have been able to pay for furlough and for lots of people to still earn money and stay at home.

21:03And I will always be proud of what we did during COVID to keep the economy going. We probably spent too much. And that's one of the things that caused inflation during those years. But we brought inflation down to 2 % despite COVID. It's doubled in the last year. We had COVID and a war in Ukraine. What's Labour's excuse? So just to be clear, I think you're talking about a slightly different point from the one I'm making, which is, you know, you want to do long term analysis of what's wrong with the NHS. You can't ignore essentially what many people would say was some structural damage done, whether it was justified or not, by the austerity years and then by the strain of COVID.

21:41But I do want to move the conversation on a bit. I will just say one point that austerity is reducing spending, not reducing increases in spending. And that's what we're talking about here. We reduced increases in spending, but we still increase spending. That is not austerity. And we have to be honest about that. Otherwise, we're just going to be in this situation where the NHS is 98 % of public spending and everyone keeps saying, oh, it's still austerity. You yourself made the very intelligent point that the demands on the health service because of an aging population and also because of changing expectations of users have been increasing.

22:19And if you want to make any kind of assessment in a rigorous way, you actually have to make an assessment of how much money is being spent by taxpayers relative to individuals and their needs. So austerity is not just some aggregate number of money going into a public service. It is what are the demands? But it's also what you're doing with that money. Spending and investment are not the same thing. That's the key thing. And there were reforms. You know, there were reforms. Now, you may disagree with the reforms and say they worked or didn't work. But what we're having now is a government that's acting like it's at the end of a 10-year term rather than at the beginning of a fresh one.

22:58It's just tweaking. We'll move a little bit from one department here to the NHS, take some tiny bits here for the police. But where is the great legislative program? When governments start, they have loads of bills going through. We're not seeing any of that. We just have general debates in parliament now. And that's what worries me, that we are now in an era of managed decline. I would have been very interested to see, fine, it's not my politics, but a radical labor agenda that wanted to deliver something. There's nothing radical happening. It's all piecemeal. So I think it slightly depends on whether you believe that in a sense, under the surface of the spending increases, they are going, for example, to roll out the kind of technology, artificial intelligence, for example, within the health service that could lead to a radical improvement, both in information sharing and in productivity.

23:50Are you helping them write policy, Robert, because they're not talking about these things. No, they are talking about these things. Yeah, but not seriously. Where's the paper? Where's the detail? Where's the meat? Well, I mean, they're just announcing, well, we might use AI or we might do this. That's not serious. Anybody can do that. Well, they are. I mean, you know, they are, for example, I mean, we can judge whether it's any good or not. They are, you know, allegedly going to launch. Well, it's what they tell me, you know, they are going to launch an app quite soon that is, you know, that has significantly more of all our records on it, as it were.

24:24if that were the case and if it meant that when you, you know, happen to be part of the country, you know, a long way from your GP or, you know, from your local hospital, that would be a good thing. I remember us talking about all of our NHS records being in the same place in 2004 when I worked on the project. Remember that NHS spine project and Tony Blair was going to put it all together? 21 years later, we still don't have it. That was, you know, that was a disaster. So let's see. That's all I'm saying. I'm just saying, let's see. That's all I'm saying. But I'm, you know, I like to define myself as a cynical optimist.

24:59I think this country can do amazing things. I think that we have the fundamentals to be truly radical and really revolutionize our economy. But where is the meat? So when people say, oh, we're going to use AI, everybody on the street is saying, oh, we can use AI. Saying we can use AI is not, in my view, you know, that's not thinking. Where is the meat? It's a year. They've been in power a year. And our agenda right now is making sure that we don't end up in the situation labour in, in government with no plans and just wanting to spend more and more money while squeezing the people who are creating the money, the people who are out there grafting, working hard, worried about how they're going to pay their staff, worried about if they're going to have a job.

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25:40Those are the people who are writing to me. Those are the people who are asking for help. And I am worried about them. Kemi, don't run away. There's so much more I need to ask you, but we're just going to go to a quick break. Since Maren uses the cost-free FlatEx Academy, invests like Maren Buffett. For all those who have like Maren, have a blood pressure. Until the 28th of February, open the depot until the 28th of February. And we take your first order provision to 500€. FlatEx. Better right hand. Investing has a loss of risk. The conditions are valid. The external costs fall into the rest of the money.

26:15Welcome back to The Rest is Money with me, Robert Peston. Kimmy Baden-Ock, thankfully, is still here. I think, look, let's get onto this whole issue of how we raise living standards, because one of the things that you and I agree on, I'm sure there are many things we agree on, so maybe I'll rephrase that. We agree to disagree. But, you know, we absolutely agree that the cost of energy is fundamental to your competitiveness. Where I think we definitely disagreed when you were on my program recently about this, where we disagree is whether when you talk about the path to net zero being a problem, that is actually serious because I don't think it is.

26:58Because, you know, explain to me how the kind of things you've talked about in terms of backing away from the path to net zero is actually going to improve, you know, essentially energy costs, particularly for businesses, but also for households. Because net zero is not an outcome on energy. It is an abstract concept. What we should be talking about is having cheap, abundant, clean energy. Completely agree. Yes. But the net zero agenda isn't about cheap, abundant, clean energy. There are some elements of it that have renewables in it, but a lot of it is about how much carbon we produce. That is climate change.

27:35That is not energy. And a lot of confusion happens when people mix the two. So carbon capture under storage is not going to create any energy. It'll cost a lot of money. This is not a critique of it. But when people talk about carbon capture under storage as if it's going to deliver energy, I start getting worried that they're not paying attention. As it happens, you and I agree. I think carbon capture is a completely mad technology. I can't imagine why they're investing so much money in it. But the conversation we had on your show was about what is making energy more expensive. The faster we move to nuclear and other renewables, the faster we will get the energy price down.

28:14So you must approve of that. We've got to go hell for leather to reduce reliance on gas. Yes, let's do that. That's not a net zero by 2050 plan. That's a let's get nuclear in place plan. That's a let's make sure that we have a proper mix of electricity production. We cannot bankrupt our country. And my argument is it is our dependence on oil and gas. So and mine is that it is not. There are other countries who rely on gas in Europe and they don't have the same sorts of energy prices. And I talked about the bridge. But a lot of that is to do with where they put the costs of the transition to clean energy.

28:53So if you look at Spain, which has the cheapest energy in Europe by a wide margin and a very fast growing economy, by the way, the reason its energy is so cheap, and it is 100 % now clean energy or green energy and renewables in Spain. But the reason it is cheap is because they pay for all of that through the tax system. Now, you know, there is an argument for saying the British people will not wear that. Right. And therefore, we've got to have this sort of mad con that if you're paying through it through your bills, it's somehow not a cost. Because, of course, it is. But if we went to a Spanish system whereby that cost to the green energy world were basically borne by all taxpayers through the tax system.

29:37Frankly, energy would be a hell of a lot cheaper now. Why did Spain have those blackouts? No, I've had this conversation with energy experts on this programme. Why do they have those networks? Hang on, it is absolutely the case. It is absolutely the case that they may not have configured their distribution network in a way that, you know, essentially made them foolproof against the kind of surge that happened in this case. But that is not an argument. Yes, it is. No, no, I've talked to India. I know, but you don't want to hear it. You don't want to hear it. But I have talked to engineers about this.

30:12Don't ask me on the show if you don't want to hear my point. I will hear it, but I'm just going to preface the point by saying the engineers I've spoken to say that is not a critique of green, clean energy per se. It's how they design their network. It is a critique of the grid system. Yes, totally. But that's what I said on your show, which you waved away and said, no, that's not... No, I didn't. Obviously, we're arguing about something else. But the Spanish blackouts hadn't happened then. And this is the thing. We have designed a system where there are backups if you have a failure on the renewables.

30:46That is very, very expensive. That second system, that's the grid transmission that relies on oil and gas, which is what you're complaining about. But the wind won't always blow. We don't get as much wind as other countries. There's a lot of stuff. We don't get as much sunshine, which is why we can't have solar. We need to have some solar. Yeah, but we're not going to have the same kind of solar as you get in Saudi Arabia. But the point I'm making is that we need to design a system that's built for our country, not just say net zero in an abstract. Net zero is about carbon emissions. It is not about energy security.

31:19I grew up in a place where the lights would just go off and it creates poverty. I do not want the UK to become poor, especially when I see China opening up a coal-fired power station every other week and they are putting out a lot more emissions than we are. How are we going to change this? This is the naivety I was talking about when we were earlier discussing trade deals, that there's no point us, who are responsible for 1 % of emissions, bankrupting ourselves, not delivering the net zero, while China and others just do what they like. So I don't think China is doing what it's like. I mean, it is certainly the case, as you say, that they are still...

31:56Actually, they're not. They're certainly not, you know, as a share of their economy. That's not right. They have reached and gone beyond peak cull. And in terms... They're still opening a coal-fired power station every week. And look, obviously, we would want them to accelerate the slowdown or to decelerate the opening of those coal-fired power stations. But they are, you know, if you just look at clean technologies, I mean, they are now world leaders, whether it comes to electric cars, whether it comes to solar power production, whether it comes to the use of solar power. They're making everything.

32:27Whether it comes to new. We're not making any of these things. But they're also, look, it costs us, it costs us 40 billion. We're going to end up relying on China to deliver everything. They're going to build our wind turbines, build all the electric cars. While our electricity prices are so high, the manufacturers are leaving. So it doesn't work. Look, on your party's watch, there was no industrial strategy that made us remotely competitive with any of this stuff. So you can't complain about China and then not say that your government didn't get it wrong for you. It's the strategy that you're still trumpeting now.

32:57The net zero strategy. I'm not trumpeting that. Well, he just did. No, I'm simply asking you. You said net zero is so fantastic, Emmy. I love it. I don't think I said that, actually. And I think you can. I'm teasing. I think when you listen back, that's not what I said. What I asked you to do, because I know you believe in intellectual rigor. I was asking you to explain how your approach is going to bring businesses' bills down. Yes. So we have to bring bills down. My view is that we do not transition so rapidly away from oil and gas. I don't think that we should be stopping drilling in the North Sea.

33:33I don't think we should be putting levies on people's bills. I also think that we need to look very seriously at the whole subsidy regime for a lot of things like renewables. Let's let the market actually genuinely work properly. But let's also just really focus on lightening the other loads on business, because it's not just energy costs. It's tax. It's the endless regulation. That's the speech I gave this morning to the city. The endless regulation that means people don't even want to come in here and invest and build anything at all. But those regulations, I mean, this you genuinely have to accept.

34:10Almost all of those regulations stem from your 14 years in power. Not my 14 years. So I might have been an MP in the Conservative Party. That doesn't mean I agreed with everything that was going on. When I was business secretary, I was scrapping regulations. There are regulations that do not exist today because I made sure they did not happen. And I took, you know, I talked about it in the speech and people criticised me at the time, but I lifted the burden on business. And that's why I can stand up and say that things will be different under me. Because when I was in government, I did good things and I have a personal record, which I'm standing on now.

34:41I'm not denying that a lot of regulation came on during the conservative years, especially during the coalition. You know, the Liberal Democrats like to pretend that they weren't there for five of those 14 years. They were very much there and they need to be reminded of that and not try to repaint themselves as something totally different. But you can't blame the Lib Dems for the South to go at nine years. But why do those regulations come in? Because every day somebody stands up and thinks, I have a nice idea. It's all, you know, there's a lot of virtue signaling that something bad happened. Let's put in a regulation to make it not happen again.

35:14But the cumulative impact of all of these things actually just creates a zero risk environment where people don't want to invest. You know, everyone's talking about millionaires leaving the country. Young people are leaving the country. They're going to the US. They're going to Dubai. You should not be leaving London to find opportunities in Dubai. I should be the other way around. And they are saying that it is just too hard to start a business here. They want to go out. They want to start their own businesses. They want to be self-employed. They want to do things that, you know, your generation and my generation.

35:45I don't know why that was funny. Because of the face you made when I said it. That's why it's funny. You know, they want the opportunities the previous generations had. And right now, they simply don't. that's the conservative party's belief now that we're going to create opportunities for young people everyone's telling them the planet is burning down they're going to university taking up all these debts they can't afford they're not getting great jobs they can't afford to get a mortgage where's the hope in the future for these people someone has to deliver it and that's going to be us we're going to have a wonderful policy program that they will see and they'll say yes these people okay so so on that so for example if you are you know when i was uh young it is the case that I was confident that if I got a not desperately well-paid job, I would be able to get a mortgage and get a house, right?

36:31That was not quite the case for my generation. You are considerably younger than me, and I know things got progressively harder, right? It got progressively harder. But I don't want to make this all about, you know, the Conservative Party's 14 years in government, but, you know, house building collapsed in this country. It was this sort of idea that George Osborne and subsequent chancellors had, that actually it was all about trying to provide mortgages to young people, cheaper mortgages. Mortgage ain't worth having if properties are way beyond your reach. So a house building did not collapse.

37:05We built a million houses over the last parliament. There are three things that have made house prices more expensive. One of them is an increase in demand, immigration, significance between sort of 2005 to 2025. The last two years of Conservative government is absolutely extraordinary. This is one of the things that I've said we definitely lost control. But demand increased. But the house price issue was there long before that final spike. But demand has increased. Supply has not met demand. But the third thing which people have stopped talking about is the asset bubble. And, you know, I'm 45.

37:41I don't know how old I don't actually know how old you are, Robert, but you said you're considered a lot older than 45. So I bought my house, my flat, my first flat when I was 27. So it's 2007. Everybody said, don't buy. The prices are coming down. You're mad to buy a house now. They're so expensive and so on. And the financial crash happened the year after. And it was all a mess. And I was so glad I bought when I did. But it got harder and harder and harder because everyone was worried about investing in the markets, putting things in equity. Housing then became the place where people put their pensions in, buying second, third homes.

38:15So unhealthy for the economy. And that in particular really stoked up house prices. So we've got to deal with all of those things, deal with demand. We have totally new immigration policies under the Conservatives now, changing the pathway to British citizenship, who comes here, asylum and so on. Lots of new changes which were not there before. That's one thing. The second thing, dealing with supply. We've said we want Labour to build homes, but in the right places, not just pile them in the countryside and let the cities off the hook. That's where most of the infrastructure is. But on the asset...

38:44So just to be clear on this, the bit of what they announced yesterday on housing, you think you'll be able to support? I can't remember which specific bits that they announced on housing. Well, yesterday was mostly about the affordable housing programme. It was social housing. Where there is a chronic shortage. There is a chronic shortage of social housing. But again, look at the stats of who's taking up social housing. Quite a lot of people who have not contributed, who weren't born here, who come here very poor and then need the housing. That's part of the demand side. That needs fixing. But the asset bubble and people wanting to invest in housing is a fundamental economic issue that people aren't getting growth.

39:22They're not getting returns. Housing is a place where artificially supply can't meet demand. Prices are going up. They're putting their money in there. We need to sort out our economy. I was talking to the city this morning. We're talking about listings, making sure that equities work, that this is a place where people come to invest and that they will get returns. Not just put money in the house. But the decline of the London stock market relative to other stock markets happened all, again, I'm sorry to harp on about the 14 years in power, but it's a real problem for this country that businesses do not want to raise capital here.

39:56But why is it that they do not want to raise capital here? They say that we are over-regulated, that we need to be competing with the EU, not copying them. So my argument would be that we should have been... Well, a lot of it is that British pension firms will not invest in the UK. Because part of the zero risk environment, it's all the rules that we've put around it. We're trying to create zero risk. Absolutely nothing must go wrong. So they're all investing in bonds and gilts. We need to change our culture in terms of investing. We need to change our culture in terms of risk taking, in terms of entrepreneurialism.

40:25We just need to rediscover those animal spirits. That's one of the things that needs to change. So how do you change that? Well, talk about it differently. Let's talk about business, not as if it's, you know, a parasite on the economy, but actually as the thing that delivers prosperity. All of those people out there, whether they starting a hair salon or just have a shop on their high street to the big corporations, all of those people are out there creating prosperity. But this is true. We talk about business as if it's hoarding some money and we just need to tax them so we can get the money out of them when actually they just disappear.

40:59So, as we pointed out, I'm a bit older than you and I know my entire career. It's very obvious that you're on looking. My entire. Sorry, say that again. I know I'm never going to live this down, am I? This is the thing I decided to tease you about. Sorry, but I interrupted. No, no, not at all. I'm massively enjoying this. Literally my entire professional career. There's been a flaw, frankly, in the British economy, which is our institutions. are themselves. This is nothing to do with any particular government, because this has been a problem that has spanned decades. We don't have institutions in this country that are comfortable with taking the kind of risks you've talked about.

41:45Our banks are risk averse. We don't have the kind of financial institutions that they have in America that back startups. And this is true both at the creation level and then at the scale-up level. And, you know, this is a major British problem. So you are right. The risk-taking attitude of many institutions is low. The risk appetite is very low. But why is it low? They will tell you, and I know they will, because that's what they told me when I was business secretary, that you have created a regulatory environment that has made it impossible for us to take risks without being treated as if we're doing something extraordinary.

42:22But this massively predated your time in office. I mean, you know, when it's got a lot worse, though, it's got a lot worse. I mean, you look at growth rates, we used to be growing faster than the US. And you look at the numbers now, and it's astonishing, things have got worse. And yes, I do think that there is a slightly less entrepreneurial culture here than than in the US, but we are far more entrepreneurial than a lot of Europe. But you look at the way the public sector is growing versus the private sector. You know, what Rachel Reeves is doing, people are calling it a war on the private sector.

42:54That's not going to improve things. But we need to talk about this more. We've only been talking about the economy in terms of spending, spending, spending. Let's get more tax and then we spend more. But it's not working. We need something completely different. So just to be clear, one of my absolute passions is, you know, we need to create a climate in which entrepreneurs can thrive. And when we have great British successes, like, I use this too often as an example, but there are plenty of others, like DeepMind, they shouldn't, when they have this ambition to be world leaders, feel they have to sell to an American company, which is what happened in the case of DeepMind.

43:30sold to Google now called Alphabet, because we have amazing universities. We have brilliant people making extraordinary breakthroughs. What do we do to create a financial and indeed cultural structure so that British wealth creators feel they can stay here and rule the world? We need to let them know that they are welcome here and that we back them. And that means more than lip service. It means that our actions, you know, on the regulatory side, on tax, need to back up what it is we're saying. A lot of people will tell you, the ones who have the big global boards, that when they're having to argue with their Spanish counterparts or, you know, their American counterpart on who should get investment, that they lose out because our business environment is just not that welcoming.

44:21And we need to do more to make business feel welcome here. And it's not easy because at the moment we've ended up in a doom loop where we need more tax so that we can pay for more services. And then the businesses decide that it's too difficult. And so they go and then we borrow more and then we need more tax to pay for the borrowing. We've got to get out of that doom loop. And that's that that's where that's where we ended up in the last 14 years. It's where labor is now. But we're going to have to take some risks and we're going to have to accept some tradeoffs, certainly early on in order to create that business environment that we really want, that's going to help pay for all the public services that we want in this country and give people a better life.

44:57So we are slightly talking about different things. How do you mean? Well, I'm sort of in a sense making the patriotic case for creating a culture in which we can have, you know, because if you look at the number of world leading British companies that there were 20 years ago and compare them with now, I'm afraid that number has massively shrunk. And what you were talking about, what you said anyway, is, you know, the debate that goes on multinational boards. Most of those will not be British companies about where they put their capital. And you're saying they don't like the UK. But so I'm just asking you a different question, which is, you know, whether we like it or not, of course, we're going to have to be dependent on these multinationals with their headquarters elsewhere to an extent.

45:40But we want more of our own businesses. Yes, we do. The arguments are not necessarily different. What will help that person in the multinational situation will also help the person who is starting out, who wants investment, angel investors, VCs, etc. It's the same argument they're all making. It's not different. The person who should be starting out now, creating the next deep mind has probably gone to Dubai already. We're in a worse place. We're in a worse place. That's what I'm worried about. So I think they are talking about different things. If you are a small, growing British business, one thing you want, which you can't get in this country, is access to risk capital and then access to scale capital.

46:20And that's really important. We don't have enough of either of those forms of finance. But the other thing you want is the sense that there is proper competition, a level playing field, an environment in which, you know, the big giant is not going to basically squish you. Multinationals want something completely different. I mean, one of the things that is going on at the moment is the Competition Commission is being reformed because the big companies think it's not on their side. Now, you know, there is a big choice that any political party has to make, really, which is, are you on the side of smaller, growing entrepreneurial businesses?

46:55Are you effectively in favour of promoting competition? Or are you in favour of essentially entrenching the quasi-monopolist? And that is the question I'm asking. So I will tell you what businesses small and large tell me. They say corporation tax is too high. It doesn't matter whether you're a business that has 200 people or a business that has 200 ,000 people. They're making the same complaints. So that's what I mean by many of the things which will improve the situation will work for both. It's not about trying to create rules for multinationals. Multinationals can get up and go. They can move anywhere.

47:29We want those businesses that are really rooted in their communities. You know, I started off talking about, you know, hairdressers and high streets. A lot of the things that are actually degrading in our public realm are because businesses are disappearing from the high street. They're facing competition, not necessarily from the big multinationals that people don't haven't heard of, but things that they're actually using, like Amazon, for instance. And we did quite a lot of stuff to try and deal with that over the last 14 years. But what we need is actually just thinking about things completely differently.

48:01And we need to start off by making sure that tomorrow's deep mind actually starts. We see the businesses that get up and leave. We never see the ones that never started in the first place. And that's where I'm more concerned that there is a lot that should be seeded now that is just not happening. So when it comes to better, you like to have the last word. No, you're going to have the last word because I'm asking you the final question. So in terms of where, I don't know, your sort of emotional economic heart is, right? Are you going to be the champion and protector of the small, young growing business or the huge multinational?

48:39It starts small. The huge multinationals don't come from nowhere. Well, if you want to get big multinationals, you've got to start from somewhere. And tomorrow's big businesses are today's small businesses. So I always start with small business. But also, that's where a lot of my support comes from. It's small businesses who feel like they've been hammered and hammered and hammered again. And those are the people who told me last year when we had that historic defeat that we didn't come out to vote. We stayed at home because we thought the Conservative Party was the party of business. But you've become the party of big spending.

49:10And I need to show those people that I'm on their side. OK, so that's really what I wanted to get out of this conversation. So when push comes to shove, it's the small business that your party will be on the side of. Small businesses, entrepreneurs. I'm not for corporatists. I'm not for monopolies. That doesn't mean a big company is all corporatist, but we believe in competition. That's what really creates growth. Okay, we got there. That's great. All right. Listen, that was a really interesting conversation. Thank you very much for joining us today. Really fascinating. And that's it for today's Rest is Money.

49:44Goodbye.

From the publisher

What is the Tory Leader's position on the future of the NHS? Is she for or against green energy and net zero? And what is her plan to woo young people and small businesses?

Robert speaks to Leader of the Opposition, Kemi Badenoch about her vision for another Tory government.

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